PRINCETON,     N.     J. 


7^ 

Z  C/li^Li;i^ 

S.do/j^ 

BR  305  .M47213  1863  v. 8 
Merle  d'Aubign  e,  J.  H. 

-1872. 
History  of  the  reformat 

in  EuroDe  in  the  time 

179^ 

ion 
of 

1 


THE  REFORMATION  IN  EUROPE 

m  THE  TIME  OF  CALVIK 
VOL.  VIII. 


NOW    COMPLETED. 

D'Aubigne's  History  of  the  Reformation,  in  the  Six- 
teenth Century.     5  vols 6.00 

D'Aubigne's  History  of  the  Reformation  in  the  Time 
of  Calvin.     8  vols 16.00 

•D'Aubigne's  History  of  the  Reformation  is  in  all  respects  one  of  the  grandest 
literary  and  historical  works  of  this  or  any  age.  The  author's  brilliant  genius 
imparted  to  its  pages  all  the  fascination  of  a  romance,  while  his  research,  study,  and 
sound  judgment  have  invested  it  with  an  authority  that  has  stood  the  test,  in  its  most 
important  parts,  of  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century's  criticism.' — N.  Y.  Observer. 

'  Thirty  years  have  now  passed  since  we  read  in  our  student  days  the  first  three 
volumes  which  the  Carters  had  just  brought  in  an  American  dress.  The  name  of 
D'Aubigne  was  soon  on  every  tongue.  The  same  clear,  forcible  style  characterizes 
this  latest  volume,  albeit  maturer  and  richer,  the  same  love  for  the  Gospel,  and  the 
same  grasp  of  the  truth  of  history.  The  new  generation,  in  whose  presence  Rome  is 
demanding,  that  the  world  shall  move  backward  three  hundred  and  fifty  years,  may 
do  well  to  study  the  volumes  of  this  author.' — North  Christian  Advocate. 

'  D'Aubigne  is  a  clear,  incisive  writer,  and  all  of  his  assertions  are  supported  with 
copious  notes  that  make  the  work  invaluable  for  controversial  purposes.  As  a  simple, 
historical  narrative  it  is  unequalled.' — Chronicle. 

'  Many  of  our  readers  will  remember  the  real  pleasure  and  profit  with  which  they 
read  the  History  of  the  Reformation  as  it  first  appeared  from  the  pen  of  Dr. 
D'Aubigne.  He  had  a  new  style,  making  every  scene  and  character  so  lifelike 
and  striking  as  to  impress  the  great  points  upon  the  mind,  and  impress  the  reader 
for  life.' — Christian  Instructor. 

'There  is  a  fascination  about  D'Aubigne's  style  that  has  given  to  his  work  an 
uncommon  popularity.  While  he  is  master  of  the  art  of  expression,  he  has  entered  so 
fully  into  the  spirit  of  the  great  struggle  he  records,  and  has  so  completely  identified 
himself  with  the  efforts  and  aims  of  its  heroic  leaders,  as  to  add  to  the  narrative  of 
the  historian,  the  enthusiasm  of  a  chief  actor  in  the  scene.' — Episcopal  Methodist. 

'  Dr.  Merle  d'Aubigne  has  earned  the  first  place  among  the  French  historians  of 
the  Reformation.' — Prof.  Bonif.\s. 

ROBERT    CARTER    AND    BROTHERS, 

New   York. 


OF  THE 


Reformation  iN*'EtoROpff!i^ 


IN  THE  TIME  OF  CALVIN. 


REV.  J.  H.  MERLE  D'AUBIGNE,  D.D. 


TEANSLATED  BY 


WILLIAM    L.   K.    GATES, 

JOINT   AUTHOK   OF   "WOODWAED   AND   CATES'S   '  ENCYCLOPiEDIA   OF  CHRONOLOGX, 
EDITOR    OF    'THE    DICTIONARY   OF   GENERAL    BIOGRAEHY,'   ETC. 


•  Les  choses  de  petite  duree  ont  coutume  de  devenir  fanfies,  quand  elles  ont 
passe  leur  temps. 

•  Au  regne  de  Christ,  il  n'y  a  que  le  nouvel  homme  qui  soit  florissant,  qui  ait 
de  la  vigueur,  et  dont  il  faille  faire  caa.'  Calvin. 


VOL.  VIII. 

HUNGARY,  POLAND,  BOHEMIA.  NETHERLANDS. 
GENEVA.  DENMARK,  SWEDEN,  NORWAY. 


KEW  YOKK: 

ROBERT    CARTER    AND    BROTHERS, 

530  Broadway. 

1879. 


Cambridge:  st.  johnland 

press  of     »  stereotype  foundry, 

john  wilson  and  son.  suffolk  co..  n.  y. 


•^  ^UJ 


PREFACE. 


With  this  volume  we  complete  the  publication  of 
the  work  of  M.  Merle  d'Aubigne  on  the  history  of  the 
Reformation.  The  ten  volumes  published  by  the  au- 
thor himself  and  the  three  posthumous  volumes  are 
the  fruit  of  his  long  labors,  begun  in  1817,  and  con- 
tinued almost  uninterruptedly  until  1872. 

It  was  in  1817,  immediately  after  his  ordination  to 
the  ministry,  and  in  the  course  of  a  visit  to  Germany 
undertaken  to  perfect  his  theological  studies,  that  ^I. 
Merle  d'Aubigne  conceived  the  project  of  writing  this 
history.  Germany  was  at  that  time  celebrating  at 
Eisenach  the  third  centenary  of  the  Reformation. 
The  people  were  in  a  state  of  great  excitement.  Hu- 
miliated by  long-continued  oppression  and  irritated 
by  severe  suffering,  Germany,  which  had  so  long 
been  the  theatre  and  the  victim  of  the  sanguinary 
wars  of  the  Empire,  had  at  length  risen  with  an  im- 
petuous energy  and  a  fervor  of  feeling  which  were 
irresistible,  and  had  powerfully  contributed  to  tho 
overthrow  of  the  imperial  warrior  who  had  appeared 
to  be  invincible.  Rescued  thus  from  foreign  rule,  she 
had  fallen  again  under  the  equally  heavy  yoke  of 
her  former  masters;  and  she  was  now  turning  her 
eyes  towards  Luther,  the  spiritual  liberator  of  modern 
times.  The  reformer's  name  was  on  every  tongue; 
and  Merle  d'Aubigne  encountered  on  his  way  the 
crowds  of  young  German  students  who  were  join-ney- 
ing  to  the  Wartburg.     On  the  eve  of  the  celebration 


VI  PREFACE. 

he  felt  an  overpowering  desire  to  take  part  in  it.  He 
therefore  followed  tlie  throng,  and  after  travelling  all 
night  came  at  daybreak  witliin  .sight  of  the  castle 
famous  as  the  scene  of  Luther's  confinement.  A 
novel  spectacle  here  presented  itself  The  squares 
and  streets  of  Eisenach  were  filled  with  a  motley 
crowd,  cliiefly  composed  of  young  men.  Their  long 
hair  falling  upon  their  shoulders,  their  thick,  nn- 
trimmed  beards,  their  velvet  cloaks  reaching  to  the 
knees,  their  caps  adorned  with  feathers  or  foliage, 
their  broad  embroidered  collars,  their  banner  proudly 
borne  aloft,  surrounded  by  its  defenders  who,  with 
outstretched  arms  and  drawn  swords,  formed  its  body- 
guard, the  name  of  Luther  the  while  resounding  in 
all  directions — this  spectacle,  the  antique  costumes, 
the  usages  of  a  by-gone  age,  all  contributed  to  trans- 
port the  traveller  in  imagination  into  the  midst  of  the 
scenes  of  three  centuries  ago. 

The  young  Genevese,  however,  soon  withdrew  from 
these  noisy  scenes,  from  the  political  and  social  ha- 
rangues, the  excitement  and  the  tumult.  Longing 
for  quiet,  he  traversed  with  a  guide  the  deserted 
rooms  of  the  castle. 

'This  then,'  he  murmured,  'this  is  the  place  where, 
after  the  stormy  scenes  of  the  Diet  of  AYorms,  Luther 
was  able  to  say,  "At  last  I  am  at  rest."  Here  was 
passed  the  captivity  of  the  knight  George.  This  is 
the  table  at  which  he  used  to  sit;  that  the  window 
from  which  he  looked  out  upon  the  landscape  around. 
Here  it  was  that  he  gave  himself  up  to  profound  med- 
itation, mingled  with  regret  that  he  had  consented 
to  withdraw  from  the  battle-field,  and  with  a  distress- 
ing fear  lest  the  Pope  should  take  advantage  of  his 
absence  to  crush  the  infant  Church.  In  tliis  room  he 
used  to  read  the  Bible  in  Hebrew  and  in  Greek;  here 


PREFACE.  vu 

he  translated  the  Psalms  and  the  New  Testament, 
and  here  his  fervent  prayers  rose  to  heaven.'*  The 
great  movement  of  the  sixteenth  century  thus  pre- 
sented itself  to  the  young  man's  imagination  in  its 
intimate  details,  which  are  far  more  thrilhng  than  its 
external  aspects.  He  formed  the  resolution  to  write 
its  history;  and  a  few  weeks  later  (November  23,  1817) 
he  sketched  in  the  following  terms  the  plan  which  he 
proposed  to  follow : — 

'  I  should  like  to  write  a  history  of  the  Reformation. 
I  should  wish  this  history  to  be  a  Avork  of  learning, 
and  to  set  forth  facts  at  present  unknown.  It  should 
be  profound,  and  should  distinctly  assign  the  causes 
and  the  results  of  this  great  movement;  it  should  be 
interesting,  and  should  make  known  the  authors  of 
the  transformation  by  means  of  their  letters,  their 
works,  and  their  words;  and  it  should  introduce  the 
reader  into  the  bosom  of  their  families  and  into  their 
closets.  Finally  I  should  wish  that  this  history  should 
be  thoroughly  Christian,  and  calculated  to  give  an  im- 
pulse to  true  religion.  I  would  show  by  the  evidence 
of  facts  that  the  aim  of  the  Reformation  was  not  so 
much  to  destroy  as  to  baild  up — not  so  much  to  over- 
throw that  which  was  in  excess,  superstition,  as  to 
impart  that  Avhich  had  ceased  to  exist,  the  new  life, 
and  holiness,  the  essence  of  Christianity,  and  to  re- 
vive or  rather  to  create  faith.  I  shall  begin  to  collect 
materials,  and  I  will  dedicate  my  history  to  the  Prot- 
estant churches  of  France.'  t 

Thus,  in  his  youtliful  dreams,  did  the  pious  descend- 
ant of  the  refugees  of  the  sixteenth  century  sketch  out 
the  leading  features  of  the  monumental  work,  to  the 
execution  of  which  he  thenceforward  uninterruptedly 

*  Journal  de  Merle  d'Aublgne. 
t  Ibid. 


VlU  PREFACE. 

devoted  himself.  At  this  day  when,  by  means  of 
many  collections,  innumerable  documents  relating  to 
the  Reformation  have  been  placed  within  the  reach 
of  all,  it  is  not  easy  to  imagine  the  amount  of  labor 
and  research  which  it  cost  Merle  d'Aubigne  to  enter 
as  he  did  into  intimacy  with  the  reformers  and  to 
master  their  most  secret  thoughts.  Eighteen  years 
had  passed  away  before  he  was  prepared,  in  1835,  to 
present  to  the  public  the  first  volume  of  his  work. 

In  a  preface  worthy  of  the  subject,  he  said : — '  It  is 
not  the  history  of  a  party  that  I  purpose  writing ;  but 
the  history  of  one  of  the  greatest  revolutions  that 
was  ever  wrought  in  the  condition  of  the  human 
race ;  the  history  of  a  mighty  impulse  imparted  to  the 
world  three  centuries  ago,  the  results  of  which  are 
still  universally  recognized.  The  history  of  the  Ref- 
ormation is  npt  identical  with  the  history  of  Protes- 
tantism. In  the  former  every  thing  bears  the  impress 
of  a  regeneration  of  humanity,  of  a  social  and  relig- 
ious transformation  which  has  its  source  in  God; 
while  in  the  latter  we  too  frequently  observe  a  con- 
siderable falling  away  from  first  principles,  the  action 
of  party  spirit,  sectarian  tendencies,  and  the  stamp 
of  petty  personalities.  The  history  of  Protestantism 
might  possess  interest  for  Protestants  alone;  the  his- 
tory of  the  Reformation  is  for  all  Christians,  nay, 
rather  for  all  men.' 

We  are  thus  made  acquainted  by  the  author  s  own 
statement  with  the  purpose  which  he  had  conceived ; 
and  it  is  for  the  reader  to  judge  how  far  that  purpose 
has  been  accomplished.  This  judgment  has  indeed 
been  already  pronounced.  It  declares  that  the  work 
of  Merle  d'Aubigne,  everywhere  learned  and  accurate, 
animated  and  attractive,  approaches  in  some  passages 
the  very  perfection  of  literary  art.     Amongst  these 


PREFACE.  IX 

passages  are  the  pleasant  and  lively  pages  in  the  first 
volumes  devoted  to  the  youth  of  Luther,  and  in  the 
posthumous  volumes  the  chapters  of  a  more  serious 
and  severe  character  devoted  to  Calvin  and  his  work 
at  Geneva. 

Little  is  wanting  to  the  completion  of  the  mon- 
ument erected  by  Merle  d'Aubigne.  It  is  to  be 
regretted  that  we  can  not  follow  John  Knox  in 
Scotland,  or  Marnix  in  the  Netherlands,  to  the  full 
accomplishment  of  their  work.  In  these  countries 
the  temple  door  is  closed  before  us  just  as  our  feet  are 
pressing  the  threshold.  To  complete  his  history  the 
author  would  have  required  two  more  years  of  life 
and  of  labor ;  and  this  was  denied  him.  Every  thing, 
however,  that  is  essential  to  the  history  of  the  Kefor- 
mation  is  narrated  in  these  thirteen  volumes. 

Those  portions  of  the  work  which  have  been  most 
recently  published  are  not  in  all  cases  the  latest  writ- 
ten. Some  of  them  were  written  long  ago  and  have 
never  been  retouched.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that 
the  author  would  have  published  these  without  alter- 
ation. M.  Merle  d'Aubigne's  method  of  procedure  in 
composition  was  as  follows: — First,  he  would  make  a 
summary  study  of  an  important  period,  and  rapidly 
sketch  its  history;  next,  he  would  refer  to  the  orig- 
inal sources,  collecting  around  him  all  the  documents 
which  he  could  discover,  and  sometimes  making  a 
long  journey  for  the  purpose  of  consulting  a  manu- 
script preserved  in  some  library.  He  would  then 
plunge  again  into  his  theme,  familiarizing  himself 
thoroughly  with  its  form  and  its  color,  so  as  to  make 
it  real  and  present  to  his  mind,  and  see  it  as  it  were 
with  his  own  eyes.  And,  finally,  he  would  rewrite 
the  story,  completing  and  giving  life  to  his  narra- 
tives, and  depicting  the  scenes  for  the  reader  as  he 


X  PREFACE. 

had  already  done  for  himself.  The  result  of  this  pro- 
cess was  an  entirely  new  work. 

A  third  and  even  a  fourth  recasting  was  not  seldom 
undertaken  before  the  author  was  satisfied:  so  vast 
and  so  complex  was  that  spiritual  movement  which 
he  had  undertaken  to  describe,  so  numerous  and 
almost  inexhaustible  were  the  documents  of  all  kinds 
which  he  continued  to  examine  throughout  his  life. 

Some  of  the  later  chapters,  and  particularly  that 
which  relates  to  Germany,  had  not  been  subjected  to 
this  revision.  The  editor,  however,  has  not  felt  him- 
self at  liberty  to  suppress  these  chapters,  both  on 
account  of  their  intrinsic  value,  and  because  they  con- 
tain information  not  accessible  to  general  readers. 
We  hope  that  they  will  be  read  with  interest  and 
profit. 

The  editor  wishes  here  to  express  his  thanks  to  i\lr. 
Gates  for  his  valuable  assistance  as  translator  of  the 
last  three  volumes  of  the  Avork  into  English. 

The  editor  has  now  fulfilled  Avhat  he  considers  a 
duty  to  the  Ghristian  public,  by  presenting  to  them 
this  last  volume  of  a  work  the  composition  of  which 
was  not  only  the  principal  occupation,  but  also  the 
principal  enjoyment  of  '  the  noble  life,  consecrated  to 
toil,'*  of  J.  H.  Merle  d'Aubigne. 

*  Jules  Bonnet,  Notice  sur  Merle  d'Aubigne.     Paris,  1874 


NOTE  BY  THE  TRANSLATOR. 


>J«<c 


This  closing  volume  of  tlie  *  History  of  the  Eeformation ' 
is  enriched  with  a  fac-simile  of  the  famous  Indulgence 
issued  by  Pope  Leo  X.,  the  sale  of  which  by  Tetzel  in 
Germany,  in  1517,  provoked  the  bold  and  memorable 
denunciation  of  the  traffic  by  Luther  in  the  ninety-five 
theses  which  he  affixed  to  the  church  door  of  AVitten- 
berg.  The  fac-simile  is  taken  from  a  copy  of  the  Indul- 
gence very  recently  acquired  by  the  Trustees  of  the 
British  Museum.  So  far  as  is  known,  no  fac-simile  has 
been  pubhshed  before,  nor  has  any  previously  printed 
copy  possessed  the  merit  of  complete  accuracy.  It  has 
therefore  been  thought  worth  while  to  place  an  abso- 
lutely exact  reproduction  of  so  important  an  histori- 
cal document  within  reach  of  the  readers  of  Merle 
d'Aubigne's  work,  although,  by  the  accident  of  its  recent 
acquisition,  it  can  only  appear  in  the  last  instead  of 
the  first  volume,  its  most   appropriate   place. 

At  the  request  of  the  publishers  an  interesting  state- 
ment has  been  contributed  illustrative  of  one  passage 


xii  NOTE   BY   THE   TRANSLATOR. 

in  the  Bull  of  Indulgence  hitherto  somewhat   obscure 
but  of  remarkable  significance.     (See  Appendix.) 

A  General  Index  to  the  eight  volumes  of  this  series — 
T?ie  Reformation  in  the  Time  of  Calvin — ^has  been  specially 
prepared  by  the  Translator  for  the  EngHsh  Edition;  and 
it  is  hoped  that  this  Index  will  be  found  sufficiently 
copious,  detailed,  and  accurate. 


CONTENTS 

OP 

THE    EIGHTH    YOLUME. 


PAGE 

Peeface Y 


BOOK  xiy. 

THE  SPANISH  MARTYES. 


CHAPTER   I. 

THE    AWAKENING    IN    SPAIN. 
(1520-1535.) 

Torquemada — The  Alumhrados — Lutheran  Books  in  Spain — 
John  d'Avila — The  secret  of  his  eloquence — His  manner  of 
speaking  of  the  Saviour — His  pastoral  activity — His  influ- 
ence over  St.  Theresa — Sancha  de  Carile — Agitation  of  men's 
minds— The  first  Spanish  Eeformer,  Kodrigo  de  Valerio — 
His  conversion — His  asceticism— His  study  of  the  Script- 
ures— John  de  Vergara  and  his  brothers — A  Theological 
Disputation — Peter  de  Lerma — His  departure  from  Spain — 
Departure  of  Louis  of  Cadena — Pursuit  of  John  d'Avila — 
Alfonso  Virves — His  imprisonment — His  rescue  from  the  Li- 
quisition  by  Charles  V 1 

CHAPTER   II. 

REFORMATION    AND    INQUISITION. 

Bodrigo  de  Valerio — John  Egidius,  a  scholastic  preacher — 
Valerio  and  Egidius— Conversion  of  Egidius— Trial  and  re- 
lease of  Valerio— Eloquence  of  Egidius — Ponce  de  la  Fuente 
and  Vargas — Intimacy  of  the  Three  Friends— Their  harmo- 
nious activity — Uncontroversial  preaching — Their  influence 
— Opposition— Advance  of  Spiritual  Religion— Eloquence  of 
Ponce  de  la  Fuente- Desire  of  Charles  V.  to  hear  him — 
Attached  to  the  Emperor's  household — Death  of  Vargas — 
Egidius  left  alone  at  Seville — Condemnation  of  Rodrigo  de 
Valerio — His  Death  in  Prison         ......     21 


XIV  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  III. 


SPAIN    OUT    OF    SPAIN. 
(1537-1545.) 

The  Three  Brothers  Enzinas— Their  character  and  their  studies 
—Their  friendship  with  George  Cassander— Their  reading 
of  Melanchthon's  Works— Francis  Enzinas— Translation  of 
New  Testament— Fi-iendship  with  Hardenberg— Letter  to 
Alasco— Visit  to  Paris— James  Enzinas— A  martyr  at  Paris 
—Heroism  of  Claude  Lepeintre— John  Enzinas— Conversion 
and  zeal  of  San  Komano— His  Letters  to  Charles  V.— His 
arrest— His  indignation— His  release— Journey  to  Ratisbon 
— Interviews  with  the  Emperor— Second  arrest— In  the  Em- 
peror's suite— His  sufferings  and  his  steadfastness        .        .     38 


CHAPTER  IV. 

PRESENTATION    OF    SPANISH     NEW    TESTAMENT     TO     CHARLES    V. 
BY    ENZINAS. 

(1542-1545.) 

Enzinas  at  Lou  vain— The  Spanish  New  Testament— Enzinas  at 
Antwerp— The  Printing  begun— Debates  on  the  Title— Com- 
pletion of  the  Work— Pedro  de  Soto,  Confessor  to  Charles 
v.— His  instigation  to  persecution— Abuse  of  the  Confes- 
sional—Dedication of  Enzinas' s  Work  to  the  Emperor— En- 
zinas at  Brussels— His  feeling  in  the  Emperor's  presence- 
Presentation  of  the  Spanish  New  Testament  to  the  Emperor 
— Eeply  of  Charles  V.— The  Book  submitted  to  the  judgment 
of  De  Soto— Enzinas  in  the  Convent  of  the  Dominicans— 
The  Doctrines  of  De  Soto- Treason— A  Snare— The  Mask 
dropped  by  De  Soto— Argument  of  Enzinas— Excitement 
in  the  Convent— An-est  of  Enzinas— His  Dejection  in  the 
Prison  — Consoled  by  Giles  Tielmans  — The  Examination 
—  The  Defence  — Intercession  — Spiritual  Consolations— A 
Preacher  in  Bonds— Hopes  deceived— A  Horrible  Persecu- 
tion—The Queen's  Chaplain— His  Trial  and  Flight— Escape 
of  Enzinas— The  walls  of  Brussels  cleared— His  arrival  at 
Mechlin— At  Antwerp— A  legend— Another  legend— Corre- 
spondence with  Calvin— Enzinas  at  Wittenberg— James  En- 
zinas at  Rome— His  arrest,  trial,  and  condemnation— His 
martjTTdom— Grief  of  Francis 58 


CONTENTS.  XV 

CHAPTER    V. 

FANATICISM   AND    BROTHERLY    LOVE.       JUAN    DIAZ. 
(1515-1547.)  rammmm 

PAGE 

Studies  of  Diaz  at  Paris — His  friendship  -witla  James  Enzinas — 
Visit  to  Geneva — Representative  of  the  Reformed  at  Ratis- 
bon— Meeting  with  Malvenda— Discussions— Threats  —  De- 
nunciations— Alonzo  Diaz  in  Germany — His  interview  with 
Malvenda — Discovery  of  his  brother's  place  of  refuge — In- 
tercourse between  the  two  brothers — Hypocrisy  of  Alonzo — 
Fratricide 99 


CHAPTER   VI. 

SPANIARDS    IN    SPAIN. 

(1534-1542.) 

Bartholomew  Carranza — Don  Domingo  de  Roxas — Confession 
of  the  True  Doctrine  by  de  Roxas — Augustine  Cazalla — Don 
Carlos  de  Seso — The  Marchioness  of  Alcagnices — Carranza's 
Progress— The  Reformation  spread  by  his  Books — Carranza, 
Primate  of  Spain — His  imprisonment — San  Romano  in  Spain 
— Led  to  execution— His  glorious  death— The  Martyrs  of  the 
Reformation — Death  of  San  Romano  not  fruitless — Growing 
boldness  of  the  Evangelicals 112 


CHAPTER    VIL 

QUEEN    JOANNA. 

(Born  1479— Died  1555.) 

shameful  Captivity — Joanna's  Youth  —  Her  Marriage  —  Her 
Opposition  to  the  Catholic  Rites  —  Isabella's  Scheme  for 
excluding  her  from  the  Throne — Intrigues  of  Ferdinand — 
Meeting  of  Ferdinand  and  Philip— Conspiracy  of  the  two 
Princes — Death  of  Philip — A  Mournful  Journey— Confine- 
ment of  Joanna  at  Tordesillas — Her  aversion  to  Romish  Cer- 
emonies—Ill treatment — Bitter  Complaints— Was  Joanna  a 
Lutheran? — Her  Christian  Death — A  Victim  of  the  gloomiest 
Fanaticism 126 


XVI  CONTENTS. 


BOOK   XV. 

ENGLAOT). 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE   THREE   PARTIES   WHICH   DIVIDED    ENGLAND. 

(1536-1540.) 

PAGE 

Birth  of  Edward  VI. — Death  of  the  Queen — A  new  wife  sought 
by  the  King — Eelations  of  Henry  VIII,  with  the  Swiss— Eng- 
lish students  in  Switzerland — A  Letter  to  Calvin — Works  of 
Swiss  Theologians — The  King's  opinions  on  these  Works— 
Reginald  Pole — Made  Cardinal — Legate  beyond  the  Alps — 
Anger  of  Henry  VIIL — Pole  in  France  and  Belgium — Fail- 
ure of  his  Mission — His  return  to  Eome — German  Di\dnes 
in  England — Protracted  discussions— Ill-will  of  some  of  the 
Bishops — Fruitless  attempts  at  conciliation — Departure  of 
the  German  Doctors— Melanchthon's  Letter  to  Henry  VEEI.  140 

CHAPTER  n. 

HENRY    VIII.    SUPREME    HEAD    OF    THE    ENGLISH    CHURCH. 

(1538.) 

Gardiner — His  return  to  England— Instigation  to  persecution — 
Sampson,  Bishop  of  Chichester — A  Conspiracy  against  the 
Reformation — A  return  to  old  usages — The  Minister  John 
Nicholson — His  Treatise  on  the  Lord's  Supper— His  Appeal 
to  the  King — Appearance  before  the  King— Examination — 
His  Confession  of  Evangelical  Doctrine — His  resolute  Dec- 
laration on  the  Sacrament — Cranmer's  Answer — The  King's 
anger — Nicholson  condemned  to  be  burnt— His  Execution — 
Flatteries  addressed  to  the  King 158 

CHAPTER  HI. 

THE    SIX    ARTICLES. 

(1538-1540.) 

Negotiations  for  the  King's  Marriage — Their  failure — Printing  of 
the  Bible  at  Paris — The  Printing  stopped — Completion  of  the 
Work  in  London — Divisions— Attempted  Compromise — Its 


CONTENTS.  XVll 

PAGE 

failure— The  King's  fears— The  Six  Articles — Cranmer's  Op- 
position— Latimer's  Resignation  of  his  See — The  King's  ad- 
vances to  Cranmer,  Cromwell,  and  Norfolk — Cranmer's  Time- 
serving—Five Hundred  sent  to  Prison — Feeling  in  Germany 
— The  Articles  condemned  at  Wittenberg  and  Geneva — Me- 
lanchthon's  Letter  to  the  King  of  England— The  King  ap- 
peased—Puerile Games 174 

CHAPTER  IV. 

HENRY   VIII.    AND   ANNE    OF    CLEVES. 
(1539-1540.) 

Anne  of  Cleves — Praises  uttered  of  her — Her  simple  character 
— Her  arrival  in  England — The  King's  disappointment — His 
desire  to  get  rid  of  her— His  fear  to  break  off  the  engagement 
— The  Marriage  celebrated  at  Greenwich — Henry's  Complaint 
to  Charles  V.  —  Ill-will  of  Charles  —  The  King's  distrust  — 
Preaching  of  the  Gospel  ordered  by  Cromwell — Gardiner's 
Sermon  —  Barnes's  Sermon — His  boldness  —  His  imprison- 
ment— Numerous  editions  of  the  Bible 192 

CHAPTER  V. 

DISGRACE    AND   DEATH    OF   CROMWELL,    EARL   OF   ESSEX. 

(1540.) 

Cromwell  threatened — Loaded  with  honors  by  the  King — The 
King's  intention — The  King's  letter  to  Cromwell — Arrest  of 
Cromwell — Foolish  charges — The  real  motive  of  the  blow — 
Cromwell  abandoned  by  all  his  Friends — Defended  by  Cran- 
mer alone — Cranmer's  Letter  to  the  King — The  Bill  of  At- 
tainder— Heresy — The  Accuser— No  Trial — The  Examination 
— The  Bill  carried  in  both  Houses — Condemnation — Crom- 
well's Letter  to  the  King— The  King's  hesitation — Catherine 
Howard— The  Queen  sent  away— Cromwell  on  the  Scaffold 
—His  profession  of  Faith— His  Confession  and  Prayer— His 
Death — His  Character 205 

CHAPTER  VI. 

DIVORCE    OF    ANNE    OF    CLEVES. 
(1540.) 

Singular  impartiality— A  Procession  of  Martyrs,  three  Evangel- 
ists, three  Papists— Preparations  for  Divorce  of  the  Queen--- 


XVIU  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

A  shameful  Comedy — The  King's  hypocrisy — Convocation  of 
the  Clergy — The  Marriage  declared  void — The  Divorce  ac- 
cepted by  Anne  of  Clevcs 225 

CHAPTEK   VIL 

CATHERINE    HOWARD,    A    CATHOLIC    QUEEN. 

(1540.) 

Marriage  of  the  King  with  Catherine  Howard — His  return  to 
Catholicism — Royal  infalhbility — Catholic  reaction— Bonner, 
Bishop  of  London — A  young  Martyr — The  Prisons  filled — 
The  King  praised  by  Francis  I. — Martyrdom  of  a  Eeader  of 
the  Bible — Conspiracy  against  Cranmer — The  Archbishop's 
firmness — Charges  against  him — The  King's  hesitation — His 
determination  to  save  him — Cranmer  before  the  Privy  Coun- 
cil— The  King's  Ring-  Cranmer's  Enemies  confounded— The 
King's  love  for  the  Queen — Terrible  Revelations — Guilt  of 
the  Queen— Cranmer's  Visit  to  her— Frenzy  of  the  Queen — 
Cranmer's  Emotion — Condemnations  and  Executions— The 
Queen  Executed — Her  Guilt  undoubted — Convocation  of  the 
Clergy — A  sharp  blow  struck  at  Convocation  by  Cranmer — 
Remarkable  Progress  of  the  Reformation       ....  234 

CHAPTEK  VIIL 

CATHERINE  PARR,  A  PROTESTANT  QUEEN. 
(1542.) 
Richard  Hilles,  a  London  Merchant— His  Studies  and  Read- 
ings— Cranmer's  cautious  promotion  of  the  Reformation — 
Amendment  in  Doctrine— Catherine  Parr — Her  Character — 
Another  Plot  against  Cranmer— His  Forgiveness  of  his  Ene- 
mies— Several  Martyrs — Marbeck's  English  Concordance — 
Henry's  Complaints  against  France  —  His  Alliance  with 
Charles  V,— War  with  France— Sympathies  of  the  Italians 
— Persecutors  punished 258 

CHAPTER   IX. 

THE    LAST    MARTYRS    OF    HENRY's    REIGN. 

(1545.) 

Session  of  Parliament— The  King's  Speech— The  Rod  and  the 
Royal  School-master — Anne  Askew  — Her  Trial — Examina- 
tions—Her Release — Again  Imprisoned — Her  steadfastness 
—  Her  Discretion— In  Prison— Condemned  to  be  Burnt— 
A  Royal  Proclamation — Anne  Askew  tortured  by  the  Lord 
Chancellor— Led  to  Execution— Death  of  the  Martyrs— Ap- 
proaching triumph  of  their  Doctrines 271 


CONTENTS.  XIX 

CHAPTER  X. 

QUEEN    CATHERINE    IN    DANGER    OF    DEATH. 

(1546.) 

PAGE 

The  Queen's  piety — Her  rash  zeal — Conversations  with  the  King 
— The  King  offended — Conspiracy  of  the  Catholic  Leaders — 
The  King's  distrust — A  Prosecution  ordered — The  Bill  of 
Indictment — The  Queen  unsuspecting — The  Indictment  in 
her  hands — Her  Distress — Her  Interview  with  the  King — 
Her  Declaration — Rescue — Astonishment  of  her  Enemies — 
Her  Forgiveness  of  them 284 

CHAPTER  XL 

CLOSE  OF  THE  REIGN  OF  HENRY  VIII. 
(1546— January  1547.) 
Disgrace  of  Gardiner — Two  Parties  at  the  Court — The  Howards 
and  the  Seymours  —  Ambition  of  the  Howards  —  Proceed- 
ings against  Norfolk  and  Surrey— The  King's  impatience — 
Searches— A  Divided  House — Execution  of  Surrey— Humble 
Appeal  of  Norfolk— Inflexibility  of  the  King— Last  Hours  of 
the  King— His  Death— His  Will— Henry  VIII.  to  be  con- 
demned as  a  Man,  a  King,  and  a  Christian    ....  297 


BOOK  XYI. 

GERMANY. 
CHAPTER   I. 

PROGRESS  OF  THE  REFORMATION  IN  GERMANY. 
(1520-1536.) 
The  Keformation  a  Resurrection— Pretended  Unity  of  Eome — 
All  kinds  of  Progress  produced  by  the  Reformation — John 
Bugenhagen— His  Conversion — Named  '  Pomeranus ' — The 
Reformation  embraced  by  German  Towns  —  Magdeburg, 
Brunswick,  Hamburg — Pomeranus  at  Hamburg — Liibeck     .  311 

CHAPTER   n. 

THE    PRINCIPALITY    OF    ANHALT. 

(1522-1532.) 

The  Princes  of  Anhalt — Duke  George— His  Anxieties — His  Res- 
olution— Luther's  Letter — Prince  Joachim —Wiirtemberg — 
Westphalia  —  Paderbom  —  Hermann,  Elector  of  Cologne — 
Peace  of  Nurnberg 322 


XX  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  III. 

TRimiPH    OF   THE    ANABAPTISTS    OF    MUSTER. 

(1533.) 

PAGE 

Melchior  Hoflfmann — Bernard  Kottmann — Kottmann's  Marriage 
— John  Matthisson  of  Haarlem — John  Bockkold  of  Ley  den 
— Bernard  Knipperdolling— Disorders  at  Munster — The  Vi- 
sionaries in  power — Their  Enemies  expelled — Destruction  of 
Books  and  Works  of  Art— John  of  Ley  den  in  power — Terror.  331 

CHAPTER  IV. 

THE    ANABAPTISTS    OF    MUNSTER.       EXCESSES. 

(1535.) 

The  King  of  the  Universe — Pride  and  Luxury — A  Supper — An 
Apostolate— Cruelty 342 

CHAPTER  Y. 

THE   ANABAPTISTS    OF   MUNSTER.       CHASTISEMENT. 

(1535-1536.) 

Siege  and  Famine — Yain  Efforts — The  Assault— Capture  of  Mun- 
ster—Executions — Luther's  Opinion — Three  Causes  of  the 
disorder— The  Finger-post 347 

TRIUMPH  IN  DEATH. 
DEATH    OF    LUTHER. 

(FfiBBTJARY  18,  1546.) 

Luther  at  Eisleben — Sense  of  his  approaching  end— Serenity  of 
his  Faith— His  last  testimony— His  last  breath      .         .         .  353 


APPENDIX. 

Transcript  of  '  Indulgence '  of  Leo  X 359 


GENERAL  INDEX  to  Volumes  I.— Ym 369 


HISTORY 

OF   THE 

REFORMATION  IN   EUROPE 

IN  THE  TIME  OF  CALVIN. 


BOOK  XIV. 

THE  SPANISH  MAETYRS. 
CHAPTER    I. 

THE    AWAKENING    IN    SPAIN. 

(1520—1535.) 


The  Churcli  of  Spain  had  long  preserved  its  indepen- 
dence with  regard  to  the  papacy.  It  was  at  the  time 
of  the  ambitious  and  monopoHziug  Hildebrand  that  it 
began  to  lose  it. 

At  the  period  of  the  Reformation  it  had  been  subject 
to  the  pope  for  more  than  four  hundred  years,  and  great 
obstacles  were  opposed  to  its  deliverance.  The  mass  of 
the  people  were  given  to  suj^erstition ;  the  Spanish  char- 
acter was  resolute  to  the  degree  of  obstinacy;  the  clergj^ 
reigned  supreme;  the  Inquisition  had  just  been  armed 
with  new  terrors  by  Ferdinand  and  Isabella;  and  the 
peninsular  situation  of  the  country  seemed  inevitably  to 
isolate  it  from  those  lands  in  which  the  Reformation  was 
triumphant. 

Nevertheless  many  minds  were,  up  to  a  certain  point, 
prepared  for  evangelical  reform.  In  almost  every  class 
the  Inquisition  excited  the  liveliest  discontent.  Towards 
VOL.   vm. — 1 


2  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  a  man  was  often  to 
be  met  with  traversing  Spain,  surrounded  by  a  guard  of 
fifty  mounted  attendants  and  two  hundred  foot-soldiers. 
This  man,  whose  name  was  Torquemada,  was  the  terror 
of  the  people;  and  consequently  in  his  progresses  he  dis- 
played the  greatest  distrust,  imagining  that  every  one 
was  bent  on  assassinating  him.  On  his  arrival  at  any 
place,  when  he  sat  down  to  table,  he  trembled  lest  the 
dishes  brought  to  him  should  have  been  poisoned.  For 
this  reason,  before  partaking  of  any  food,  he  used  to 
place  before  him  the  horn  of  a  unicorn,  to  which  he 
attributed  the  virtue  of  discovering  and  even  of  neutral- 
izing poisons.  Universal  hatred  accompanied  him  to  the 
tomb.  Torquemada,  the  first  inquisitor-general,  caused 
eight  thousand  persons  to  be  put  to  death,  and  a  hun- 
di'ed  thousand  to  be  imprisoned  and  despoiled  of  their 
goods.  "Whole  provinces  rose  against  this  horrible  trib- 
unal.* 'They  steal,  they  kill,  they  outrage,'  ^Tote  the 
chevalier  de  Cordova,  Gonzalo  de  Ayora,  speaking  of 
the  inquisitors  to  the  first  secretary  of  King  Ferdinand. 
*They  care  neither  for  justice  nor  for  God  himself.' f  *0 
unhappy  Spain ! '  cried  Peter  Martyr  d'Anghiera,  coun- 
cillor for  the  Indies,  in  his  distress.  *  Mother  of  so  many 
heroes,  how  this  horrible  scourge  dishonors  thee ! '  J 

Meanwhile  the  universities  were  being  enlightened. 
Various  writings,  especially  those  of  Erasmus,  were 
much  read;  and  while  doctors  and  students  learned  to 
scrutinize  more  closely  the  state  of  the  Church,  a  sjDirit 
of  inquiry  began  to  penetrate  those  ancient  institutions. 
There  were,  besides,  scattered  here  and  there  in  the 
towns  and  in  country-places,  some  Christians,  called 
Ahimbrados,  w^ho  sought  after  an  inward  light  and  ap- 
plied themselves  to  secret  prayer.  These  pious  Mystics 
were  better  prepared  to  receive  divine  truth.  § 

*  Llorente,  Histoire  de  V Inquisition,.!,  p.  285. 

t  Ibid.  p.  349.  t  Martyris,  Epist.  Lib.,  ep.  333. 

§  Llorente,  Histoire  de  V Inquisition,  ii.  p.  3. 


CHAP.  I.  THE    AWAKENING    IN    SPAIN.  d 

More  than  this,  political  circumstances  were  favorable 
to  the  introduction  of  the  Keformation.  Spain  was  at 
this  time  under  the  same  sceptre  as  Germany  and  the 
Netherlands,  and  the  rays  of  light  emanating  from  the 
Scriptures  could  not  but  reach  it.  The  emperor  Charles 
the  Fifth,  who  was  fighting  against  the  Reformation  in 
Germany,  was  to  be  the  means  of  bringing  it  into  the 
country  of  his  very  Catholic  ancestors.  The  young  Al- 
fonso Valdes,  his  secretary,  who  was  with  him  at  Brus- 
sels in  1520,  and  afterwards  at  Worms  in  1521,  was  at 
first  struck  with  horror  at  seeing  the  boldness  with 
which  Luther  attacked  the  authority  of  the  pope.  But 
what  he  saw  and  heard  led  him  gradually  to  comprehend 
the  necessity  for  Reformation.  Consequently,  when  writ- 
ing from  Brussels  and  Worms  to  his  friend  Peter  Mar- 
tyr d'Anghiera,  Valdes  sorrowfully  exclaimed,  'While 
the  ]3ontifif  shuts  his  eyes  and  desires  to  see  Luther  de- 
voured by  the  flames,  the  whole  Christian  community  is 
near  its  ruin,  unless  God  save  it.'  * 

Books  more  dangerous  to  Rome  than  those  of  Eras- 
mus reached  Spain.  A  printer  of  Basel,  the  very  year  in 
which  Charles  was  elected  emj^eror  (1519),  packed  up 
carefully  for  transport  beyond  the  Pyrenees  some  pre- 
cious merchandise  not  yet  prohibited  in  the  peninsula, 
because  as  yet  unknown  there.  It  consisted  of  various 
Latin  works  of  Luther.f  In  1520  the  '  Commentary  on 
the  Galatians,'  and  afterwards  other  writings  of  the  re- 
former, were  translated  into  Spanish.  J  The  union  exist- 
ing between  Spain  and  the  Netherlands  had  led  many 
Spaniards  to  settle  in  the  latter  country,  and  it  may  pos- 
sibly have  been  one  of  these  who  translated  them.  It  is 
at  least  certain  that  they  were  printed  at  Antwerp,  and 
that  merchant  vessels  carried  them  thence  into  Spain. 

*  Martyris,  Epp.,  pp.  689,  722. 

t  Frobenius  to  Luther,  February  14,  1519. — Walch.,  xv.  p.  1G31. 
X  'Libellus  Lutheri  de  libertate  Christiana  et  de  servo  arbitrio  in 
Hispanicum  idioma  translatus.' — Gerdesius,  Anii.,  iii.  p.  168. 


4  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

Many  noble  minds  were  stirred  up  and  became  atten- 
tive to  what  was  passing  in  Germany.  Francis  de  An- 
gelis,  provincial  of  the  Order  of  the  Angeli,  who  had 
been  present  at  the  coronation  of  the  emperor,  was  still 
more  enlightened  than  Valdes  himself.  Being  sent  back 
to  Spain  after  the  Diet  of  Worms  upon  an  important 
mission,  he  stopped  at  Basel.  There  he  visited  Pellican, 
and  in  a  conversation  which  he  had  with  him  he  showed 
himself  almost  in  agTeement  with  Luther.*  All  these 
circumstances  arousing  the  attention  of  Rome,  Leo  X. 
sent  (March  20,  1521)  two  briefs  to  Spain  to  demand 
that  the  introduction  of  the  books  of  the  German  re- 
former and  his  partisans  into  that  country  should  be 
checked;  and  Adrian  VI.,  the  successor  of  Leo,  called 
upon  the  government  to  assist  the  Inquisition  in  the  ac- 
complishment of  this  duty.f 

But  in  Spain  itself  evangelical  truth  was  then  preached 
with  eamestn^ess,  though  not  with  the  fulness,  clearness, 
and  purity  of  the  reformers.  There  was  in  Andalusia  a 
young  priest  who  from  about  1525  preached  with  extra- 
ordinary power.  His  name  was  John  d'Avila.  *  The  fer- 
vor,' says  one  of  his  biographers,  'with  which  he  exerted 
himself  to  sow  the  heavenly  seed  of  the  Word  of  God  in 
the  hearts  of  men  was  almost  incredible.'  J  He  strove 
both  to  convert  souls  estranged  fi'om  God,  and  to  lead 
those  who  were  converted  to  go  forward  courageously  in 
the  service  of  God.  He  employed  no  more  time  in  the 
composition  of  his  morning  addi^esses  than  he  did  in  de- 
livering them.  A  long  preparation  would  in  his  case 
have  been  impossible,  on  account  of  the  numerous  en- 
gagements which  his  charity  drew  upon  him  from  all 
quarters.  'The  Holy  Spirit  enlightened  him  with  his 
light  and  spoke  by  his  mouth;  so  that  he  was  obliged  to 

*  Melch.  Adami,  Vitce  Tlieol,  p.  288. 
t  Llorente,  Histoire  de  V  InqidsUion,  i.  p.  419. 
X  Works  of  John  d'Avila,  translated  by  Arnauld  d' Andilly.     Paris, 
1773. 


CHAP.  I.  JOHN    D  AVILA.  D 

be  careful  not  to  extend  his  discourses  too  much,  so  abun- 
dant was  the  source  from  which  they  flowed.' 

Seeing  the  great  number  of  souls  converted  by  his 
word,  the  question  was  asked,  what  was  the  chief  source 
of  his  power?  Is  it,  they  said,  the  force  of  the  doctrine, 
or  the  fervor  of  his  charity,  or  the  tenderness  of  his  fa- 
therly kindness,  joined  to  ineffable  humility  and  gentle- 
ness? He  has  himself  decided  this  important  point,  and 
answered  the  inquiry.  A  preacher,  struck  by  D'Avila's 
success,  and  desiring  the  hke  for  himself,  begged  him 
for  some  advice  on  preaching,  and  on  the  way  to  ren- 
der it  efficacious.  'I  know  no  better  way,'  he  replied, 
'  than  to  love  Jesus  Christ.'  This  is  the  true  science  of 
homiletics. 

Jesus  Christ  and  his  love  was  indeed  the  strength  of 
his  eloquence.  It  was  by  setting  before  sinners  a  dying 
Jesus  that  he  called  them  to  repentance.  'We,  Lord,' 
he  cried,  'have  transgressed,  and  thou  bearest  the  pun- 
ishment! Our  crimes  have  loaded  thee  with  all  kinds 
of  shame,  and  have  caused  thee  to  die  upon  the  cross ! 
Oh !  what  sinner  would  not  at  this  sight  lament  over  his 
sins ! '  *  But  D'Avila  pointed  out  at  the  same  time  in 
this  death  a  means  of  salvation.  '  They  bind  him  with 
cords,' he  said;  'they  buffet  him;  they  crown  him  with 
thorns;  they  nail  him  on  the  cross,  and  he  suffers  death 
thereon.  If  he  is  thus  treated  it  is  because  he  loved  you, 
and  would  wash  away  your  sins  in  his  own  blood!  O 
Jesus,  my  Saviour,  thou  wast  not  content  with  these  out- 
ward sufferings;  it  has  pleased  thee  to  endure  also  inward 
pain  far  surpassing  them.  Thou  hast  submitted  to  the 
stern  decree  of  thy  Father's  justice ;  thou  hast  taken  upon 
thee  all  the  sins  of  the  world.  O  Lamb  of  God,  thou 
hast  borne  the  burden  alone;  thou  hast  sufficed  thereto, 
and  hast  obtained  for  us  redemption  by  thy  death.  We 
have  been  made  the  righteousness  of  God  in  thee,  and 
the  Father  loves  us  in  his  well-beloved  Son.     Let  us  not 

*  Works  of  John  d'Avila,  p.  671. 


b  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

be  afraid  of  praising  him  too  much  for  the  entire  blotting 
out  of  our  sins,  the  privilege  bestowed  by  God  on  those 
whom  he  justifies  by  the  merits  of  Jesus  Christ.  This 
exalts  the  greatness  of  those  merits  which  have  procured 
them  so  much  blessedness,  although  they  were  so  un- 
worthy of  it.     O  Lord,  be  glorified  forever  for  this.'  * 

Nevertheless,  John  d'Avila,  while  he  recognized  the 
necessity  of  justification  by  the  death  of  Christ,  had  a 
less  distinct  conception  of  it  than  the  reformers,  and 
gave  it  a  less  prominent  place  in  his  teaching  than  they 
did.  It  was  on  its  efficacy  for  sanctification  that  he 
especially  dwelt.  He  committed  indeed  the  error  of 
placing  love  in  the  chapter  of  justification,  instead  of 
placing  it,  like  the  reformers,  in  that  of  sanctification, 
which  is  its  true  place.  But  he  could  not  too  much 
insist  on  the  transformation  which  must  be  wrought 
in  the  character  and  life  of  the  Christian.  'AMiat,'  he 
cried,  'is  it  cpnceivable  that  Jesus  Christ  should  wash, 
p)iu'ify,  and  sanctify  our  souls  with  his  own  blood,  and 
that  they  should  still  remain  unrighteous,  defiled,  im- 
pure ?'....  He  sometimes  employed  strange  fig- 
ures to  inculcate  the  necessity  of  this  work.  'A  creature 
having  but  the  head  of  a  man,'  he  said,  '  all  the  rest  of 
its  body  being  that  of  a  beast,  would  be  considered  a 
horrible  monster.  It  would  be  no  less  monstrous,  in 
the  sphere  of  grace,  that  God  who  is  righteousness  and 
j)urity  itself  should  have  for  his  members  unrighteous, 
defiled,  and  corrupt  men.'f 

D'Avila  labored  not  only  by  his  discourses,  but  like- 
wise by  his  conversations  and  letters  in  promoting  the 
kingdom  of  God  in  the  souls  of  men.  He  was  benevo- 
lence itself.  He  consoled  the  afflicted,  encouraged  the 
timid,  aroused  the  cowardly,  stirred  up  the  lukewarm, 
fortified  the  weak,  sustained  those  who  were  tempted, 
sought  to  raise  up  sinners  after  their  falls,  and  humbled 

*  Works  of  John  d'Avila,  pi?.  G8-4,  G85,  G88,  7U,  715,  717. 
t  Ibid.  pp.  710,  712. 


CHAP.  I.  ST.    THERESA.  7 

the  proud.  His  letters  are  mostly  far  superior  to  those 
of  Fenelon.  They  are  at  least  much  more  evangelical. "^ 
'  I  tell  you  this,'  he  wrote  to  some  friends  in  affliction, 
'  only  in  order  to  assure  you  that  Jesus  Christ  loves  you. 
Ought  not  these  words,  that  a  God  loves  us,  to  fill  wdth 
joy  such  jDoor  creatures  as  we  are  ?  '  f  '  Keacl  the  sacred 
writings,'  said  he  in  another  letter  to  those  who  washed 
for  instruction,  'but  remember  that  if  he  who  has  the 
key  of  knowledge,  and  who  alone  can  open  the  book, 
does  not  give  the  powder  to  comprehend,  you  will  never 
understand  it.'  J 

D'Avila  possessed  the  gift  of  discernment.  He  did 
not,  indeed,  entirely  escape  the  influence  of  the  period 
and  of  the  country  in  which  he  lived;  but  we  find  him 
exposing  the  pretended  revelations  of  Madeline  de  la 
Croix,  w^ho  deceived  so  many,  and  undertaking  the  de- 
fence of  the  pious  Theresa  de  Cepedre,  wdien  persecuted 
by  the  Inquisition.  Theresa,  born  at  Avila  in  1515,  of 
a  noble  family,  had  so  much  zeal  even  in  her  childhood 
that  she  one  day  quitted  her  father's  house  with  her 
brother  to  go  and  seek  martyrdom  amongst  the  Moors. 
A  relative  met  the  two  children  and  took  them  back. 
She  w^as  from  that  time  divided  between  the  love  of  the 
world  and  the  love  of  God,  throwing  herself  alternately 
into  dissipation  and  into  the  monastic  life.  This  woman, 
the  famous  St.  Theresa,  was  one  of  those  ardent  spirits 
who  rush  by  turns  to  the  two  extremes.  Happily  she 
met  w^ith  D'Avila,  whose  judgment  was  more  mature 
than  her  ow^n,  received  his  instructions,  and,  by  his 
means,  became  confirmed  in  si:)iritual  life.  Her  w^rit- 
ings,  full  of  piety,  and  even  attractive  in  style,  were 
translated  by  the  Jansenists,  like  those  of  D'Avila. §     He 

*  There  are  four  books  of  them,  containing  in  all  162  letters,  gen- 
erally very  lengthy. 

t  Works  of  D'Avila,  p.  397.  t  Ihkl  p.  95. 

§  Llorente,  Bisioire  de  V Inquisition,  ii.  6,  138.  Works  of  D'A.vila* 
p.  122. 


8  THE    REF0R3IATI0N    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

"was  the  friend  and  director  to  a  poor  soldier,  wlio,  hav- 
ing been  discharged  in  1536,  was  converted,  and  turned 
his  house  into  an  hospital,  for  which  he  provided  by  the 
work  of  his  own  hands,  and  thus  became  founder  of  the 
Order  of  Charity.  D'Avila  gave  to  this  charitable  Chris- 
tian, who  was  called  John  de  Dieu,  the  wisest  counsels, 
the  sum  of  which  was,  '  Die  rather  than  be  unfaithful  to 
so  good  a  Master.' 

One  day  a  young  girl,  named  Sancha  de  Carile,  daugh- 
ter of  a  seiior  of  Cordova,  was  preparing  to  go  to  court, 
where  she  had  just  been  appointed  maid  of  honor  to  the 
queen.  She  wished  first  to  have  a  conversation  with 
John  d'Avila,  and  was  so  touched  by  his  words  that  she 
thenceforth  abandoned  the  court  and  the  world.  In- 
stead, however,  of  entering  a  convent,  she  remained  in 
her  father's  house,  and  there  devoted  herself  till  death 
to  the  service  of  Jesus  Christ,  whom  she  had  found  as 
her  Saviour.*.  It  was  for  Sancha  de  Carile  that  D'Avila 
composed  his  principal  work,  entitled  Audi,  filia,  et  vide 
('Hearken,  O  daughter,  and  consider 'f),  Ps.  xlv.  10. 
D'Avila  did  not  side  with  the  doctors  and  disciples  of 
the  Reformation,  who  were  continually  increasing  in 
number  in  Germany.  He  differed  from  them,  indeed, 
on  several  points,  but  on  others  approached  them  so 
nearly  that  his  preaching  could  not  but  prepare  men's 
minds  to  receive  the  fulness  of  evangelical  doctrine. 
The  Inquisition  understood  this. J 

The  .period  which  elapsed  between  1520  and  1535  was 
an  epoch  which  prepared  the  way  for  reformation  in 
Spain.  In  the  universities,  in  the  towns,  and  in  country 
places  many  minds  were  silently  inclining  towards  a 
better  doctrine.  The  Reformation  was  then  like  fire 
smouldering  under  the  ashes,  but  was  to  manifest  itself 

*  Works  of  D'Avila,  p.  397. 

t  It  is  an  exposition  of  Christian  floctrine,  viewed  not  from  the 
dogmatical,  bnt  from  the  spiritual  and  practical  point  of  view. 
X  Llorente,  Illstolre  de  V Inquisition,  ii.  p.  7. 


CHAP.  I.  AN    EXAMINATION.  \) 

later  in  many  a  noble  heart.  Nevertheless,  from  time 
to  time  the  flame  became  visible.  A  peasant,  a  simple 
man  without  any  culture  whatever,  who  had  busied  him- 
self only  about  his  fields,  had  by  some  means  received 
Christian  convictions.*  One  day,  when  in  company  with 
some  relations  and  friends,  he  exclaimed,  'It  is  Christ 
who,  with  his  own  blood,  daily  washes  and  purifies  from 
their  sins  those  who  belong  to  him,  and  there  is  no 
other  purgatory.'  It  seems  that  the  poor  man  had  only 
repeated  a  saying  which  he  had  heard  in  some  meeting, 
and  which  had  pleased  him,  without  being  penetrated  by 
the  truth  which  he  had  expressed.  When,  therefore,  he 
was  cited  before  the  inquisitors  of  the  faith,  he  said,  '  I 
have  certainly  held  that  opinion,  but,  since  it  displeases 
your  reverences,  I  willingly  retract  it.'  This  did  not 
satisfy  the  priests.  They  heaped  reproaches  upon  him. 
'They  may  have  feared,'  says  the  author  of  the  Artifices 
of  the  Spanish  Inquisition,  '  that  their  inquisitive  faculties 
would  stagnate  and  rot  unless  they  set  about  finding 
some  knavery  in  the  man,  thus  pretending  to  find  knots 
in  a  biilrush — nodus  in  scirpo.'  'You  have  asserted  that 
there  is  no  purgatory.  Ergo  you  believe  that  the  pope 
is  mistaken — that  the  councils  are  mistaken — and  that 
man  is  justified  by  faith  alone.'  In  short,  they  unfolded 
before  him  all  the  doctrines  which  they  called  heresies, 
and  charged  the  unfortunate  man  with  them  as  if  he  had 
actually  professed  them.  The  poor  peasant  protested; 
he  confidently  maintained  that  he  did  not  even  know 
what  these  doctrines  meant.  But  they  insisted  on  their 
charge,  and  showed  him  the  close  connection  which  sub- 
sists between  all  these  dogmas.  The  poor  man  had  been 
deprived  of  the  ordinary  means  of  instruction;  but  these 
priests,  who  were  more  opposed  to  the  Gospel  than  water 
is  to  fire,  says  the  narrator,  taught  and  enlightened  him. 
Those  who  boasted  themselves  to  be  the  great  extii-pa- 

*  'Homo  simplex,  ruri  perpetuo  addictus,  &c.' — Moutanus,   In- 
quisUlonis  hispaniccf  artes,  p.  31. 
VOL.    vm. — 1* 


10  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

tors  of  the  truth  became  its  propagators.  The  peasant 
of  whom  we  sjoeak  thus  attained  to  the  fulness  of  the 
faith  which  hitherto  had  only  just  dawned  upon  him. 
It  was  a  striking  example  of  the  wonderful  way  in  which 
Divine  Goodness  sometimes  calls  its  chosen  ones.  There 
were  many  other  such  instances.'  * 

The  chief  reformer  of  Spain  was  to  scoring  from  a 
higher  class.  He  was  born  in  Andalusia,  the  Baetica 
which  in  the  eyes  of  the  ancients  was  the  faii-est  and 
happiest  of  all  the  countries  in  the  world.  Near  rocky 
mountains,  on  a  vast  plain  of  j)icturesque  and  solemn 
aspect,  lies  Lebrixa,  an  ancient  town  about  ten  leagues 
from  Seville  on  the  Cadiz  side.  Here  Hved  Rodrigo  de 
Valerio,  a  young  man  of  a  rich  and  distinguished  family. 
He  had,  in  common  with  the  Andalusians,  great  quick- 
ness of  apprehension;  fancy  sparkled  in  his  speech,  and 
his  temperament  was  very  cheerful.  Like  them,  he  was 
distinguished  by  his  love  of  pleasure,  and  it  was  his 
glory  to  surpass  in  its  indulgence  all  the  young  men  with 
whom  he  associated.  He  generally  lived  at  Seville,  a 
town  called  by  the  Eomans  'little  Rome'  (Bomula), 
which  had  long  been  a  centre  of  intelligence,  and  where 
the  Alcazar  and  other  monuments  recalled  the  magnifi- 
cence of  the  Moorish  kings.  Eodrigo  had  received  a 
liberal  education,  and  bad  learned  a  little  Latin;  but 
this  had  been  speedily  forgotten  amidst  the  diversions 
of  youth.  There  was  not  a  hunt  nor  a  game  at  which 
he  was  not  present.  He  was  to  be  seen  arriving  at  the 
rendezvous  mounted  on  a  superb  horse,  richly  equipped, 
and  himself  magnificently  attired.f  Easy  and  skilful  in 
bodily  exercises,  he  carried  away  every  prize.  Full  of 
grace  and  elegance,  he  succeeded  in  winning  the  favor 

*  'Adorancla  hie  maxirae  est  clivina  pro\ndentia  erga  eos  qnos 
elegit  .  .  .  ciijus  rei,  vel  is  ij)se  rusticus  luculentum  exemplum 
esse  possit.' — Montainis,  Artes  Inq.  hisp.,  pp.  32,  33. 

t  '  In  eqnis,  in  equonim  apparatn,  in  ludis,  in  vestium  hixu,  in 
Tenationibus,  etc' — Artes  Inq.  hisp.,  p.  2G0. 


CHAP.  I.  RODRIGO    DE    YALERIO.  11 

of  fair  ladies.  His  delight  was  to  mount  the  \yildest 
horse,  to  scale  the  rochs,  to  dance  with  light  foot,  to 
hunt  with  horn  and  hound,  to  draw  the  cross-bow 
or  shoot  with  the  arquebus,  and  to  be  the  leader  of 
fashionable  young  men  in  every  party  and  at  every 
festival. 

All  at  once  Yalerio  disappeared  from  society.  He  was 
sought  at  the  games,  in  the  dance,  at  the  races,  but  was 
nowhere  to  be  found.  Every  one  was  asking  what  had 
become  of  him.  He  had  abandoned  every  thing.  The 
pleasures  of  the  world  had  oppressed  and  wearied  him, 
and  he  had  found  all  void  and  bitterness.  What !  thought 
he,  play  the  lute,  make  one's  horse  caper,  sing,  dance 
.  .  .  .  and  forget  what  it  is  to  be  a  man!  A  voice 
had  cried  in  his  heart  that  God  was  all  in  all.  He  had 
yielded  to  no  human  influence;  God  alone  had  touched 
him  by  his  Spirit.*  The  change  was  for  this  reason  all 
the  more  remarkable.  The  lively  affections  of  his  heart, 
which  had  hitherto  rushed  like  a  tempestuous  torrent 
downwards  towards  the  world,  now  rose  with  the  same 
energy  towards  heaven.  'A  divine  passion,'  says  a  con- 
temporary, 'suddenly  seized  him.f  Casting  off  his  old 
inclinations,  and  despising  human  judgment,  he  applied 
his  whole  strength,  both  of  mind  and  body,  so  zealously 
to  the  pursuit  of  piety,  that  no  worldly  affection  seemed 
to  be  left  in  him.'  If  Rodrigo  had  then  retired  to  a  con- 
vent, all  would  have  been  en  regie,  and  every  one  would 
have  admired  him;  but  no  one  could  understand  why, 
while  renouncing  pleasure,  he  did  not  immediately  shut 
himself  up  in  one  of  those  human  sanctuaries  to  which 
alone  the  world  at  that  time  gave  the  patent  of  a  devout 
life.  Some,  indeed,  of  the  remarks  made  on  him  were 
very  natural.  He  had  passed  from-  one  extreme  to  the 
other,  and  in  his  first  fervor  he  exposed  himself  to  the 

*  Llorente,  Tlistoire  de  V Inqxiifiillon,  ii.  p.  148. 
t   '  Repeute  divinus  quidem  furor  eiim  corripit.' — Montanus,  pp. 
2G0,  269. 


12  THE    REFORiLlTION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xrv. 

ridicule  of  his  old  companions.  Tlie  young  man  who  had 
hitherto  been  remarkable  for  the  dehcacy  of  his  manners, 
the  elegance  of  his  discoui'se,  and  the  splendor  of  his 
dress,  displayed  now  a  somew^hat  repulsive  roughness 
and  negligence.*  Sincere  and  upright,  but  as  yet  unen- 
lightened, unacquainted  indeed  with  any  other  pious  life 
than  that  of  ascetics,  it  is  not  astonishing  that  he  threw 
himself  at  first  into  an  exaggerated  asceticism.  He 
thought  that  he  should  thus  renounce  the  world  more 
completely  and  make  a  more  perfect  sacrifice  to  the  Lord. 
He  has  lost  his  head,  said  some ;  he  is  drunk,  said  others. 
But  on  closer  observation  the  true  fear  of  God  was  to 
be  seen  in  him,  a  sincere  repentance  for  the  vanity  of 
his  life,  an  ardent  thirst  for  righteousness,  and  an  inde- 
fatigable zeal  in  acquiring  all  the  characteristics  of  true 
piety.  But  one  thing  above  all  occupied  his  mind.  We 
have  seen  that  he  had  learned  Latin.  This  knowledge, 
which  he  had  despised,  now  became  of  the  greatest  ser- 
vice to  him.  It  was  only  in  this  language  that  the  sacred 
wi'itings  could  be  read;  he  studied  them  day  and  nigbt;t 
by  means  of  hard  toil  he  fixed  them  in  his  memory,  and 
he  had  an  admirable  gift  for  appljing  the  words  of 
Scriptiu'e  with  correctness  and  promptitude.  He  en- 
deavored to  regulate  his  whole  conduct  by  theii'  teach- 
ing; and  people  perceived  in  him  the  presence  of  the 
Spirit  by  whom  they  were  dictated. 

Valerio  became  one  of  the  apostles  of  the  doctrines  of 
Luther  and  the  other  reformers. J  'It  was  not  in  their 
own  W'ritings  that  he  had  learned  these.  He  had  derived 
them  directly  from  the  Holy  Scriptures.  Those  sacred 
books,  which,  according  to  some,  are  the  source  of  such 
various  doctrines,  then  produced  in  every  country  of 
Christendom  the  same  faith  and  the  same  life.'     He  soon 

*  'In  cultu  corporis  antea  molliculo  et  splendido,  turn  vero  hor- 
rido  et  sordido  apparebat.' — Montauns,  p.  2G1. 
t   '  Sacras  litteras  diu  noctuque  versabat.'—  Ibid. 
X  Llorente,  llistoire  de  rinquisiilon,  ii.  p.  148. 


CHAP.  I.  JOHN    DE    VERGARA.  16 

began  to  diffuse  around  liim  the  light  he  had  received. 
People  were  astonished  at  hearing  this  young  layman, 
who  had  recently  made  one  of  every  party  of  pleasure, 
speaking  with  so  much  fervor.  'From  whom  do  you 
hold  your  commission  ?  '  asked  some  one.  '  From  God 
himself,'  replied  he,  'who  enlightens  us  with  his  Holy 
Spirit,  and  does  not  consider  whether  his  messenger  is 
a  priest  or  a  monk.' 

Valerio  was  not  the  only  one  to  awaken  from  sleep. 
A  literary  movement  in  the  path  opened  by  Erasmus 
had,  as  w^e  have  already  said,  prej)ared  the  way  of  the 
Gospel  in  Spain.  One  of  its  chiefs  was  John  de  Ver- 
gara,  canon  of  Toledo,  who  had  been  secretary  to  Car- 
dinal Ximenes.  An  accomplished  Greek  and  Hebrew 
scholar,  he  had  pointed  out  some  errors  in  the  Vulgate; 
and  he  was  one  of  the  editors  of  the  Polyglot  of  Alcala. 
'With  what  pleasure  do  I  learn,'  wrote  the  scholar  of 
Rotterdam  to  him  in  1527,  '  that  the  study  of  languages 
and  of  literature  is  flourishing  in  that  Spain  which  was 
of  old  the  fi'uitful  mother  of  the  greatest  geniuses.'  John 
de  Vergara  had  a  brother  named  Francis,  a  professor  of 
Greek  literature  at  Complutum  (the  jDresent  Alcala  de 
Henares).  Alcala,  near  Madrid,  the  seat  of  the  foremost 
university  in  the  kingdom  next  to  Salamanca,  was  at  this 
epoch  a  centre  of  intelligence,  and  had  acquired  a  Euro- 
pean renown.  A  breath  of  freedom  and  life  seemed  to 
have  passed  over  it.  John  and  Francis,  with  another 
Si3aniard,  Bernardin  de  Tobar,  apj^arently  their  brother, 
put  forth  their  united  efforts  to  revive  the  pursuit  of  lit- 
erature in  their  native  land,  and  kindled  bright  hopes  in 
the  breast  of  the  prince  of  the  schools.  Calling  to  mind, 
as  was  his  wont,  the  stories  of  ancient  times,  Erasmus 
compared  these  thi-ee  friends  of  letters  to  Gerj^ou,  king 
of  the  Balearic  Islands,  the  most  powerful  of  men,  of 
whom  the  poets  had  made  a  giant  with  three  bodies. 
'Spain,'  said  he,  'has  once  more  its  Geryon,  with  three 
bodies  but  one  spirit,  and  the  happiest  anticipations  are 


14  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

excited  in  our  minds.'*  The  modern  Gerjon,  liowever, 
failed  to  win  the  honor  of  the  triumph  promised  by  Eras- 
mus. In  the  Inquisition  he  met  the  Hercules  who  van- 
quished him.  These  eminent  men  had  found  their  way 
through  the  love  of  learning  to  the  love  of  the  Gospel; 
and  John  had  carried  his  audacity  to  such  a  pitch  that 
he  aimed  at  correcting  the  Vulgate.  Hereupon  certain 
monks  who  knew  nothing  of  Latin  beyond  the  jargon  of 
the  schools  raised  the  alarm.  John  and  Tobar  were  ar- 
rested by  the  inquisitors  of  Toledo,  cast  into  a  dungeon, 
and  called  upon  to  renounce  the  heresies  of  Luther.  This 
charge  they  had  not  at  all  anticipated.  It  was  not  by 
the  reformer,  but  by  his  opponent,  Erasmus,  that  they 
had  been  attracted  to  the  Holy  Scriptures.  Being  as 
yet  weak  in  faith,  they  thought  they  might  declare  them- 
selves unacquainted  with  Lutheranism;  and  they  were 
released.  Certain  penances,  however,  were  imposed  on 
them,  and  they  were  p)laced  under  the  siirveillance  of  the 
Inquisition  ?  f 

At  this  time,  between  1530  and  1540,  a  gi'eat  theologi- 
cal controversy  was  being  carried  on  in  the  university 
of  Alcala.  One  of  the  chamj^ions  was  Matthew  Pascual, 
a  doctor  distinguished  for  his  acquirements  in  learning 
— he  was  master  of  Hebrew,  Greek,  and  Latin — for  his 
love  of  letters,  of  the  Holy  Scrij)tures,  and  of  a  doctrine 
more  pure  than  that  of  the  monks.  The  discussion  had 
become  animated;  and  the  opponent  of  Pascual,  in  the 
heat  of  the  conflict,  exclaimed — 'If  the  case  be  as  Doctor 
Matthew  maintains,  it  would  follow  that  there  would  be 
no  purgatory!'  Pascual  had  probably  said  with  St. 
John  that  the  blood  of  Jesus  Christ  his  Son  cleanseth  us 
from  all  sin.     He  replied  simply — 'What  then?  (Quid 

*  'Eursus  Hispanias  habere  suum  Geryonem,  sed  auspicatissi- 
mum,  tricorporem  quidem,  sed  unanimem.' — Erasmi  Epp.,  lib.  xx. 
ep.  15. 

t  Llorente,  TTistoire  de  V Inquisition,  ii.  pp.  7,  8.  Epp.  Th.  Mori 
et  Lud.      Vives,  col.  114. 


CHAP.  I.  PETER    DE    LERMA.  15 

turn?)'  The  monks  were  all  agitated  at  these  words. 
'He  said  Quid  turn!  He  denies  i)urg"atoiy.'  He  was 
forthwith  committed  to  the  prison  of  the  holy  fathers,* 
from  which  he  was  not  liberated  till  long  afterwards, 
and  then  with  the  loss  of  all  his  property-.  He  then  left 
Spain.     Two  monosyllables  had  cost  him  dear. 

There  was  resident  at  Alcala  at  this  time  a  man  who 
far  surpassed  the  Vergaras  and  the  Pascuals,  and  whose 
judgments  were  universally  acce2:)ted  in  Sj^ain  as  ora- 
cles.f  This  was  Peter  de  Lerma,  abbot  of  Alcala,  canon, 
professor  of  theology,  and  chancellor  of  the  university, 
skilled  in  the  oriental  languages,  which  he  had  studied 
in  Paris,  and  well  versed  in  Scholastic  theology.  He 
was  highly  esteemed  throughout  the  whole  Peninsula. 
He  was  consulted  on  the  greatest  affairs  of  state;  and 
many  had  recourse  to  him  as  to  a  touch-stone  which  at 
once  indicated  to  them  what  was  good  and  w^hat  was 
evil.  As  he  was  wealthy  and  belonged  to  a  noble  family 
of  Burgos,  he  had  great  influence.  Prom  an  early  age 
he  gave  himseK  up  to  the  reading  of  the  Holy  Script- 
ures, convinced  that  without  them  it  was  impossible  to 
attain  any  real  knowledge  of  holy  things.  At  an  ad- 
vanced age  he  read  the  works  of  Erasmus.  His  mind 
was  enlightened  by  them;  and  he  acknowledged  that  the 
studies  pursued  at  the  universities  served  only  for  vain 
display.  A  new  form  was  given  to  his  activity,  and  his 
words  were  henceforth  remarkable  for  their  freedom, 
their  simplicity,  and  their  vigor.  '  Draw,'  said  he,  '  from 
the  oldest  sources;  do  not  take  uj)  opinions  u^oon  the 
sole  authority  of  any  masters,  however  solid  they  may 
be.'  Words  like  these  were  altogether  new  in  the  Cath- 
olic churches.  Peter  de  Lerma  was  a  kindly  old  man, 
now  aged  about  seventy.  The  monks,  regardless  of  his 
age,  his  attainments,  or  the  authority  which  he  enjoyed, 

*  'Propter  hoc  unum  verbnm,  sine  mora  in  custodiam  SS.  PP. 
est  traditus. ' — Memoirs  of  Enz'mas,  ii.  p.  156. 

t  '  Illius  judicium  iustar  oraculi.' — Memoirs  of  Enzlnas,  ii.  p.  158. 


16  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xrv. 

had  liim  cast  into  prison  by  their  agents.  His  oppo- 
nents attacked  him  in  piivate  conferences.  But  the 
aged  doctor,  finding  that  the  best  reasons  ^ere  of  no 
avail  with  his  enemies,  that  they  refused  to  listen  to  the 
truth,  and  had  no  regard  for  innocence,  declared  that  he 
would  hold  no  more  discussion  with  Spaniards,  and  re- 
quired them  to  summon  learned  men  of  other  lands,  capa- 
ble of  understanding  the  evidence  laid  before  them.  To 
the  inquisitors  this  seemed  to  be  horrible  blasphemy. 
'Would  it  not  be  said,"  they  exclaimed,  'that  the  holy 
fathers  of  the  Inquisition  may  be  in  error,  and  that  they 
are  unable  to  comprehend  a  hundred  others  better  than 
you?'  They  assailed  him  with  insults,  they  plagued 
him  in  the  prison,  they  threatened  him  with  torture. 
The  poor  old  man  at  last,  enfeebled  by  age  and  by  per- 
secution, and  not  yet  sufficiently  established  in  the  faith, 
as  was  usually  the  case  with  the  converts  of  Erasmus, 
complied  with  the  demands  of  his  persecutors.  He 
then  withdrew  to  Biu'gos,  his  native  place.  Melancholy 
weighed  him  down.  The  energies  of  his  soul  were 
crushed.  His  hopes  for  the  future  of  his  people  had 
vanished.  He  bowed  down  his  head  and  suffered.  In- 
formed ere  long  that  it  was  intended  to  arrest  him,  he 
fled  to  Flanders;  then  went  to  Paris,  where  he  died 
dean  of  the  Sorbonne,  and  professor  of  theology  in  that 
university. 

The  preaching  of  the  old  man  was  not  fruitless  in 
Spain.  Like  John  d'Avila  and  others,  he  was  one  of 
those  Spanish  evangelicals  who  did  not  make  use  of  Lu- 
ther's name,  but  asserted  that  they  preached  simply  the 
primitive  doctrines  of  the  Apostles.  This  came  to  much 
the  same  thing.  The  tint  was  only  a  Uttle  softened  and 
less  powerfid. 

Louis  of  Cadena,  one  of  his  nephews,  had  succeeded 
him  as  chancellor  of  the  university  of  Alcala.  By  his 
elegant  Latinity,  and  his  acquaintance  with  Hebrew, 
Arabic,  and  Greek,  he  acquired  gi-eat  reputation  among 


CH.iP.  I.  ARREST    OF    JOHN    d'aVILA.  17 

men  of  letters.  Conyinced  that  if  Spain  were  ever  to 
become  gi'eat,  it  was  necessary  to  give  her  an  impulse 
towards  light  and  Hberty,  he  undertook,  notwithstand- 
ing the  fate  of  his  uncle,  to  bring  to  an  end  the  reign  of 
Scholasticism.  Information  was  laid  against  him,  as  one 
suspected  of  Lutheranism,  before  the  Inquisition  at  To- 
ledo; and  he  was  compelled  to  fly  in  order  to  escape  the 
dungeons  of  the  holy  office.  The  Inquisition  in  those  days 
lost  no  opportunity  of  putting  an  extinguisher  over  any 
light  divinely  kindled  in  Spain,  of  suppressing  thought 
and  checking  its  progi'ess.*  Louis  betook  himself  like- 
wise to  Paris,  where,  like  his  uncle,  he  restrained  his 
zeal  to  avoid  exposui'e  to  fresh  persecutions-! 

John  d'Avila  himself,  the  apostle  of  Andalusia,  whose 
only  thought  was  the  conversion  of  souls,  and  who  did 
not  meddle  with  controversies,  found  that  the  monks, 
enraged  and  provoked  by  his  refusal  to  engage  in  dispu- 
tation, denounced  him  to  the  Inquisition  as  a  Lutheran 
or  dumbrado.  In  1534,  an  inauspicious  year  for  evan- 
gehcal  Spain,  this  humble  pastor  was  arrested  at  Seville, 
and  cast  into  the  prisons  of  the  holy  office.  But  his 
enemies,  impelled  by  bhnd  hatred,  had  not  even  in- 
formed the  archbishop  of  Seville,  Don  Alfonso  de  Man- 
rique,  who  was  at  this  time  Gyand  Inquisitor.  The  prel- 
ate, who  cherished  the  highest  esteem  for  John  d'Avila, 
was  afiected  on  hearing  what  his  subordinates  had  just 
done.  He  pointed  out  that  this  man  was  no  Lutheran, 
but  was  only  seeking  to  do  good  to  the  souls  of  men. 
D'Avila  was  consequently  acquitted,  and  he  continued 
quietly  to  preach  the  Gospel  tiU  his  death.  The  inquisi- 
tors, by  fastening  the  name  'Lutheran'  on  everything 
pious,  rendered  indii'ect  homage  to  Lutheranism.  J 

Manricjue  was  not  alone  in  occasional  opposition  to  the 
fanaticism  of  the  inquisitors.  Charles  the  Fifth  himself, 
although  strongly  opposed  to  every  thing  which  appeared 

*  Llorente,  ii.  p.  456.     Memoirs  of  Enzinas.  i.  p.  123. 

t  Lloreute,  ii.  pp.  430-431.  t  Llorente,  iii.  pp.  0,  7. 


18  THE    REF0R:MATI0N    in    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

to  liim  heresy,  seems  to  have  had  some  relish  for  sohcl 
preaching.  His  fine  understanding  preferred  it  to  the 
fables  of  the  monks.  He  had  for  his  chaplain  a  Domini- 
can monk  named  Alfonso  Virves,  an  accomphshed  orien- 
tahst  and  a  good  theologian.  Charles  took  him  with  him 
when  he  travelled  in  Germany;  and  he  not  only  liked  to 
hear  him  preach,  but  also  associated  with  him  in  his  nu- 
merous journeyings  with  a  certain  degree  of  intimacy. 
After  his  return  to  Spain,  the  emperor  would  hear  no 
other  preacher.  Certain  monks  w^ho  coveted  the  privi- 
lege of  preaching  before  the  emperor  w^ere  filled  w-ith 
envy  and  hatred.  They  inveighed  against  Vu-ves.  In 
vain  he  contended,  according  to  the  dictates  of  his  con- 
science, for  what  he  believed  to  be  true  piety;  these 
wretches  uttered  shameless  calumnies  against  him,  and 
obvious  falsehoods,  and  resorted  to  malicious  intrigues. 
This  w^as  their  usual  method.*  Yirves  esteemed  the  fine 
geuius  of  Erasmus,  but  censured  him  for  his  too  great 
freedom.  He  asserted  that  his  wish  was  to  secure  Spain 
against  Lutheranism.  But  he  had  seen  in  Germany  the 
leading  reformers,  had  enjoyed  friendly  intercourse  with 
them,  and  declared  that  he  renounced  the  attempt  to 
recall  them  from  their  errors.f  This  was  ground  enough 
for  a  prosecution;  and  without  any  regard  to  the  wish  of 
the  emperor,  the  inquisitors  arrested  his  chaplain,  threw 
him  into  the  prison  of  the  llolj  Office  at  Seville,  and  in 
eager  haste  prepared  to  sacrifice  him.  The  news  of  thek 
proceedings  reaching  Charles  the  Fifth,  he  was  aston- 
ished and  indignant.  He  was  better  acquainted  with 
Virves  than  the  inquisitors  were.  He  detemined  b}^  en- 
ergetic action  to  foil  the  conspiracies  of  the  monks.  He 
felt  confident  that  Yirves  was  the  victim  of  an  intrigue. 
He  even  banished  Manrique,  the  inquisitor-general,  who 

*  'Tarn  imiDudentibus  calumuiis,  tarn  evidentibus  mendaciis,  tarn 
malitiosis  artibns.' — Erasmi  Epjx  lib.  xviii.  ep.  2. 

t  Virves,  Epist,  Batisbon,  April  15,  1532.  Burcheri  Spicil.,  v. 
pp.  12-16. 


CHAP.  I.  ALFONSO    YIRYES.  19 

was  compelled  to  retire  to  his  diocese,  and  died  there. 
Charles  did  more  than  this.  He  addressed  to  the  Holy 
Office,  July  18,  1534,  an  ordinance  prohibiting  the  arrest 
of  a  monk  before  laying  the  evidence  before  the  council 
and  awaiting  its  orders.  But  the  emperor,  all-powerful 
as  he  was,  was  not  powerful  enough  to  snatch  a  victim 
from  the  Inquisition.  Yirves,  whose  only  crime  was  that 
of  being  a  pious  and  moderate  Catholic,  had  to  undergo 
for  four  years  all  the  horrors  of  a  secret  prison.  He  says 
himself  that  they  hardly  gave  him  leave  to  breathe.  The 
inquisitors  overwhelmed  him  with  accusations,  with  in- 
terdictions, with  libels  and  with  words,  he  says,  which 
one  can  not  hear  without  being  terrified.  He  adds  that 
he  was  charged  with  errors,  heresies,  blasphemies,  anath- 
emas, schism,  and  other  similar  monstrosities.  To  con- 
vince them,  he  undertook  labors  which  might  be  likened 
to  those  of  Hercules.  He  exhibited  the  points  which  he 
had  drawn  up  by  way  of  preparation  for  an  attack  on 
Melanchthon  before  the  diet  of  Ratisbon.  But  all  was 
useless.  The  tribunal  condemned  him  in  1537  to  abjure 
all  heresies,  among  others  those  of  Luther,  to  be  confined 
in  a  monastery  for  two  years,  and  to  abstain  from  preach- 
ing for  two  years  after  his  liberation.  The  poor  man 
had  to  appear  in  the  cathedral  of  Seville,  and  to  retract, 
among  other  propositions,  the  following: — 'A  life  of  ac- 
tion is  more  meritorious  than  a  life  of  contemplation. — A 
larger  number  of  Christians  are  saved  in  the  married 
state  than  in  all  other  states.'  Charles  the  Fifth,  deter- 
mined at  all  cost  to  rescue  his  chaplain  from  imprison- 
ment, applied  to  the  pope,  who  by  a  brief  of  May  29, 1538, 
ordered  that  Virves  should  be  set  at  Uberty,  and  be  again 
allowed  to  preach.  Charles  now  nominated  him  bishop 
of  the  Canary  Islands.  After  some  hesitation,  the  pope 
consented  to  the  appointment,  and  in  1540,  the  heretic 
was  invested  with  the  episcopal  mitre.  In  the  following 
year  he  published  at  Antwerp  his  Philippicce  Di>iputa- 
tiones,  in  which  his  objections  to  the  doctrines  of  Luther 


20  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

are  set  fortli.  In  the  same  book,  however,  he  asserted 
that  heretics  ought  not  to  be  ill-used,  but  persuaded,  and 
this  especially  by  setting  before  them  the  testimonies  of 
Holy  Scripture;  because  all  Scripture  given  by  inf^piration 
of  God  is  profitable,  says  St.  Paul,/o?'  doctrine,  for  reproof 
for  correction.  Alfonso  Yirves  was  one  of  those  Spaniards 
whom  the  Inquisition  prevented  from  becoming  evangeli- 
cal, but  could  not  succeed  in  making  papistical  and 
ultramontane.* 

Virves  was  not  the  only  Spaniard  who  imbibed  in  Ger- 
many views  which  nearly  approached  to  those  of  the  Ref- 
ormation. Several  learnt  more  than  he  did  in  the  land 
of  Luther,  and  exerted  an  influence  on  the  Peninsula. 
Curiosity  was  awakened,  and  people  wanted  to  know 
what  that  reformation  was  of  which  so  much  was  said. 
Spain,  rigid  and  antique,  began  to  be  astir.  Meetings 
were  held  in  the  country  and  secret  associations  were 
formed.  TJie  Inquisition,  astonished,  turned  in  all  direc- 
tions its  searching  eyes.  In  vain  were  learned  theolo- 
gians sent  to  Germany  and  other  lands  for  the  purpose 
of  bringing  back  to  the  church  of  Rome  those  who  were 
leaving  it.  The  doctors  themselves  returned  to  Spain, 
conquered  by  the  truth  against  which  they  were  to  fight.f 
Many  of  them  became  victims  to  their  faith  after  their 
return  to  their  native  land;  others  became  martyrs  in 
foreign  lands. 

*  Llorente,  ii.  pp.  8-14. 

t  '  Qui  ad  alios  illuminandos  amandati  erant,  ipsimet  himine  capti 
ad  DOS  redierunt,  deceptiqne  ab  hasreticis. ' — G.  de  lUescas,  Hist. 
.Pontiffical  y  Catolica,  i.  p.  672. 


SECRET    MEETINGS.  21 


CHAPTER    II. 

REFORMATION    AND    INQUISITION. 

Seville  and  Valladolid  were  the  two  principal  seats  of 
the  awakening.  These  towns  were  at  this  time,  prop- 
erly speaking,  the  two  capitals  of  Spain.  In  both  of 
them  evangelical  Christians  used  to  meet  together  se- 
cretly to  worship  God  in  spirit  and  in  truth,  and  to  con- 
firm each  other  in  the  faith  and  in  obedience  to  the  com- 
mandments of  the  Lord.  There  were  monasteries  nearly 
all  the  members  of  which  had  received  the  doctrine  of 
the  Gospel.  It  had,  moreover,  adherents  scattered  about 
in  all  parts  of  the  Peninsula.  Rodrigo  de  Valerio,  the 
lay  reformer  of  Spain,  continued  his  labors  in  Seville. 
He  held  conversations  daily  with  the  priests  and  the 
monks.  'Pray  how  comes  it  to  pass,'  he  said  to  them, 
'that  not  only  the  clergy  but  the  whole  Christian  com- 
munity is  found  to  be  in  so  lamentable  a  condition  that 
there  seems  to  be  hardly  any  hope  of  a  remedy  for  it  ? 
It  is  you  that  are  the  cause  of  this  state  of  things.  The 
corruption  of  your  order  has  corrupted  every  thing.  Lose 
no  time  in  applying  an  efficient  remedy  to  so  vast  an  evil. 
Be  yourselves  transformed  that  you  may  be  able  to  trans- 
form others.'  Valerio  supported  these  eloquent  aj^jDcals 
by  the  declarations  of  Holy  Scripture.  The  priests  were 
astonished  and  indignant.  'Whence  comes  the  audac- 
ity,' they  said,  '  with  which  you  assail  those  who  are  the 
very  lights  and  pillars  of  the  Church  ?  *  How  dare  a 
mere  layman,  an  unlettered  man,  who  has  been  occupied 
solely  in  secular  affairs  and  in  ruining  himself,  sjoeak 
with  such  insolence?     .     .     .     Who  commissioned  you, 

*  '  Uncle  ilia  audacia  qua  in  sanctos  patres  ecclesiffi  lumina  atque 
columnas     .     .     .     invelieretur  ?  ' — Montanus,  pp.  261,  2G2. 


22  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

and  where  is  the  seal  of  yonr  calhug?'  'Assuredly/  re- 
jihed  Yalerio,  candidly,  'I  did  not  acquire  this  wisdom 
from  your  corrupt  morals;  it  comes  from  the  Spirit  of 
God,  which  flows,  like  rivers  of  living  water,  from  those 
who  believe  in  Jesus  Christ.  As  for  my  boldness,  it  is 
given  by  him  who  sends  me.  He  is  the  truth  itself  which 
I  proclaim.  The  Spirit  of  God  is  not  bound  to  any  order, 
least  of  all  to  that  of  a  corrupt  clergy.  Those  men  were 
laymen,  plain  fishermen,  who  convicted  of  blindness  the 
whole  learned  synagogue,  and  called  the  world  to  the 
knowledge  of  salvaticm.' 

Thus  S23oke  Rodrigo;  and  he  was  distressed  to  see  all 
these  priests  'unable  to  endure  the  shining  light  of  the 
Gospel.'  One  great  consolation  was  given  to  him.  The 
preacher  of  Seville  cathedral  at  this  time  was  John  Gil, 
or  Egidius,  a  doctor,  born  at  Olvera,  in  Aragon,  and  ed- 
ucated at  the  university  of  Alcala.  He  possessed  the 
qualities  of  &n  orator;  for  he  was  a  man  of  fine  character 
and  of  keen  sensibility.  But  these  essential  qualities, 
instead  of  being  developed  at  the  university,  had  lain 
dormant.  The  intellectual  faculty  alone  had  been  culti- 
vated. There  was  a  fire  in  the  man's  natui'e,  but  it  had 
been  quenched  by  Scholasticism.  Egidius  had  plunged 
into  the  study  of  the  theology  of  the  schools,  the  only 
science  then  in  vogue  in  Sj^ain.  In  this  he  had  distiu- 
g-uished  himself,  had  won  the  highest  academical  honors, 
and  had  become  professor  of  theology  at  Siguenza.  He 
was  not  content  with  letting  the  Word  of  God  alone;  he 
openly  avowed  contempt  for  the  study  of  it,  ridiculed 
such  members  of  the  university  as  diligently  read  the 
sacred  books,  and  with  a  shrug  of  the  shoulders  used  to 
call  them  '  those  good  Biblists.'  Peter  Lombard,  Thomas 
Aquinas,  Scotus,  and  other  doctors  of  the  same  class, 
were  the  men  for  him.  His  flatterers  went  so  far  as 
to  allege  that  he  surj^assed  them.  As  the  reputation 
of  Egidius  was  spreading  far  and  wide,  when  the  ofiice 
of  chief  canon  or  preacher  of  the  cathedral  of  Seville 


CHAP.  n.  JOHN    EGIDIUS.  23 

became  vacant,  the  cliapter  unanimously  elected  liim, 
and  even  dispensed  witli  the  trial  usual  in  such  cases. 
Egidius,  absorbed  in  his  Scholastic  books,  had  never 
preached  in  public  nor  studied  the  Hoty  Scriptures.  He 
nevertheless  fancied  that  nothing  could  be  easier  to  him 
than  preaching,  which  in  his  view  was  an  inferior  office. 
He  expected  even  that  he  should  dazzle  his  hearers  by 
the  blaze  of  Scholasticism,  and  attract  them  by  its  charms. 
He  therefore  ascended  the  pulpit  of  the  cathedral  of  the 
capital  of  Andalusia.  A  numerous  congregation  had  as- 
sembled, and  expecting  something  wonderful  were  very 
attentive.  The  illustrious  doctor  preached,  but  after  the 
Scholastic  fashion.  Having  put  forward  some  proposi- 
tion, he  explained  its  various  meanings.  The  terms  which 
he  made  use  of  were  those  of  the  schools,  and  his  hearers 
could  hardly  understand  them.  AVliat  frivolous  distinc- 
tions !  What  profitless  questions !  The  preacher  thought 
it  all  very  fine:  his  audience  felt  it  to  be  very  tiresome. 
They  gave  him,  however,  a  second  and  a  third  hearing; 
but  it  w^as  always  the  same — dry  and  wearisome.  The 
famous  theologian  was  thus  the  least  popular  of  the 
preachers,  and  Egidius  saw  his  congregation  lessening 
day  by  day.  His  sermons  fell  into  the  greatest  contempt 
among  the  people.  Those  who  had  imprudently  called 
him  to  the  post  began  to  consider  how  they  could  get 
rid  of  him;  and  the  preacher  himself,  anxious  about  his 
reputation  and  the  usefulness  of  his  ministry,  began  to 
look  out  for  a  less  brilliant  position,  in  which  people 
might  make  more  account  of  him."^ 

Kodrigo  had  gone  with  the  multitude,  and  was  one  of 
those  who  w^ere  dissatisfied  with  these  Scholastic  dis- 
courses. But  he  was  gifted  with  the  discerning  of  spirits, 
and  beneath  the  Scholastic  doctor  he  had  been  able  to 
recognize  the  orator  and  his  indisputable  abilities.  He 
was  grieved  to  see  the  gifts  of  God  thus  thrown  away, 

*  'Magno  contemptui  esse  coepit,  quo  iu  die  inagis  magisque 
aucto.' — Montanus,  p.  258. 


24  THE    REFORMATIOX    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

and  be  resolved  to  speak  frankly  to  Egidius.  '  Divine 
Providence,'  says  the  chronicler,  'impelled  him  to  this 
course.'  Having  made  request,  therefore,  for  an  inter- 
view with  the  canon,  Yalerio,  received  by  him  with  some 
feeling  of  surprise,  but  still  with  kindliness,  began  at  once 
to  sj)eak  to  him  about  the  function  of  the  Christian  ora- 
tor.* This  function,  in  his  view,  was  not  to  set  forth  cer- 
tain theses  and  anti-theses,  but  to  address  the  consciences 
of  men,  to  present  Christ  to  them  as  the  author  of  eternal 
salvation,  and  to  press  them  to  throw  themselves  into  the 
arms  of  this  Saviour,  that  through  him  they  might  be- 
come new  creatures.  'You  are  in  need  of  other  studies,' 
he  said  to  the  schoolman,  'other  books,  and  other  guides 
than  those  which  you  have  chosen.'  Egidius  was  at  first 
astounded ;  his  pride  rebelled.  '  What  audacity ! '  he 
thought;  'this  man  sj^rung  from  the  common  peoj^le, 
ignorant  and  of  feeble  understanding,  dares  to  criticise 
me,  and  con^dently  to  teach  me,  a  man  with  whom  he 
is  hardly  acquainted  ! '  f  Nevertheless,  the  natural  kind- 
liness of  Egidius,  and  the  reflection  that  Rodrigo  was 
speaking  of  the  art  of  preaching,  in  which  he  had  miser- 
ably failed,  repressed  this  first  emotion.  He  kept  his 
self-possession  and  listened  attentively  to  the  layman. 
Bodrigo  frankly  pointed  out  to  him  the  defects  of  his 
manner  of  preaching,  and  exliorted  him  to  search  the 
Scriptures.  'You  will  never  succeed,'  he  said,  'in  be- 
coming really  powerful  as  a  teacher  unless  you  study  the 
Bible  day  and  night.' J  He  told  him  that  in  order  to 
preach  salvation  he  must  first  have  found  it  himself,  and 
that  out  of  the  abundance  of  the  heart  the  mouth  must 
sjDeak.  A  few  hours  sufficed  for  the  enlightenment  of 
Egidius;  and  from   this  time  he  became   a  new  man.§ 

*  '  Eum  exacte  edocuit  Christiani  concionatoris  ofScium. ' — Mou- 
tanus,  p.  258. 

t  '  Obstupescebat  primo  Egidius  .  .  .  Unus  e  media  plebe, 
idiota,  etc' — Montanus,  p.  258.  |  Llorente,  ii.  pp.  139,  140. 

§  '  Fuit  divina  monenti  tanta  spiritus  Dei  vis  in  dicendo  ut  ab  ea 
bora  Egidius  in  alium  virum  mutatus.' — Montanus,  p.  259. 


CHAP.  11.  VALERIO    AND    EGIDICS.  25 

How  many  years  had  lie  lost,  botli  as  student  and  as 
professor!  'I  jierceive,'  said  he,  'that  all  the  studies  and 
all  the  labors  of  my  past  life  have  been  vain.  I  now 
enter  upon  the  new  path  of  a  wisdom  of  which  I  did 
not  know  the  ABC  The  weariness  and  dejection  of 
Egidius  were  now  over,  and  he  felt  great  peace  and 
joy.  He  saw  God  opening  to  him  the  treasury  of  his 
love.  'The  heavens  were  beginning  to  be  serene  and 
the  earth  peaceful.'  Egidius  was  naturally  very  open- 
hearted,  frank,  and  sincere.  The  Gospel,  the  great  rev- 
elation of  God's  love,  had  for  him  an  unspeakable  charm. 
He  received  it  joyfully,  and  his  heart  resounded  with  a 
new  song.  He  studied  the  Holy  Scriptures,  prayed, 
meditated,  and  read  good  authors;  and  thus  made  prog- 
ress in  the  knowledge  of  true  theology. 

Eodrigo  de  Valerio  was  made  glad  by  the  wonderful 
change  which  God  had  wTought  through  his  ministry; 
and  the  victory  which  he  had  won  raised  still  higher  his 
burning  zeal.  He  began  to  proclaim  the  Gosj)el  not  only 
in  private  meetings,  but  in  public,  in  the  streets  and 
squares  of  the  town,  near  the  Giralda,  the  convent  of 
Buena  Vitta,  the  Alcazar,  and  on  the  banks  of  the  Gua- 
dalquivir. He  was  denounced  to  the  holy  office,  and 
when  he  appeared  before  the  tribunal  of  the  Inquisition 
he  spoke  earnestly  about  the  real  church  of  Christ,  set 
forth  its  distinguishing  marks,  and  especially  insisted  on 
the  justification  of  man  by  faith.  This  took  place  a  little 
while  after  the  conversion  of  Egidius,  whose  new  faith 
was  not  yet  known,  and  who  still  enjoyed  in  society  the 
reputation  of  a  scholar  and  a  good  Catholic.  Glad  of  an 
opportunity  of  repaying  his  great  debt,  he  came  before 
the  tribunal  and  defended  his  friend.  He  thus  exerted 
an  influence  over  the  judges,  and  they  took  into  consid- 
eration the  lowliness  of  Valerio's  family  and  the  rank 
which  he  held  in  society.  Moreover,  they  said  Valerio 
is  tainted  with  insanity,  and  it  can  hardly  be  necessaiy 
to  hand  over  a  madman  to  the  secular  power.    His  goods 


26  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

were  confiscated,  he  was  exhorted  to  retui-n  to  the  right 
path,  and  was  then  set  at  hberty. 

The  astonishing  change  which  had  been  effected  in 
Egidius  was  soon  remarked  at  Seville.  Now  fully  per- 
suaded of  the  need  of  repentance  and  faith,  and  possess- 
ing salvation  by  personal  experience,*  his  preaching  was 
henceforth  as  simple,  affectionate,  and  fervent  as  it  had 
before  been  cold,  ignorant,  and  pedantic.  Abstract  prop- 
ositions and  fruitless  disputations  now  gave  place  to  pow- 
erful appeals  to  conscience  and  to  entreaties  full  of  charity. 
General  attention  was  aroused.  Once  more  a  multitude 
thronged  the  noble  cathedral,  erected  on  the  very  spot 
on  which  the  Ai'abs  had  formerly  built  a  mag-nificent 
mosque,  in  which  neither  altar  nor  image  was  to  be  seen, 
but  which  was  brilliant  with  marbles  and  lamps.  The 
Christians  were  now  summoned  to  hear  the  good  news 
by  bells  in  the  summit  of  the  Mohammedan  tower,  the 
Giralda,^  wh^ce  the  muezzins  had  once  called  the  people 
to  prayer.  This  was  the  sole  remnant  of  the  mosque, 
and  it  gave  its  name  to  the  church.  Jesus  Christ  now 
took  the  place  of  the  false  prophet  and  the  vain  forms  of 
the  papacy;  and  many  believed  in  the  grace  of  the  Son 
of  God.  In  the  discourses  of  Egidius  there  was  a  charm 
which  was  felt  alike  by  the  educated  and  the  ignorant. 
He  was  the  most  animated  and  the  most  popular  preacher 
who  had  ever  appeared  at  Seville;  and  his  history  shows, 
better  perhaps  than  that  of  any  other  preacher,  that  the 
first  quahty  of  an  orator  is  a  heart  burning  with  love  and 
with  fervent  emotion.  Pectus  facit  orator  em.  This  man 
had  received  from  God  the  excellent  gift  of  penetrating 
the  souls  of  those  who  heard  him  with  a  divine  firef 
which  animated  all  theii*  deeds  of  piety  and  fitted  them 
to  endure  lovingly  the  cross  with  which  they  were  threat- 
ened.    Christ  was  with  him  in  his  ministry,  says  one  of 

*  '  Prsecipue  sua  ipsius  experientia  erat  edoctus. ' — Moutanus,  p. 
263. 

t  'Igneam  quamdam  pietatis  facem.' — Ihid.,  p.  231. 


CHAP.  n.       PONCE  DE  LA  FUENTE  AND  VARGAS.  27 

those  who  were  converted  by  him;  and  this  divine  Master 
himself  engraved,  by  the  virtue  of  his  Spirit,  the  words 
of  his  servant  on  the  hearts  of  his  hearers.*  Valeric 
was  the  layman  of  the  Reformation;  Egidins  became  its 
minister. 

He  was  not  long  alone.  During  his  residence  at  Alcala, 
three  students  were  observed  to  be  united  in  close  friend- 
shijD  with  each  other.  These  were  John  Egidius,  Con- 
stantine  Ponce  de  la  Fuente,  and  Vargas.  Now  these 
two  old  fellow-students  arrived  at  Seville.  The  Castil- 
ian.  Con  stan tine  Ponce  de  la  Fuente,  was  born  at  St. 
Clement,  in  the  diocese  of  Cuenca.  The  inhabitants  of 
these  districts  concealed  under  an  aspect  of  coldness  a 
free  and  boisterous  gaiety.  Ponce  de  la  Fuente  was  cer- 
tainly oue  of  these  people.  He  had  a  caustic  humor,  was 
a  lover  of  pleasure,  and  ardent  in  all  that  he  did.  His 
youth  had  been  somewhat  dissipated,  and  for  this  he  was 
afterwards  reproached  by  his  enemies.  But  he  possessed 
also  good  sense  and  a  moral  disposition,  which  soon  led 
him  to  embrace  a  more  regular  life,  even  before  he  was 
acquainted  with  the  Grospel.  He  never  lost,  however,  his 
cheerfulness  and  his  wit.  He  was  animated  by  a  strong 
desire  to  gain  solid  knowledge,  and  at  the  same  time  he 
felt  great  aversion  to  the  pedantry  and  barbarism  of  the 
schools.  In  some  respects  he  was  like  Erasmus.  He 
was  a  son  of  the  Renaissance,  and,  like  his  master,  en- 
joyed ridiculing  the  ignorance  of  the  monks,  the  fooleries 
of  the  preachers,  and  the  hypocrisy  of  the  j)harisees.  Al- 
though he  had  not  the  genius  of  the  great  man  of  letters, 
in  some  points  he  surpassed  him.  There  was  more  depth 
in  his  faith  and  more  decision  in  his  character.  Contra- 
dictory qualities  met  in  his  nature.  He  would  hurl  in  all 
directions  his  satirical  darts,  and  yet  he  was  full  of  be- 
nevolence and  generosity,  and  was  always  ready  to  give 
assistance  to  any  one.    It  was,  moreover,  said  of  him  that 

*  'Adesse  Christum  qui  verba,  eo  externe  ministranto,  in  ipsis 
visceribus  suorum  virtute  spiritus  sui  exararet.' — Moutauus,  p.  201. 


28  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiy. 

no  one  ever  loved  or  hated  liim  moderately.  His  ac- 
quaintance with  the  human  heart,  his  knowledge  of  the 
egotism  and  the  indifference  which  are  found  even  in  the 
best  men,  made  him  very  scrupulous  in  the  selection  of 
his  friends.  But  he  deeply  loved  the  few  to  whom  he 
was  attached;  and  with  his  great  acquirements  he  com- 
bined a  free  and  cordial  manner. 

Ponce  de  la  Fuente  was  apparentty  detained  at  Seville 
by  the  rejDort  of  the  conversion  of  Egidius  and  of  the 
great  sensation  which  his  discourses  were  producing  in 
that  town.  Like  Vargas,  he  hungered  and  thirsted  for 
a  truth  which  should  satisfy  all  his  wants,  and  which  was 
as  yet  unknown  to  him.  That  which  these  two  were 
still  in  search  of,  they  learnt  that  the  third  had  found. 
They  hastened  to  his  presence.  They  found  Egidius 
convinced  that  the  knowledge  of  Christ  surpasses  every 
thing  besides,  so  that  in  order  to  obtain  it  there  is  noth- 
ing which  pught  not  to  be  given  up.  He  had  found  it 
the  chief  good.  He  had  gained  it  by  faith,  and  he  was 
prepared  for  the  sake  of  keeping  it  to  lose  all  that  he 
possessed.  The  communion  of  the  three  friends  became 
more  and  more  intimate,  theii'  friendship  sweeter  and 
sweeter.*  In  their  intercourse  with  each  other  they  found 
so  much  solace  and  so  much  profit  to  their  souls  that 
when  they  were  parted  they  sighed  for  the  moment  when 
they  should  meet  again.  Their  souls  were  one.  Egidius 
made  known  evangelical  truth  to  his  old  fellow-students; 
and  on  their  part  Vargas,  and  still  more  de  la  Eueute, 
'  the  extent  of  whose  knowledge  was  marvellous, 'f  gave 
him  a  wholesome  impulse,  under  the  influence  of  which 
he  made  rapid  progress  both  in  sound  literature  and  true 
theology.  The  brotherly  affection  which  united  them 
filled  their  hearts  with  joy;  and  this  joy,  says  a  reformer, 
was  perfumed  with  the  sweet  odor  of  the  service  of  God. 

*  '  Familiaris  consiietudo  atqne  arcta  amicitia.' — Montanus,  p. 
2G5. 

t   'Constant.ini  Fontii,  viri  ad  prodigium  usque  eruditi.' — Ibid. 


CHAP.  II.  HARMONIOUS    ACTION.  29 

The  three  friends  formed  a  plan,  and  combmed  their 
efforts  to  spread  true  piety  around  them.  Egidius  and 
de  la  Fuente  divided  between  them  the  work  of  preach- 
ing. Theii'  manner  of  speaking  differed.  While  Egidius 
had  much  openness  of  heart,  de  la  Fuente  had  much 
openness  of  intellect.  In  the  discourses  of  Egidius  there 
w^as  more  fire;  more  light  in  those  of  de  la  Fuente.  The 
former  took  souls  captive;  the  latter  enhghtened  under- 
standings, and  obtained,  says  a  historian,*  as  much  and 
even  more  applause  than  his  master.  This  means  doubt- 
less that  his  influence  was  still  more  powerful.  Vargas 
had  undertaken  another  department,  that  of  practical 
exegesis.  At  first  he  explained  in  the  church  the  Gospel 
according  to  St.  Matthew,  as  Zwiugii  had  done  at  Zurich; 
and  afterwards  the  Psalms. f  These  three  evangelists 
spoke  with  a  sacred  authority,  and  with  admirable  unity. 
'What  harmony,'  peo23le  said,  'prevails  between  Egidius, 
Constantine,  and  Vargas ! '  But  nobody  suspected  that 
the  word  spoken  by  these  three  powerful  teachers  was 
the  evangelical  doctrine  then  being  preached  b}'  Luther, 
Farel,  and  the  other  reformers.  There  w^as  no  more 
reference  to  them  in  the  discourses  of  the  Spaniards  than 
if  they  had  not  existed.  All  those  souls  which  thirsted 
for  the  truth  would  have  been  alarmed  at  the  names  of 
these  men,  heretics  in  their  e^'es;  but  they  were  attracted 
by  the  words  full  of  grace  and  truth  which  were  those 
of  John,  Peter,  and  Paul,  nay,  rather  of  Jesus  him- 
self. The  sheep  entered  into  the  fold  in  which  were 
ah-eady  those  who  were  elsewhere  called  by  Melanch- 
tlion  and  by  Calvin,  without  in  the  least  suspecting  the 
fact.     Their   strong   but   invisible   bond    of   union    was 

*  Llorente,  ii.  p.  273. 

t  A  learned  and  pions  historian,  M'Crie,  who  devoted  much  at- 
tention to  the  history  of  the  Reformation  in  Spain,  states  that  Var- 
gas first  explained  the  Epistle  to  the  Eomans.  But  Montanus  de 
Montes,  a  contemporary  and  friend  of  Egidius,  says — '  Pi'celegebat 
evangelium  MaUhcei,  quo  absoluto  accepit  Psahnos.'     P.  281. 


30  THE    REF0R:\[ATI0N    in    EUROFE.  book  XIV. 

Christ,  whose  grace  operated  silently  but  with  the  same 
efficacy  on  the  banks  of  the  Elbe,  the  Rhone,  and  the 
Guadalquivir. 

The  reputation  of  Ponce  de  la  Fuente  was  ere  long  as 
widespread  as  that  of  Egidius.  There  was  one  feature 
in  his  character  which  doubled,  nay,  which  multiplied  a 
hundredfold  the  force  and  residt  of  his  preaching.  He 
was  free  from  vanit}^  This  besetting  sin  of  the  orator,  a 
vice  which  paralyses  his  influence,  had  no  place  in  him. 
He  was  quite  exempt  from  that  exalted  oj)inion  of  him- 
self which  is  so  natural  to  the  human  heart,  and  espe- 
cially to  the  public  speaker.  He  had  recovered  the  first 
of  all  loves — the  love  of  God;  and  this  so  filled  his  soul 
that  it  left  no  room  for  any  other.  He  was  indifferent 
to  the  praises  of  his  hearers,  and  his  only  thought  was 
how  to  win  their  hearts  for  God.  His  reputation  pro- 
cured him  several  calls.  The  chapter  of  Cuenya  unani- 
mously invi^-ed  him  to  be  preacher  at  the  cathedral.  By 
accepting  the  invitation  he  would  have  gained  an  honor- 
able position  in  his  own  province;  but  he  chose  rather  to 
remain  the  curate  of  Egidius.  Some  time  -afterwards  a 
deputation  arrived  at  Seville,  commissioned  to  announce 
to  de  la  Fuente  that  he  was  called  to  succeed  the  titular 
bishop  of  Utica  as  preacher  at  the  metropolitan  church 
of  Toledo,  an  office  of  high  honor  and  very  much  sought 
after.*  No  one  doubted  that  he  would  accept  a  place 
which  was  the  object  of  ambition  to  so  many  men.  De 
la  Fuente,  having  no  wish  to  leave  Seville,  where  a  great 
door  was  opened  to  him,  declined  the  offer.  The  canons 
persisted  in  their  application,  pressed  him  and  seemed 
bent  on  compelling  him.  In  order  to  get  rid  of  their 
importunity,  Ponce  availed  himself  of  an  objection  which 
was  certainly  in  character  with  the  turn  of  his  mind.  In 
the  church  of  Toledo  a  dispute  was  at  this  time  going  on 
between  several  members  of  the  chapter  and  the  cardinal- 

*  'Capitulum  cum  liouorifica  legatioue  accersebat.' — Montaiius, 
p.  279. 


CHAP.  n.  OrPOSITION.  31 

archbishop  John  cle  Martinez  Siliceo,  who  had  decreed 
that  the  candidates  elected  by  the  chapter  shonkl  be 
bound  to  prove  that  thej^  were  descended  from  bhime- 
less  ancestors.  Now  de  la  Euente  had  no  reason  to 
fear  this  rule  more  than  any  other;  but  being  di'iven 
to  extremities,  he  replied  to  the  deputies  with  an  arch 
smile  that  'the  bones  of  his  ancestors  had  rested  in 
l^eace  for  many  years,  and  that  he  would  not  disturb 
their  repose.' 

It  was  inevitable  that  the  labors  of  these  evangelical 
men  should  arouse  at  Seville  a  lively  opposition.  The 
more  the  hearers  of  the  three  evangelists  were  rescued 
by  their  preaching  from  the  darkness  of  ignorance,  and 
the  more  they  shook  off  the  dust  of  the  middle  ages,  so 
much  the  more  they  esteemed  the  noble  men  to  whom 
they  were  indebted  for  the  light,  and  the  less  respect 
they  felt  for  the  troop  of  hj^^ocrites  who  had  so  long 
destroyed  their  souls  by  their  teaching.*  Consequently 
the  palace  of  the  Inquisition  resounded  with  complaints, 
and  nothing  but  threats  was  to  be  heard  in  the  castle  of 
Triana,  situated  in  a  suburb  of  Seville,  in  which  the  trib- 
unal of  the  holy  office  was  established.  The  evangehsts, 
however,  had  friends  so  numerous  and  so  powerful  that 
the  inquisitors  did  not  dare  at  present  to  attack  them. 
They  turned  their  attention  to  the  other  preachers,  en- 
deavored to  awaken  them,  and  implored  them  to  de- 
fend the  faith  of  Rome,  now  so  terribly  shaken.  And, 
in  fact,  the  priests  attached  to  ancient  superstitions  ere 
long  arose  as  out  of  a  long  sleep  and  warmed  their  tor- 
pid zeal.  The  fire  of  Rome,  well-nigh  extmct,  was  re- 
kindled. There  were  two  camps  in  Seville.  Over  the 
cathedral  floated  the  banner  of  the  Gospel;  in  almost 
all  the  other  churches  was  raised  the  flag  of  the  papacy. 
A  contemporary  asserts  that  it  was  the  flag  of  Epictetus, 
and   he  thinks  that   these  priests  were  rather  inferior 

*  '  Vilesceret  vero  indies  assidua  congressioue  lucis  bypocritarum 
turba.' — Montauus,  p.  266. 


32  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE,  book  siv. 

to  tlie  Stoic  pliiloRoplier.*  'Unstring  your  rosaries  and 
your  beads  more  frequently,'  said  the  j)riests;  'get  many 
masses  said;  abstain  from  meat;  go  on  pilgrimage;  have 
such  and  such  dresses,  such  an  aspect,  and  other  poor 
things  of  the  like  kind.'f  'A  fine  mask  of  piety,'  people 
used  to  say;  'but  if  you  examine  these  things  more 
closely,  what  do  jon  find?'  At  the  cathedral,  on  the 
contrary,  the  preachers  urged  their  hearers  to  read  the 
Hol}^  Scriptures;  they  set  forth  the  merits  of  a  crucified 
Saviour  and  called  upon  men  to  place  all  their  trust  in 
him.  The  evangelical  preachers  were  fewer  in  number 
than  the  others,  but  around  them  were  gathered  the  best 
part  of  the  population.  Gradually  the  books  of  the  Eo- 
man  service  were  laid  aside  and  gave  place  to  the  Gos- 
pel. Many  hearts  were  attracted  by  the  Word  of  God. 
The  religion  of  form  lost  many  of  its  adherents,  and  the 
religion  of  the  spirit  gained  them.  Among  these  were 
several  inmates  of  the  convent  of  the  Hieronymites,  in 
San  Isidro  del  Campo.  But  for  the  Inquisition,  the  Ref- 
ormation would  have  transformed  Spain,  and  secured  the 
prosperity  and  welfare  of  its  people. 

Ponce  de  la  Fuente,  above  all,  charmed  his  hearers 
not  only  by  the  beauty  of  the  doctrine  which  he  j^ro- 
claimed,  but  also  by  the  purity  and  elegance  of  his  lan- 
guage, and  by  the  overpowering  bursts  of  his  eloquence. 
Those  who  heard  it  exclaimed,  'A  miracle! 'J  Ponce 
was  a  great  observer,  and  this  both  by  nature  and  by 
choice.  He  took  his  stand  as  it  were  upon  a  height,  and 
set  himself  to  consider  attentively  all  that  presented  itself 
to  him — jDliysical  phenomena,  moral  affections,  and  hu- 

*  '  Ad  Epicteti  Stoici  placita  .  .  .  eo  Epicteto  inferior.'— Mon- 
tanus,  p.  238. 

t  'De  crebris  jejuniis,  de  mortificatione,  vestitu,  sermone,  vultu 
.  .  .  ad  missas  complures,  ad  sacronim  locorum  frequentationes, 
et  ad  multa  alia  nugamenta.' — Montanus,  p.  238. 

X  'Accesserat  ea  Hispanite  linguae  peritia  et  facuudia  qiire  qui- 
buscumque  illius  studiosissimis  miraculo  esset. '  —  Montanus,  p. 
278. 


CHAP.  n.  ELOQUENCE    OF    DE    LA    FUENTE.  33 

man  affairs.*  By  means  of  liis  learning,  liis  experience, 
and  liis  knowledge  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  lie  was  able 
to  contemplate  as  from  an  elevated  position  all  tilings 
liuman  and  divine.  He  had  also  an  accurate  judgment, 
a  quality  of  the  first  importance  to  a  preacher.  He  had 
a  sense  of  the  just  value  of  things;  discretion  not  only 
guided  him  in  all  his  actions,  but  also  inspired  all  his 
words.  This  explains  the  popularity  which  he  ere  long 
enjoyed.  In  his  view  the  tact  of  the  orator  should  teach 
him  to  avoid  whatever  would  uselessly  shock  the  hearer, 
and  to  seek  after  every  thing  which  could  bring  souls  to 
salvation.  On  the  days  when  he  preached,  Seville  cathe- 
dral presented  the  finest  spectacle.  His  service  was 
usually  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning;  and  the  con- 
course of  people  was  so  great  that  as  early  as  four  o'clock, 
frequently  even  at  three,  hardly  a  place  in  the  church 
was  left  vacant.f  It  was  openly  asserted  in  Seville  that 
Ponce  de  la  Fuente  surpassed  the  most  illustrious  orators 
of  his  own  age  and  of  the  age  which  had  preceded  it.  J  In 
spite  of  the  extraordinary  popularity  which  he  enjoyed,  he 
had  remained  one  of  the  simplest  of  men,  free  from  the 
love  of  money,  without  ambition,  satisfied  with  frugal  diet, 
w4th  a  small  library,  and  not  caring  for  that  wealth  for 
the  sake  of  which  certain  public  pests,  said  one  of  his 
friends,  ravaged  the  church  of  God.  He  had  given  proof 
of  this  by  refusing  the  rich  canonry  of  Toledo. 

During  many  years  Seville,  more  fortunate  in  this  re- 
spect than  any  other  town  in  Spain,  §  heard  the  pure 
Gospel  of  Christ  proclaimed.  Besides  the  service  in  the 
cathedral,  there  were  meetings  of  a  more  private  cliarac- 

*  '  Videbatur  enim  veluti  a  specula  quadam  humana  omnia  negotia 
coutemplari.' — Montantis,  p.  278. 

t  '  Taiitus  erat  populi  concursus  iit  quarta,  sa3pe  etiam  tertia, 
noctis  bora  vix  in  templo  inveniretur  commodus  ad  audiendum 
locwH.'— Ibid.,  p.  279. 

X  ' Clarissimos  antecelluit,' — Ibid.,  p.  278. 

§  'Eaurbs  omnium  totius  Hispauiie  felicissima. ' — Montauus,  p. 
240. 

VOL.     VIII. — 2* 


34  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

ter  in  some  of  the  houses.  The  abundant  harvest  which 
the  fertile  soil  of  Spain  afterwards  jdelded  was  the  fruit 
of  these  laborious  sowings.*  De  la  Fuente,  Egidius,  and 
Vargas,  men  as  remarkable  for  their  doctrine  as  for  their 
life,  were  the  first  great  sowers  of  the  good  seed  in  the 
Peninsula.  '  They  deserve,'  said  one  of  their  good  friends, 
*to  be  held  in  perpetual  remembrance.'  Who  can  tell 
what  might  have  happened  in  Spain  if  the  work  of  these 
three  associated  Christians  could  have  been  longer  carried, 
on  ?  Bat  on  a  sudden  Egidius  found  himself  deprived 
of  his  two  companions  in  arms,  and  this  in  most  diverse 
ways. 

Charles  the  Fifth  happened  to  be  in  Spain  just  at  the 
time  when  Ponce  de  la  Fuente  was  achieving  the  greatest 
success.  The  emperor  came  to  Seville;  and  in  conse- 
quence of  the  high  praise  of  the  preacher  which  reached 
him  from  all  quarters  he  wished  to  hear  him.  Charles 
was  delighted.  He  was  fond  of  fine  things,  and  the  same 
doctrines  which,  when  professed  in  Belgium,  in  some 
obscure  conventicle  by  a  cutler  or  a  furrier,  he  punished 
as  frightful  heresies,  did  not  offend  him  when  they  came 
from  the  hps  of  a  gi'eat  orator,  and  were  proclaimed  to 
an  immense  crowd  in  the  most  beautiful  church  in  Spain. 
He  almost  beheved  that  talent  was  orthodox.  We  have 
moreover  remarked  that  one  of  the  characteristics  of  de 
la  Fuente  was  to  preach  the  pure  Gospel,  avoiding  every 
thing  which  might  shock  his  hearers.  The  emperor  sent 
for  him  to  the  palace.  Charmed  with  his  conversation, 
his  intelligence,  and  his  polished  and  agreeable  manners, 
he  named  him  one  of  his  chaplains.  To  this  appoint- 
ment he  soon  added  the  office  of  almoner,  and  invited 
him  to  follow  him  beyond  the  Pyrenees.  De  la  Fuente, 
being  attached  to  Seville,  would  gladly  have  declined  the 
call,  as  he  had  those  from  Cuenga  and  Toledo.     But  this 

*  '  Ilia  enim  messis  qnre  per  totos  jam  octo  ant  decern  annos  col- 
ligitur,  ex  ilia  laboriosa  uovatioue  provenire  certuui  est.' — Montauus, 
p.  240. 


CHAP.  n.  DEATH    OF    VARGAS.  35 

time  it  ^Yas  lii.s  sovereign  who  called  liim.  The  will  of 
Charles  the  Fifth  was  law,  and  there  was  no  way  of 
escape.  Moreover  this  call,  in  his  judgment,  came  from 
God  himself.  He,  therefore,  prepared  for  his  departure. 
Strange  to  stxj,  the  emperor  charged  him  to  accompany 
his  son  Philip  into  the  Netherlands  and  to  England.* 
'I  intend,'  he  said,  'to  show  the  Flemings  that  Spain  is 
not  wdthout  her  amiable  scholars  and  eminent  orators.' 
De  la  Fuente,  therefore,  accompanied  Philip.  He  after- 
guards rejoined  Charles  in  German}-,  discharged  the  duties 
of  chaplain  to  him,  and  had  the  opportunity  of  making 
the  acquaintance  of  some  of  the  reformers. 

The  departure  of  Ponce  de  la  Fuente  left  the  Koman 
party  at  Seville  more  at  ease.  They  resolved  now  to  get 
rid  first  of  Vargas.  This  theologian,  who  perhaps  had 
neither  the  tact  of  de  la  Fuente  nor  the  fervor  of  Egidius, 
was  just  on  the  point  of  being  cited  before  the  tribunals 
when  he  died.  Egidius  thus  left  alone  felt  keenly  the  loss 
of  his  fi'iends.  He  was  to  have  no  more  intimate  com- 
munion, no  more  familiar  conversations.  The  illustrious 
preacher  encountered  everywhere  hostile  looks,  and  had 
no  longer  a  fiiendly  ear  into  which  he  could  pour  his 
sorrow.  His  singular  openheartedness  exposed  him  more 
than  others  to  hatred.  Simple  and  candid,  when  called 
to  speak  from  the  chief  puljoit  at  Seville,  he  attacked  the 
enemies  of  the  light  more  openly  and  more  frequently 
than  his  colleagues  had  done.f  Consequently,  his  adver- 
saries, full  of  anger  against  him,  put  into  circulation  the 
most  unfavorable  reports  of  his  orthodoxy.  They  sur- 
rounded him  with  secret  agents,  who  were  instructed  to 
pick  up  his  sayings  and  to  spy  out  his  proceedings;  and 
they  schemed  among  themselves  w^hat  course  they  must 
take  to  get  rid  of  a  man  whom  they  detested.     Egidius 

*  '  Constantinus  (de  la  Fuente)  a  Coesare  et  filio  Philippo  ascitus 
Hispali  cliscedere  cogeretur,' — Montanus,  p.  282. 

t  'Qui  ut  simplicitate  iiigenii  et  auctoritate  prtestabat,  apertius  et 
frcqueiitius  lucis  bostes  lacessebat.' — Montunus,  p.  2GG. 


36  THE    REFORilATIOX    IN    EUROPE.  book  xrv. 

was  left  alone;  but  even  alone  lie  was  a  power  in  Seville. 
If  his  enemies  could  succeed  in  overthrowing  him,  the 
Inquisition  would  then  reign  without  a  rival.  Unfor- 
tunately for  these  fanatical  men,  Egidius  counted  a  large 
number  of  friends  among  all  classes.  After  a  careful 
examination  of  all  the  circumstances,  they  had  not  courage 
publicly  to  accuse  him.  There  was  need  of  the  brilliant 
popularity  of  which  he  was  subsequently  the  object  to 
raise  then-  irritation  to  such  a  pitch  that  they  determined 
to  proceed  to  extremities. 

The  inquisitors  did  not  stop  here.  Rodrigo  de  Valerio, 
after  having  been  set  at  liberty,  on  the  ground,  they  said, 
that  he  was  merely  mad,  had  refrained,  by  the  desire  of 
his  friends,  from  pubhcly  preachmg  the  Gospel.  Unwill- 
ing, however,  to  do  absolutely  nothing,  he  had  gathered 
together  a  certain  number  of  his  friends  and  had  in  a 
familiar  way  interpreted  to  them  the  Epistle  of  St.  Paul 
to  the  Romans,  that  ocean,  as  Chrysostom  called  it,  which 
meets  us  everywhere  at  the  beginning  of  the  awaken- 
ings.* Some  of  those  who  listened  to  him  persevered  in 
the  faith;  others,  at  a  later  time,  rejected  it.  Among 
the  latter  in  particular  was  Peter  Diaz,  who  having  for- 
saken the  Gospel  entered  the  Societ}^  of  Jesuits  and  died 
at  Mexico.f  But  the  brave  Eodrigo  could  not  long  sub- 
mit to  this  restriction.  Ought  he  to  shrink,  he  said  to 
himself,  from  exposing  his  hberty,  or  even  his  life,  when 
the  Gospel  was  at  stake  ?  Others  had  given  their  lives 
for  a  less  object  than  this.  He  was  in  hope,  moreover, 
of  arousing  by  his  own  example  other  combatants  who 
should  finally  win  the  victory.  He,  therefore,  laid  aside 
timid  precautions  and  began  again  to  point  out  publicly 

*  'A  Valerio  Nubrissensi  ex  d.  Pauli  epistolre  ad  Eomanos  famil- 
iari  interpretationo  (veritatem)  ante  didicerat  (Diazius).' — Mouta- 
niis,  p.  2G8. 

t  Peter  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  one  of  the  two  brothers 
Jnan  and  Alfonso,  whose  tragic  history  holds  a  place  in  the  annals 
of  the  Reformation. 


CHAP.  n.  VALERIO    CONDEMNED.  37 

the  errors  and  superstitions  of  Rome.  He  was  once  more 
denounced,  and  was  arrested  by  the  Inquisition,  which 
was  quite  determined  this  time  not  to  let  shp  the  pre- 
tended madman.  He  was  sentenced  to  imprisonment  for 
life  and  to  wear  the  san  henito,  a  cloak  of  a  yellow  color, 
the  usual  garb  of  the  victims  of  the  Inquisition.  Every 
Sunday  and  feast-day,  Yalerio  was  taken,  as  well  as  other 
penitents,  by  the  familiars  of  the  holy  office  to  Saint 
Saviour's  Church,  at  Seville,  to  hear  both  the  sermon 
and  the  high  mass.  He  appeared  as  a  penitent  without 
repentance.  He  could  not  listen  to  the  doctrine  of  the 
monks  without  in  some  way  showing  his  opposition  to 
it.  He  would  sometimes  rise  from  his  seat,  and,  while 
the  w^hole  assembly  fixed  their  eyes  on  him,  put  ques- 
tions to  the  preacher,  refute  his  doctrines,  and  entreat 
his  hearers  to  take  care  they  did  not  receive  tliem."^ 
Kodrigo  could  not  hear  a  doctrine  contrar}^  to  the  Gos- 
pel without  his  whole  soul  being  stirred  within  him.  The 
inquisitors,  steadily  persuaded  of  his  madness,  at  first 
excused  these  interpellations,  which  to  them  seemed  to 
be  the  clearest  proof  of  his  malady.  But  the  discourses 
of  this  insane  man  were  so  reasonable  that  they  produced 
an  impression.  The  inquisitors  at  length  confined  him 
in  a  convent  on  the  coast  of  San  Lucar,  where  all  society 
was  forbidden  him;  and  here  he  died  at  about  the  age 
of  fifty.  His  mn  henito  was  exhibited  in  the  metropolitan 
Church  of  Seville,  with  this  inscrij)tion: — Bodrigo  Valeria, 
a  false  apodle  ivho  gave  out  that  he  iras  sent  of  God.  It 
was  after  the  departure  of  de  la  Fuente  from  Seville  that 
the  final  sentence  was  pronounced  against  Valerio. 

*   'Saspo  e  sua  scde  snrgens,  spectante  uuiverso  populo,  couciona- 
toribus  contradixit.' — Moutauus,  p.  2G4. 


38  THE  REFORMATION  IN  EUROPE. 


CHAPTEE  III. 

SPAIN      OUT      OF      SPAIN. 
(1537—1545.) 

The  Spaniards  wlio  at  tliis  epoch  clistingiiished  them- 
selves by  the  purest  faith  were  those  who,  havmg  been 
by  various  circumstances  transported  into  Germany  and 
the  Netherlands,  were  there  brought  into  contact  with 
the  Keformation  and  its  most  remarkable  men.  Thus  it 
happens  that  respecting  these  we  possess  the  most  de- 
tailed information.  We  are,  therefore,  called  to  look  in 
this  chapter  and  the  following  ones  at  Spain  out  of  Spain. 

While  Se-yjille  was  a  great  evangehcal  centre  in  the 
South,  and  the  foremost  town  in  Spain  at  the  epoch  of 
the  Reformation,  there  were  also  cities  in  the  north  of 
the  Peninsula,  which  were  disting-uished  by  some  remark- 
able featm*es,  particularly  Valladolid  and  Burgos.  The 
latter  town,  situated  in  a  fertile  country,  and  once  the 
capital  of  Castile,  gave  birth  to  four  young  men,  who 
were  afterwards  noted  for  their  devotion  to  the  Gospel, 
but  who  spent  most  of  their  Uves  beyond  the  Pyrenees. 
These  were  James,  Francis  and  John  de  Enzinas,  sons 
of  a  respectable  citizen  of  Burgos,  who  had  kinsmen  of 
noble  rank  and  high  connections,  and  Francis  San  Ro- 
mano, of  more  humble  origin,  but  whose  parents  were 
*good  honest  people.'  His  father  was  alcalde  of  Bribi- 
esca.  These  four  young  men,  almost  of  the  same  age, 
were  comrades  at  Burgos.*  For  various  reasons  they 
quitted  the  town  in  their  youth.     The  father  of  the  Eu- 

*  '  Qnem  olim  iu  nostra  civitato  adolescentem  pner  familiariter 
novi,'  says  Francis  Enzinas  of  San  Romano. — Memoirs  of  Enzinas, 
ii.  p.  174. 


CHAP.  m.  THE    THREE    EXZINAS.  39 

zinas,  a  man  in  Ins  way  ambitions  for  his  cliiklren,  and 
holding  firmly  by  his  anthorit}^  as  a  father,  continued  to 
rule  his  sons  even  after  they  had  attained  their  majority. 
He  sent  them  to  complete  their  education  at  the  univer- 
sity of  Louvain,  partly  because  the  course  of  study  there 
was  of  a  more  liberal  cast  than  in  Spain,  and  partl}^  be- 
cause he  had  kinsmen  settled  in  the  Netherlands,  some  of 
whom  were  at  the  court  and  enjoyed  the  favor  of  Charles 
the  Fifth.  It  ax3peared  to  him  that  a  tine  career  was 
there  open  to  their  ambition,  and  that  they  would  per- 
haps ultimately  rise  to  the  high  position  of  their  father. 
They  were  indeed  to  find  a  career,  but  one  of  a  more 
noble  and  glorious  kind. 

The  Enzinas,  having  arrived  in  the  Netherlands  before 
1540,  applied  themselves  zealously  to  their  studies.  They 
were  all  of  them,  and  especially  Francis,  desirous  of  dis- 
covering all  that  was  true  and  good,  fully  determined  to 
communicate  to  others  the  truths  which  they  had  ac- 
quired, filled  with  courage  to  defend  them  against  all 
attacks  and  with  perseverance  to  continue  in  the  face 
of  danger  faithful  to  their  convictions.*  They  had  the 
Spanish  temperament,  depth  and  fervor  of  soul,  serious- 
ness and  reflectiveness  of  understanding;  and  some  faults 
of  their  nature  were  corrected  by  Christian  faith.  Their 
language  had  not  only  stateliness  but  thought.  The 
sense  of  honor  did  not  in  them  degenerate  into  pride, 
as  is  so  often  the  case;  and  their  religious  faith,  by  the 
influence  of  the  Gospel,  w^as  preserved  fi'om  superstition. 
They  have  been  known  under  different  names  in  dift'er- 
ent  countries.  Their  family  name,  Enzinas,  wdiich  in 
Spanish  denotes  a  species  of  oak,  was  as  usual  hellenized 
in  Germany,  where  they  bore  the  name  of  Dr3'ander, 
and  was  turned  into  French  in  France,  where  they  were 
sometimes  called  Duchesne. 

*  '  Yirum  gravem  uclmodnm  constanfcemque  et  fortem  iu  iis  asse- 
rendis  defendendisque  qure  vera  atque  recta  esse  disceudo  com- 
perisset.'— Camerarius,  Melanchthonis  Vita,  p.  324. 


40  TIIK    KKFOH.MATIOX     IN    EUROrE.  bock  xiv. 

These  three  young  men  had  a  taste  for  literature,  and 
made  rapid  progress  in  ifc.  While  the  truly  noble  and 
liberal  bent  of  their  intellect  sepai'ated  them  from  the 
theologians  who  were  virtually  imprisoned  within  the 
walls  of  the  Scholastic  method  and  doctrine,  their  natu- 
rally religious  disposition,  the  common  characteristic  of 
their  countrymen,  led  them  to  seek  out  the  pious  men 
of  their  day.  Two  of  these  were  the  means  of  bringing 
them  over  from  Roman  Catholicism  to  evangehcal  Prot- 
estantism; both  of  them  conciliatory  men,  who,  though 
they  belonged  especially  to  one  of  the  two  categories, 
maintained  at  the  same  time  some  relations  with  the 
other.  One  of  them  stood  on  the  Catholic  side,  the 
other  on  the  Protestant;  but  they  had  both  been  desir- 
ous of  bringing  about  a  reconciliation  between  the  Refor- 
mation and  Catholicism.  One  of  these  men  was  George 
Cassander,  born  in  1515,  2)i'obably  in  the  island  of  Cas- 
sandria,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Scheldt.  He  was  a  good 
scholar,  and  was  a  perfect  master  of  languages  and  liter- 
ature, law  and  theology,  and  taught  with  great  reputa- 
tion in  various  universities  in  the  Netherlands.  Sincerely 
pious,  he  made  it  the  purpose  of  his  life  to  demonstrate 
the  agreement  of  the  two  parties  in  essential  doctrines 
and  to  endeavor  to  unite  them.  With  this  intent  he 
published  various  works.*  The  emperor  Ferdinand  at 
a  later  time  requested  him  to  work  for  this  end.  The 
Enzinas  associated  themselves  with  him.  An  intimate 
fi'iendship  grew  up  between  them;  they  had  frequent 
conversations  and  wrote  to  each  other  when  separated.f 
But  while  the  Catholics  thought  that  Cassander  conceded 
too  much  to  the  Protestants,  the  latter,  and  especially 
Calvin,  complained  that  he  conceded  too  much  to  the 
Catholics.    He  did,  in  fact,  remain  always  united  with  the 

*  'De  officio  pii  viri  in  hoc  dissidio  religionis.  Consultatio  de 
articulis  fidei  inter  papistas  et  protestantes  controversis, '  &c. 

t  'lUustrium  et  clarorum  virorum  epistolaj,  scriptoe  a  Belgis  vel 
ad  Belgas,'  pp.  55,  58.     Lugd.  Batav.,  1G17. 


CHAP.  III.  FRANCIS    EXZINAS.  41 

Roman  church,  declared  that  he  submitted  to  its  judg- 
ment, and  openly  condemned  schism  and  its  authors. 

The  three  brothers,  endowed  with  an  honest  spirit, 
were  resolved  to  get  to  the  bottom  of  things.  The  spirit 
of  Cassander,  timid,  as  they  thought,  and  the  inadequacy 
of  the  reforms  which  he  allowed  to  be  desirable,  dis- 
pleased them;  and  they  gradually  withdrew  from  him. 
They  looked  for  better  guides,  and  studied  the  Holy 
Scri^Dtures.  By  j)ublic  report  they  heard  of  Melanch- 
thon,  and  they  began  to  read  and  to  meditate  on  his 
writings.  He  was  their  second  teacher,  more  enlight- 
ened, more  evangelical,  and  more  illustrious  than  the 
first.  Melanchthon  laid  open  to  their  understanding  in 
a  luminous  manner  the  sacred  Epistles.  He  revealed  to 
his  reader  the  grace  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  this  without 
the  asperity  and  the  violent  language  which  are  some- 
times to  be  met  with  in  Luther.  Melanchthon's  moder- 
ation charmed  them.     They  had  found  their  master. 

About  the  close  of  1537,  Francis  Enzinas,  then  fi'om 
twenty  to  twenty-five  years  of  age,  was  recalled  by  his 
family  to  Burgos.  His  relative,  Peter  de  Lerma,  had 
just  been  prosecuted  by  the  Inquisition.  It  was  supposed 
that  the  views  for  which  proceedings  had  been  taken 
against  him  were  to  be  attributed  to  his  sojourn  at  Paris. 
Those  inhabitants  of  Burgos  who  had  sent  their  sons  to 
foreign  universities  were  alarmed  lest  their  children  and 
themselves  should  be  subjected  to  the  severities  of  the 
Inquisition.  This  was  mainly  the  cause  of  the  return  of 
Francis  to  Burgos.  'At  that  time,'  says  he,  'I  was  as- 
sailed by  earnest  remonstrances  on  the  part  of  my  par- 
ents, and  I  began  to  be  looked  on  with  susi^icion  by  many 
great  persons,  because  I  would  not  comply  with  their 
requirements  and  give  up  the  studies,  the  savor  of  which 
I  had  already  tasted.'  *  His  aged  uncle,  Peter  de  Lerma, 
was  at  this  time  at  Burgos.  Fr^mcis  went  to  see  him, 
and  found  him  unhappy  and  dispirited,  unable  to  recon- 

*  Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  pp.  172,  173. 


42  THE    REFORMATIOX    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

cile  himself  to  the  thought  of  living  in  a  country  where 
a  man  must  either  be  in  agreement  with  the  Inquisition 
or  become  its  victim.  *  Ah ! '  said  he,  '  I  can  no  longer 
remain  in  Spain.  It  is  impossible  for  men  of  learning  to 
dwell  in  safety  in  the  midst  of  so  many  persecutors.' 
What  though  he  was  now  nearly  eighty  years  old  ?  What 
though  he  must  renounce,  if  he  quitted  Spain,  all  his 
goods  and  all  his  honors  ?  He  determined  to  seek  after 
another  abode  in  which  he  might  end  his  days  in  peace. 
He  would  not  hear  of  delay  either  on  account  of  the  sea- 
son of  the  year,  when  storms  are  most  to  be  dreaded,  or 
on  account  of  the  war  which  was  raging  beyond  the  Pyr- 
enees. He  was  resolved  to  leave  Spain  immediately. 
Perhaps  he  was  encouraged  not  to  put  off  his  departure 
by  the  thought  that  the  younger  Enzinas  might  be  of 
some  service  to  him  in  carrying  out  his  project.  The  old 
man  embarked  on  a  vessel  which  was  sailing  for  Flanders. 
On  his  arrival  there  he  betook  himself  to  Paris,  where 
he  had  formerly  resided.  During  his  first  stay  in  the 
capital  of  Erance,  De  Lerma  had  been  made  doctor  of 
the  Sorbonne;  he  now  found  himself  the  most  aged  mem- 
ber of  the  University.  His  friends,  persuaded  that  he 
had  been  persecuted  unjustly,  received  him  with  much 
respect.     He  spent  four  years  at  Paris. 

Erancis  had  returned  to  Louvain.  A  great  thought 
had  by  this  time  taken  possession  of  his  mind.  His 
supreme  desire  was  to  see  Spain  converted  to  the  Gos- 
pel. ,^  Now  what  means  so  mighty  for  this  end  as  to  give 
to  the  land  the  Word  of  God,  and  what  a  happiness  it 
would  be  for  him  to  enrich  his  native  country  with  this 
treasure!  In  former  ages  the  Bible  had  been  translated, 
but  the  Inquisition  had  flung  it  into  the  flames.  Hardly 
a  single  copy  had  escaped;*  and  Spaniards  proudly 
boasted  of  the  fact  that  their  language  had  never  served 
to  dishonor  the  Book  of  God  by  exposing  it  to  profane 
eyes.  Enzinas,  in  common  with  others,  supposed  that 
*  M'Crie,  Reformation  in  Spain,  pp.  403,  414. 


CHAP.  m.  ENZINAS    AND    ALASCO.  43 

the  New  Testament  had  never  j-et  been  translated  into 
Spanish,  He  therefore  zealously  undertook  this  task, 
but  when  he  had  made  a  beginning  he  felt  that  it  was  not 
in  the  Netherlands  that  he  could  conveniently  accom- 
jilish  it.  The  superstitions  prevalent  around  him,  and 
the  annoyances  which  he  had  to  endure  on  the  part  of 
the  fanatical  ul tramontanes,  made  him  ardently  long  to 
leave  Louvain.  At  the  same  time  he  felt  the  need  of  a 
visit  to  Wittenberg,  to  talk  over  his  work  with  Luther 
and  Melanchthon,  that  he  might  profit  by  their  larger 
knowledge.  He  was  already  acquainted  with  their  writ- 
ings, but  he  wished  for  their  counsel,  and  desired  an 
introduction  to  them. 

Enzinas  had  met  Alasco  at  Louvain  in  1536,  when  the 
latter,  after  leaving  Poland,  had  directed  his  steps  to  the 
Netherlands.  He  had  been  struck  with  the  aspect,  at 
once  serious  and  gentle,  of  the  Polish  noble,  and  he  had 
admired  the  air  of  statehness  and  dignity  which  invested 
his  whole  person.*  But  he  had  not  yet  perceived  'the 
treasures  which  la}^  hidden  in  the  depth  of  his  soul.' 
Subsequently,  Albert  Hardenberg  arrived  at  Louvain. 
They  talked  tog^ether  about  John  Alasco,  and  Harden- 
berg expressed  himself  with  all  the  warmth  of  a  friend. 
'How  can  I  name  to  you,'  he  said,  'all  the  gifts  which 
God  has  bestowed  on  him,  his  eminent  piety,  his  pure 
religion,  the  sweetness  and  the  benevolence  of  his  dispo- 
sition, his  wonderful  acquaintance  with  all  the  liberal 
sciences,  his  aptitude  for  languages?  ...  In  these 
respects  he  surpasses  all  other  men.'f  These  words  of 
Hardenberg  kindled  in  the  heart  of  Enzinas  a  warm  love 
for  Alasco;  and  ere  long,  he  says,  the  little  spark  became 
a  great  flame.J     He  would  fain  have  gone  to  him  in  all 

*  'Cum  gravitatem  illam  vultus  pari  suavitate  conjunctam,  et 
totius  corporis  majestatem  vere  beroicam  contemplarer.' — Gerde- 
sius,  iii.  Monwnenta,  p.  83. 

t   'Divinitus  donatns  prae  ceteris  mortalibus. ' — Ih'id. 

X  '  SciutiHula  ignis  .  .  .  iit  totum  fere  pectus  conflagrare 
videretur.'— Gerdesius,  iii.  Monumeala,  83. 


44  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  srv. 

haste;  but  he  was  detained  at  Louvain  by  insuperable 
obstacles.  He  attempted  to  write  to  him ;  but  when  he 
read  over  his  letter,  abashed  and  anxious,  he  threw  it 
away.  At  last  he  set  out;  but  when  he  had  reached 
Antwerp  he  found  himseK  compelled  to  go  back  to  Lou- 
vain. Not  long  after  his  return  he  heard  that  Alasco's 
wife  was  there.  She  was,  as  we  have  seen,  a  native  of 
this  town.  Francis  hastened  to  her  dwelling.  He  saw 
the  wife  and  the  daughter  of  his  friend;  he  almost  fan- 
cied that  he  saw  the  friend  himself.  He  availed  himself 
of  the  oi^portunity  to  write  to  the  man  for  whom  he  had 
conceived  one  of  those  great  and  intense  aifections  which 
are  sometimes  found  in  healthy  natures.  He  wrote  to 
Alasco  as  a  soldier  w^ho  stands  near  his  captain.  It  ap- 
pears that  his  parents  had  destined  him  for  a  military 
career,  and  he  knew  the  almost  inflexible  will  of  his 
father.  He  had  had  conflicts  to  go  through.  A  Spanish 
noble,  doubtless  for  the  purpose  of  encouraging  him  to 
enter  uj^on  the  career  which  his  father  had  chosen,  had 
presented  him  with  a  beautiful  and  antique  sword. 
'  Although,'  wrote  the  young  soldier  of  Christ  to  Alasco, 
'I  should  see  the  whole  world  taking  up  arms  against 
me,  because  in  spite  of  the  advice  of  respected  men  I 
dedicate  myself  to  study,  I  would  not  slight  the  gifts 
which  God  in  his  goodness,  and  without  any  deserviugs 
on  my  part,  has  given  me.  I  wall  strive  like  a  man  to 
propagate  the  truth  which  God  has  revealed  to  us.  But 
for  this  purpose  I  must  fly  far  from  this  Babylonish  cap- 
tivity, and  betake  myself  to  some  place  where  piety  is 
not  proscribed,  and  where  a  man  may  devote  himself  to 
noble  studies.  I  have  decided  to  go  to  Wittenberg,  to 
the  university  which  possesses  so  many  learned  profes- 
sors, where  knowledge  of  such  various  kinds  is  to  be 
found,  and  which  enjoys  the  aj)i3robation  of  all  good 
men.  I  think  so  highly  of  the  knowledge,  the  judg- 
ment, and  the  gift  of  teaching  of  Philip  Melanchthon, 
that  for  his  sake  alone,  to  enjoy  the  conversation  and  the 


CHAP.  in.  LETTER    OF    ENZINAS.  45 

instruction  of  so  great  a  man,  I  would  fly  to  the  ends  of 
the  world.*  Aid  me  in  my  jji-oject.  This  you  may  do 
by  giving  me  letters  to  facilitate  my  access  to  Luther, 
Melanchthon,  and  other  scholars,  and  to  obtain  for  me 
their  kindly  regard.' 

This  was  not  all.  Enziiias  delivered  to  Alasco's  wife, 
as  aa  act  of  homage  to  her  husband,  the  antique  and 
valuable  sword  presented  to  him  by  a  Spanish  noble. 
'You  will  say  to  me,'  he  adds,  '"What  would  you  have 
me  do  with  a  sword?  "  I  know  that  you  are  armed  with 
a  better,  one  which  penetrates  deeper  than  an}-  other, 
the  Word  of  God.  But  I  send  you  this  as  a  token  of  the 
love  that  I  bear  to  you,  and  of  the  respect  that  I  feel 
for  the  gifts  which  God  has  given  you.'  This  letter  is 
dated  May  10,  1541. 

Francis  Enzinas  was  not  able  to  go  immediately  to 
Wittenberg.  He  had  to  undertake  a  journey  to  Paris  in 
the  summer  of  1541,  partly  to  see  his  elder  brother  then 
residing  there,  and  partly  to  attend  on  his  aged  uncle, 
Peter  de  Lernia,  who  w^as  now  drawing  near  to  his  end. 
The  3'oung  man  was  thus  with  his  aged  kinsman  on  tw^o 
most  solemn  occasions — his  departure  from  Spain,  and  his 
death.  Francis  found  him  weakened,  but  still  enjoying 
the  use  of  his  fine  faculties.  He  went  frequently  to  see 
him,  and  they  had  long  and  confidential  interviews.  The 
suavity  of  the  old  man,  and  his  seriousness  unmixed  with 
severity,  charmed  and  delighted  Francis,f  who  from  in- 
fancy had  always  loved  and  honored  his  relative,  and  now 
esteemed  it  a  privilege  to  testify  to  the  last  his  respectful 
affection.  His  parents  wrote  to  him  from  Burgos  to  take 
the  greatest  care  of  his  aged  uncle.  He  therefore  went 
daily  to  see  him,  and  his  visits  made  glad  the  heart  of 
the  old  man.  Suddenly,  in  the  month  of  August  1541, 
Peter  de  Lerma  exchanged  the  miseries  of  this  world  for 

*  'Vcl  acl  extremnm  orbem  advolare.' — Gerdesius,  iii.  p.  85. 
t   '  Cujus  suavi    colloqnio  et  minime   molesta   gravitate   mirifice 
delectabar.' — Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii,  p.  166. 


46  THE    REF0R3IATI0X    IN     EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

the  jo3's  of  tlie  life  eternal.*  The  patriarch  of  eight}'- 
five  and  the  youth  of  twenty-five  were  together  at  this 
solemn  moment.  Life  was  just  beginning  for  Francis 
at  the  time  when  it  was  ending  for  his  uncle;  and  the 
former,  like  the  latter,  was  to  experience  all  its  burdens. 
As  the  sole  rej^resentative  of  the  family,  he  gave  the  old 
man  honor  and  reverence  tiU  his  death.f 

At  Paris,  Francis  had  found,  as  we  have  stated,  his 
elder  brother  James,  who  had  gone  thither  by  his  father's 
command  to  complete  his  studies;  and  it  is  possible  that 
this  interview  may  have  been  the  real  piu'pose  of  his 
journey.  James  had,  like  his  brother,  a  noble  and  in- 
dependent mind,  a  sensitive  conscience,  and  a  pure  and 
innocent  nature  which  unsuspectingly  showed  itself  as 
it  was.  This  openness  of  character  exposed  him  to  great 
danger.  To  these  qualities  he  added  a  very  refined  taste, 
which  enabled  him  to  appreciate  instinctively  the  works 
of  intellect  and  the  productions  of  art.  James  was  already 
convinced  of  the  great  truths  of  the  Gospel,  but  his  faith 
was  strengthened  during  his  stay  at  Paris;  and  he  exerted 
a  beneficial  influence  on  some  of  his  fellow-countrymen 
who  were  studying  there  at  the  same  time. 

In  this  capital  he  did  not  find  every  thing  answering 
to  his  expectation.  The  professors  were  mostly  bigots, 
who  had  a  very  small  stock  of  knowledge,  but  neverthe- 
less assumed  a  consequential  air,  although  the  little 
philosophy  which  they  possessed  made  them  really  less 
intelligent  than  if  they  had  had  none  at  all.  The  stu- 
dents had  little  good-breeding,  nor  did  they  show  any 
desire  for  really  liberal  researches.  James  Enzinas  was 
deeply  moved  by  the  heroism  of  the  martyrs,  and  the 
cruelty  of  their  executioners  made  him  shudder.     One 

*  Miserias  hujiis  mundi  cum  asterna  vita  commutavit.' — Menioh's 
of  Enzinas,  ii.  p.  166,  in  the  scholarly  edition  of  M.  Campan. 
(Brussels,  1862.) 

t  'Usque  ad  cineres  summa  sum  eum  reverentia  i)rosecutus.' — 
Ibid. 


CHAP.  m.  MARTYRDOM    OF    LEPEINTRE.  47 

day  a  very  young  man  named  Claude  Lepeintre,  about 
twenty  years  of  age,  was  conducted  to  the  Place  Mau- 
bert,  to  suffer  there  the  last  penalty.  He  had  resided 
three  years  at  Geneva,  serving,  it  appears,  an  apprentice- 
ship to  a  goldsmith.  In  that  city  he  had  found  the  Gos- 
pel. After  his  return  to  Paris,  his  native  place,  '  he  had 
endeavored  to  impart  to  his  friends  the  knowledge  of 
eternal  salvation.'  Some  people  of  the  house  in  which 
he  carried  on  his  trade  as  a  goldsmith  '  could  not  endure 
the  sweet  savor  of  the  Gospel  of  the  Son  of  God,'  and 
therefore  took  him  before  the  criminal  judge,  who  con- 
demned him  to  be  burnt  alive.  He  appealed  to  the  par- 
liament, which,  as  Claude  refused  to  recant,  added  that 
he  should  forthwith  have  his  tongue  cut  out.  Without 
change  of  countenance  the  pious  young  Christian  presented 
his  tongue  to  the  executioner,  who  seized  it  with  pincers 
and  cut  it  off.  It  is  even  added  that  with  it  he  struck 
the  martyr  several  blows  on  the  cheek.  He  was  then 
placed  in  a  car  to  be  taken  to  the  stake.  Several  evan- 
gelical Christians,  students  and  others,  such  as  James 
Enzinas,  his  friend  the  advocate  Cresj^in,  and  Eustace 
of  Knobelsdorf,  would  not  leave  him  till  his  death.  His 
martyrdom  was  described  by  all  three  of  them.  While 
on  his  way  to  the  Place  Maubert  he  was  subjected,  say 
these  eye-witnesses,  to  'numberless  insults  which  they 
cast  at  him.  But  it  was  wonderful  to  see  his  self-posses- 
sion and  constancy,  and  how  he  passed  on  with  a  light 
heart.  It  might  have  been  thought  that  he  was  going 
to  a  banquet.'  He  alighted  of  his  own  accord  from  the 
car,  and  stood  by  the  post  to  which  they  bound  him  by 
coiling  chains  about  his  body.  The  crowd  excited  against 
him  assailed  him  with  outcries  and  insults;  but  he  bore 
them  with  unspeakable  calmness.  His  tongue  having 
been  torn  out,  he  could  not  speak;  but  his  eyes  were 
steadily  fixed  on  heaven,  as  on  the  abode  which  he  was 
about  to  enter,  and  whence  he  looked  for  help.  The 
executioner  covered  his  head  with  brimstone,  and  v»hcn 


48  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

he  had  finished  showed  him  with  a  threatening  air  the 
lighted  torch  with  which  he  was  going  to  set  fire  to  the 
pile.  The  young  martyr  made  a  sign  that  he  would 
willingly  suffer  this  death.  '  This  youth,'  says  Knobels- 
dorf,  one  of  the  eye-witnesses,  'seemed  to  be  raised  to 
a  more  than  human  elevation.'  'This  most  happy  end,' 
says  another  witness,  Crespin,  'confirmed  those  who  had 
begun  to  have  some  sense  of  the  truth,  to  which  the 
Lord  gave  before  our  e^^es  a  true  and  Hving  testimony 
in  the  person  of  Claude.'  * 

James  had  emplo^^ed  his  leisui'e  hours  in  composing  in 
Spanish  a  catechism  which  he  thought  adapted  to  im- 
press on  the  minds  of  his  countrymen  the  great  truths 
of  the  Gospel.  Confirmed  in  his  faith  by  the  martyrdom 
of  Claude  Lepeintre,  weary  of  his  Paris  Hfe,  and  anxious 
to  pubhsh  his  work,  he  went  to  Louvain  and  thence  to 
Antwerp.  This  town  offered  facihties  for  printing  it,  and 
the  ships  bound  for  Spain  easily  conveyed  the  books  when 
printed  into  that  country.  Francis,  on  his  retiu'n  from 
Paris,  stayed  for  some  time  in  Belgium,  and  next  went 
to  Wittenberg,  where  freedom  of  studies  was  possible, 
and  where  Melanchthon  was  to  be  found. 

John  Enzinas,  the  youngest  of  the  three  brothers,  was 
also  a  lover  of  the  Gospel;  but  he  led  a  more  peaceful 
life  than  the  elder  ones.  He  had  chosen  the  medical 
profession,  and  had  settled  in  Germany.  He  became  a 
professor  at  the  university  of  Marburg,  and  acquired  a 
certain  reputation  by  his  works  on  medicine  and  astron- 
omy, and  by  the  invention  of  various  instruments  useful 
for  the  advancement  of  those  sciences.  But  in  the  annals 
of  the  Beformation  his  name  is  less  conspicuous  than 
those  of  his  brothers. 

Another  young  Spaniard,  like  the  Enzinas  a  native  of 

*  niust.  et  Clar.  Virorum  Epp.  selectre,  a  Belgis  vel  ad  Belgas 
scriptse;  Leyclen,  1617.  Ep.  from  Knobelsdorf  to  Cassander,  July 
10,  1542;  from  James  Dryander  to  Cassander,  pp.  38-45,  55,  60. 
Crespin,  Ades  des  Martyrs,  iii.  p.  127. 


CHAP.  m.  SAN    ROMANO.  49 

Burgos,  and  a  friend  of  theirs,  was  in  1540  at  Antwerp, 
wliitber  James  bad  already  gone,  and  Francis  likewise 
was  to  go.  San  Eomano,  of  whom  we  have  previously 
made  mention,  had  devoted  himself  to  trade,  and  his 
business  affairs  had  called  him  into  the  Netherlands. 
There  was  a  fair-time  at  Antwerp,  during  which  it  was 
usual  for  the  merchants  of  various  countries  to  settle 
their  accounts.  As  San  Romano  was  a  very  intelligent 
young  man,  and  was,  moreover,  already  acquainted  with 
the  merchants  of  Bremen,  he  was  commissioned  by  theu' 
creditors,  his  countrymen,  to  go  to  Bremen  to  claim  and 
receive  what  was  owing  to  them.  Another  Sj)aniard  was 
associated  with  him.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Jacob 
Spreng,  provost  of  the  Augustines  of  Antwerj),  had  taken 
refuge  in  this  town  after  his  escape  from  the  persecutions 
of  the  inquisitors.  He  was  now  preaching  the  Gospel 
there  with  much  power.*  San  Romano,  whose  business 
had  not  concluded  so  quickly  as  he  might  have  wished, 
was  desirous  of  learning  something  about  the  doctrine 
which  was  being  preached  in  Germany,  and  which  was 
hated  in  Spain.  Although  he  knew  very  little  of  Ger- 
man, he  entered  the  church.  He  drew  near,  he  listened, 
and  his  attention  was  soon  riveted.  To  his  great  sur- 
prise he  understood  the  whole  sermon.f  He  was  in- 
tensely interested,  enlightened,  and  convinced.  He  felt 
pierced  as  by  an  arrow  from  the  hand  of  God,J  and  was 
greatly  moved.  The  orator's  discourse  made  his  heart 
burn  within  him.§  Something  new  and  strange  was 
going  on.  No  sooner  was  the  service  over  thau,  forget- 
ting all  matters  of  business,  he  hastened  to  the  preacher. 
The  latter  received  him  with  much  kindness  and  took 
him  to  his  house. 

*  See  vol.  vii.  p.  491. 

t  'Totam  concionem  intellexit.' — Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  p.  176. 
X  'Divino  quodam  oestro  percitus.' — Memoirs  of  Enzinas,   ii.   p. 
176. 

§  'Ipsum  inflammavit  concionatoris  oratio.' — Ihid. 
VOJL.    vni.  — 3 


50  THE    REFORilATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

There,  when  they  were  alone,  San  Romano  recalled  to 
Spreng  what  he  had  said,  rej^eating  the  whole  discourse 
as  if  he  had  learnt  it  by  heart.  He  told  him  the  impres- 
sions which  it  had  produced  on  his  heart,  and  thus  ear- 
nestly entreated  him :  '  Pray  explain  to  me  more  clearly 
this  doctrine  which  I  begin  to  relish,  but  which  I  do  not 
yet  thoroughly  understand.'  The  pastor  marvelled  at  the 
vehemence  of  the  young  man  and  at  his  sudden  conver- 
sion. The  liveliness  of  his  new-born  faith,  which  seemed 
resolved  to  subdue  every  thing,  this  first  ardor  of  a  strik- 
ing transformation,  astonished  him.  He  counselled  San 
Romano  to  restrain  himself  and  not  to  fail  in  prudence; 
but  at  the  same  time  he  taught  him  carefully  and  kindly 
the  gi-eat  truths  of  salvation.  San  Romano  remained  for 
three  days  in  the  pastor's  house.  Nothing  could  induce 
him  to  go  out.  He  had  seemingly  forgotten  the  business 
on  which  he  had  come  to  Bremen.  A  divine  light  shone 
more  and  mere  clearly  in  his  mind.  During  these  three 
days  he  was  completely  changed,  like  Paul  at  Damascus, 
and  became  a  new  man.* 

When  this  time  had  elapsed,  San  Romano  w^ent  to  pay 
some  attention  to  his  business,  entrusted  it  to  his  com- 
panion, and  then  several  times  returned  to  converse  fur- 
ther with  his  new  guide.  The  words  of  the  Gospel  had 
laid  hold  on  him;  they  were  his  only  theme  of  thought  by 
day,  his  only  dream  by  night.f  He  would  not  miss  one 
of  Spreng's  sermons.  When  he  returned  to  his  abode  he 
wrote  them  down  and  then  read  them  over  to  the  pastor. 
More  than  this — he  openly  professed  the  truth  which  he 
had  learned.  'This  man,'  thought  Spreng,  'is  certainly 
not  like  the  rest  of  the  world.  Other  men  make  a  grad- 
ual progress,  but  he  has  learnt  all  in  a  few  days.  He 
seems  to  be  saturated  with  the  Word  of  God,  although 

*  'Toto  triduo  ...  in  alinm  quemdam  hominem  prorsiis 
novum  est  immutatus.' — Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  p.  178. 

t  '  Nihil  toto  die  meditabatur,  nihil  nocte  somnialiat,  praster  eas 
Beia.tQni\Q&.''— Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  p.  178. 


CHAP.    m.  niS    LETTERS    TO    CHARLES    V.  51 

apparently  he  lias  read  so  little  of  it.  He  despises  the 
world  and  the  life  of  the  world;  he  despises  every  thing 
for  Christ,  whose  Word  he  fearlessly  spreads  abroad.'  * 
He  was  anxious  not  only  for  the  salvation  of  those  about 
him,  but  wrote  long  letters  to  his  friends  at  Antwerp. 
'I  give  thanks  to  God,'  he  said  to  them,  'who  led  me  to 
a  man  by  whose  instrumentality  I  found  Jesus  Christ,  my 
true  Saviour,  and  from  whom  I  have  gained  a  knowledge 
of  the  Holy  Scri2:)tures,  which  I  can  not  sufficiently  prize.' 
He  exhorted  them  all  to  turn  to  God,  if  they  would  not 
perish  forever  with  those  who  led  them  astray.  Lament- 
ing the  cruelty  of  Sj)ain  and  the  blindness  of  the  Span- 
iards, '  Alas ! '  he  said,  '  they  will  not  open  their  eyes  to 
contemplate  the  glorious  light  of  the  Gospel,  nor  give 
attentive  ear  or  mind  to  the  manifest  counsels  of  God 
who  calls  them  to  repentance.'  He  therefore  formed  a 
resolution.  'I  purpose,'  said  he,  'returning  to  Antwerp, 
to  see  whether  the  light  of  divine  knowledge  may  not 
enlighten  the  hearts  of  my  friends.  I  shall  then  proceed 
to  Sx^ain,  to  endeavor  to  convert  to  the  true  worship  of 
God  my  relations  and  our  whole  city,  which  is  at  present 
shrouded  in  the  horrible  darkness  of  idolatry.' f  In  the 
ardor  of  his  first  love,  San  Romano  imagined  that  noth- 
ing could  resist  a  truth,  all  the  sweetness  and  power  of 
which  he  himself  knew  so  well.  But,  alas  !  it  was  by  the 
flames  of  martyrdom  that  he  was  destined  to  illuminate 
his  country. 

His  zeal  no  longer  knew  any  limits.  He  wi'ote  to 
Charles  the  Fifth  earnestly  conjuring  him  to  acknowl- 
edge worthily  the  groat  benefits  of  God,  by  faithfully  ful- 
filling his  duty.  'Allay  the  dissensions  of  Christendom,' 
he  said,  '  that  the  glory  of  God  may  by  your  means  be 

*  Letter  from  Spreng  to  Enzinas,  Jan.  6,  1546.  Archives  of  Prot- 
estant Seminary  at  Strasburg. 

t   'Postea  in  Hispaniam  commigrare  nt  parentes  ac  totam  denique 

civitatem  nostram converteret.' — Memoirs  of  Enzinas, 

ii.  p.  182. 


52  niE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

made  manifest  in  tlie  world;  le-establish  in  Spain  and  in 
every  country  which  is  subject  to  your  sway  the  pui'e 
doctrine  of  Christ  our  Saviour.'  San  Romano  w^rote 
thus  two  or  three  times  to  the  emperor.  At  the  same 
time  he  wrote  some  evangelical  books  in  Spanish.  All 
this  was  done  in  one  month,  or  at  most  in  forty  days, 
while  he  was  awaiting  the  answer  to  the  letters  which  he 
had  written  to  Antwerp. 

These  had  been  well  received  by  his  friends,  and  they 
had  instantly  understood  fi'om  what  malad}'  he  was  suf- 
fering.* Far  from  thinking  of  their  ow^n  salvation  as  he 
implored  them,  they  only  thought  how  to  ruin  him,  and 
set  all  their  ingenuity  to  work  to  entrap  him.  'Ah!' 
they  wrote  in  terms  of  endearment,  '  if  only  you  return 
to  Antwerp,  the  great  things  of  which  you  speak  will, 
without  the  least  doubt,  be  accomplished.'  At  the  same 
time  they  came  to  an  understanding  with  the  Dominican 
monks,  some  of  whom  they  appointed  to  watch  for  the 
moment  at  which  he  shoidd  enter  the  city.  'You  are  to 
seize  on  him,'  said  they,  'you  are  to  question  him  about 
his  father,  and  if  he  differs  from  you  in  the  least  on  this 
subject  you  are  to  put  him  to  death,  or  throw  him  into 
some  pit  in  which  he  will  be  bmned  as  a  living  corpse.' f 

The  poor  man,  wdiom  the  answer  of  his  friends  had 
filled  with  hojDC  and  joy,  mounted  on  horseback,  saying 
to  himself  that  he  should  be  able  without  great  difficulty 
to  convert  all  the  Spaniards  to  the  true  religion.  He 
arrived,  passed  the  gates,  and  entered  the  town;  but  all 
at  once  the  monks  in  ambush  suiTounded  him,  dragged 
him  from  his  horse,  and  led  him  off  as  a  prisoner  to  the 
house  of  a  tradesman  who  was  devoted  to  their  cause.  J 
There  they  bound  him  hand  and  foot  and  began  search- 

*  'Quo  morbo  laboraret. '—Jfemoirs  of  Enzlnas,  ii.  p.  18 i. 

f  '  In  aliquod  antrum,  quasi  vivum  cadaver  insepultum  detrude- 
TenV— Ibid.,  p.  18i. 

X  'Exequo  deponunt,  et  captiviim  in  ?edcs  cujusdam  mercatoris 
deducunt.'— 26ii.,  p.  186. 


CHAP.  in.  ARREST    OF    SAX    ROMANO.  53 

ing  his  baggage.  They  found  in  it  a  good  many  books 
in  German,  French,  and  Latin;  some  were  by  Luther, 
others  by  Melanchthon,  and  the  rest  by  CEcolampadius 
and  other  equally  suspected  authors.  They  even  discov- 
ered, to  their  great  horror,  insulting  jiictures  of  the  pope. 
They  turned  angrily  to  him,  saying,  '  Thou  art  a  perfect 
Lutheran.'  San  Romano,  having  fallen  so  unexpectedly 
into  an  ambush,  was  confused,  excited,  and  inflamed  with 
wrath.  He  was  a  true  Spaniard,  calm  while  nothing  dis- 
turbed him,  but  when  hurt  in  any  way,  giving  vent  to  the 
passions  of  a  soul  on  fire.  He  had  known  the  Gospel 
too  short  a  time  to  have  become  wise  as  a  serpent  and 
harmless  as  a  dove.  He  was  no  longer  master  of  him- 
self. 'You  are  rascals,'*  he  exclaimed.  'I  am  not  a 
Lutheran,  but  I  profess  the  eternal  wisdom  of  the  Son 
of  God,  whom  ye  hate.  And  as  to  your  dreams,  your 
impostures,  your  corrupt  doctrines,  I  abhor  them  with 
all  my  heart.'  'What,  then,  is  thy  religion?  '  asked  the 
monks.  'I  believe  in  God  the  Father,  Creator  of  all,' 
replied  San  Romano,  'and  I  believe  in  God  the  Son, 
Jesus  Christ,  who  redeemed  mankind  by  his  blood,  and 
who  by  delivering  them  from  the  bondage  of  the  devil, 
of  sin,  and  of  death,  established  them  in  the  Hberty  of 
the  Gospel.'  'Dost  thou  believe,'  asked  the  monks,  '  that 
the  pope  of  Rome  is  the  vicar  of  Christ,  that  all  the  treas- 
ures of  the  church  are  in  his  hands,  and  that  he  has 
power  to  make  new  articles  of  faith  and  to  abolish  the 
others  ? '  '  I  believe  nothing  of  the  sort,'  exclaimed  San 
Romano,  horrified.  'I  believe  that  the  pope,  like  a  wolf, 
disperses,  leads  astray,  and  tears  in  pieces  the  poor  sheep 
of  Jesus  Christ.'  'He  blasphemes! '  said  the  Spaniards. 
*  You  shall  be  put  to  death,  and  by  fire,'  cried  the  monks. 
'I  am  not  afraid  to  die,'  replied  he,  'for  him  who  shed 
his  blood  for  me.'  The  monks  then  lighted  a  fire;  but 
they  contented  themselves  with  burning  all  his  books 
before  his  face.  But  when  he  saw  the  New  Testament 
*   'Pessirni  nehnlones.'  -Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  p.  188. 


54  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

fhrown  into  tlie  flames,  he  could  contain  himseK  no 
longer.  'He  is  mad/  said  the  Spaniards;  and  they  car- 
ried him,  bound,  to  a  certain  tower,  six  leagues  from 
Antwerp,  where  they  kej)t  him  for  eight  months  in  a 
dark  dungeon.  Admitting,  however,  that  a  want  of  mod- 
eration was  excusable  in  the  state  of  extreme  agitation 
into  which  he  was  thrown,  his  fellow-countrymen  caused 
him  to  be  set  at  liberty. 

San  Romano  then  betook  himself  to  Louvain,  knowing 
that  he  should  find  there  friends  of  the  Gospel.  Here  he 
met  with  Francis  Enzinas,  who  had  not  yet  set  out  for 
Paris,  and  who,  knowing  the  inexperience,  boldness,  and 
zeal  of  his  countryman,  and  the  dangers  which  awaited 
him,  spoke  to  him  fi-ankly  and  wisely,  advising  him  not 
to  undertake,  as  he  had  purposed,  the  conversion  of  all 
Spain.  '  Remain,'  said  he,  '  in  the  calling  to  which  God 
has  called  you;  you  may  be  able  to  do  much  good  in 
your  business.  Do  not  set  yourself  to  speak  about  relig- 
ion to  every  person  whom  you  meet,  nor  to  cry  out  like 
a  madman  at  the  top  of  your  voice  in  the  streets  and 
public  places.  Perhaps  you  may  not  be  able  to  reply  to 
the  arguments  of  your  adversaries,  nor  to  confirm  your 
own  by  good  authorities.  If  God  has  need  of  you  he 
will  call  you,  and  it  will  be  time  then  to  expose  yourself 
to  every  peril.'  'You  say  truly,'  replied  San  Romano, 
'  and  for  the  future  ^^  I  will  speak  more  modestly.' 

But  there  was  in  this  young  man  a  fire  which  nothing 
could  extinguish.  His  ruling  passion  was  the  desire  to 
do  every  thing  in  his  power  which  he  believed  calculated 
to  save  mankind  and  to  glorify  God.  He  had  a  wonder- 
ful fervency  of  spirit  which  prompted  him  to  perpetual 
efforts,  even  to  what  many  would,  perhaps,  call  an  excess 
of  piety  and  charity.  This  has  often  been  the  case  with 
the  most  eminent  Christians.  The  words  of  Scripture 
were  true  of  him:  The  zeal  of  thine  house  hath  eaten  me  up. 
Scarcely  had  he  promised  Enzinas  to  be  more  prudent, 

*  Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  p.  198. 


CHAP.  ni.  SAN    ROMANO    AT    RATISBON.  55 

when  he  set  out  with  a  few  friends  for  Ratisbon,  where 
the  Imj^erial  Diet  had  been  opened  in  April  (loil),  and 
where  Charles  the  Fifth  then  was.  The  prince  was  show- 
ing, as  they  said,  much  favor  towards  the  Protestants. 
He  desired,  in  fact,  to  obtain  the  support  of  the  evangel- 
ical party  for  the  war  against  the  Turks,  who  were  at- 
tacking Austria.*  San  Eomano,  therefore,  believed  the 
moment  to  be  favorable  for  attempting  the  conversion 
of  Charles.  He  did  not  mention  his  design  to  his  com- 
panions. AVliile,  however,  he  went  on  his  way  in  silence, 
he  reasoned  within  himself  that  the  truth  of  the  Gospel 
was  obvious,  and  that  if  the  emperor,  whom  the  Span- 
iards regarded  as  master  of  the  world,  should  once  re- 
ceive it,  he  would  spread  it  abroad  throughout  Christen- 
dom, and  throughout  the  whole  world.  And  he  thought 
that  if  vulgar  fears  should  hinder  him  from  speaking  to 
Charles,  he  would  be  taking  upon  himself  an  immense 
responsibility. 

No  sooner  had  he  arrived  at  Ratisbon  than  he  requested 
and  obtained  an  audience  of  the  emi>eror.  He  entreated 
him  to  make  use  of  his  power  to  repress  the  fanatical 
proceedings  of  the  Inquisition.  '  Sire,'  said  he,  '  the  true 
religion  is  to  be  found  amongst  the  Protestants,  and  the 
Spaniards  are  sunk  in  abominable  errors.  Receive  wor- 
thily the  true  doctrine  of  the  Son  of  God,  which  is  pro- 
claimed so  clearly  in  the  Germanic  churches.  Repress 
all  cruelty,  re-establish  the  true  worship  of  God  in  your 
states,  and  cause  the  doctrine  of  salvation  to  be  pro- 
claimed throughout  the  world.'  Long  and  bold  as  San 
Romano's  discourse  was,  the  emperor  listened  to  it  very 
patiently.  It  was  not  mere  ranting.f  'I  have  this  mat- 
ter much  at  heart,'  replied  Charles,  pleasantly,  '  and  I  will 
spare  no  pains  for  it.'  San  Romano  withdrew  full  of 
hope. 

*  See  the  opening  speech  of  the  Diet— Sleklan,  ii.  p.  125  sqq. 
t   '  Longam  atque  audacem  orationem  .  .  .  audivit  imperator  pa- 
tienter.' — Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  p.  200. 


56  THE    REF0R5IATI0X    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

A  conference  was  now  going  on  at  Ratisbon  between 
the  Romanists  and  the  evangelical  party,  who,  at  the 
emperor's  request,  were  endeavoring  to  come  to  an  agree- 
ment. Charles's  moderation  might  well  be  the  result  of 
his  desire  to  do  nothing  which  might  interfere  with  an 
arrangement.  But  no  desire  was  manifested  to  render 
justice  to  the  Reformation.  On  the  contrary,  Luther 
wrote  to  the  Elector  of  Saxony:  'All  this  is  only  pure 
popish  deceit.  It  is  impossible  to  bring  Christ  and  the 
Serpent  to  an  agreement.'*  Fanatical  Catholics,  both 
Germans  and  Spaniards,  were  already  indulging  in  acts  of 
cruelty  towards  the  evangelical  Christians.  At  this  spec- 
tacle San  Romano  felt  his  hopes  vanish.  He  did  not, 
however,  lose  heart;  but  appealed  a  second  and  a  third 
time  with  great  boldness  to  the  emjDcror,  receiving  none 
but  gracious  replies  from  him. 

The  Spaniards  in  Charles's  suite  were  less  politic  than 
himself,  and  they  displayed  much  irritation  at  the  lan- 
guage of  their  countryman.  "When,  therefore,  the  yoimg 
Christian  of  Burgos  desired  to  speak  a  fourth  time  with 
the  monarch,  they  had  him  carried  off  and  put  into  jDrison. 
Their  fury  rose  to  the  highest  pitch,  and  weary  of  the 
consideration  shown  to  him,  they  w^ere  about  to  seize  the 
audacious  young  man  and  throw  him  without  further 
ceremony  into  the  Danube.f  The  emperor  jDrevented 
this,  and  ordered  him  to  be  tried  according  to  the  laws 
of  the  empire.  He  was  then  thrown  into  a  deep  dun- 
geon, where  he  was  kept  in  chains.  According  to  some 
accounts,  he  was  bound  to  the  wheels  of  a  chariot, 
dragged  in  the  train  of  the  emperor,  and  even  trans- 
ported to  Africa,|  whither  Charles  at  this  time  betook 

*  'Es  ist  unmoglicli  Christum  zii  vergleiclien  mit  der  Schlangen.' 
— Luih.,  Epp.,  V.  p.  376. 

t  'Volebaut  eum,  siue  mora,  in  Danubium  pr^ecipitem  dare.' — 
Memoirs  of  Enz'mas,  ii.  p.  202. 

X  'Etiam  (ut  audivi)  in  ipsam  Africanam  expeditionem.' — Ih.,  p. 
206. 


CHAP.  in.  SECOND    ARREST    OF    SAN    ROMANO.  57 

himself  on  a  famous  expedition.  This  story  appears 
to  us  very  improbable.  However  that  may  be,  on  the 
day  when  he  was  released  from  prison  he  w^as  cruelly 
bound  and  chained  together  with  real  criminals,  without 
the  least  regard  to  his  social  position  or  the  cause  for 
which  he  had  been  arrested,  and  thus  conducted  on  a 
miserable  cart  either  into  Africa  or  into  Spain.  One  of 
the  Spaniards  who  had  accompanied  him  on  the  way 
from  Louvain  to  Ratisbon  approached  the  cart,  and,  sur- 
jDrised  at  the  barbarous  manner  in  which  his  friend  was 
treated,  asked  him,  'What  is  the  meaning  of  this?  Why 
are  3'ou  here  in  company  with  criminals  and  treated  with 
such  ignominy  ? '  Poor  San  Romano,  constant  in  his 
faith  and  hope,  raised  his  arms  as  high  as  he  could,  say- 
ing, 'Do  you  see  these  iron  chains?  They  will  procure 
me  in  the  presence  of  God  greater  honors  than  all  the 
pomp  and  magnificence  of  the  emperor's  court.  O  glo- 
rious bonds !  you  will  soon  shine  like  a  crown  of  precious 
stones.  You  see,  my  brother,  how  my  arms  and  legs 
are  bound  and  how  my  whole  body,  weighed  down  by 
these  irons,  is  fastened  to  the  cart,  without  being  able  to 
stir.  But  all  these  bonds  can  not  prevent  my  spirit, 
over  which  the  emperor  has  no  authority,  from  being 
perfectly  free,*  nor  from  rising  to  the  dwelling  of  the 
eternal  Father  to  contemplate  heavenly  things,  nor  from 
being  there  continually  refi'eshed  by  the  sweet  society  of 
saints.  Ah!  would  to  God  that  the  bonds  of  this  mortal 
body  were  ah-eady  severed  and  that  my  soul  could  even 
now  take  flight  to  my  heavenly  home!  It  is  my  firm 
assurance,  that  soon,  instead  of  these  transient  chains, 
everlasting  joy  in  the  glorious  presence  of  God  will  be 
given  me  by  the  just  Judge.'  Such  was  the  faith  of  the 
martyrs  of  the  Reformation.  There  was  something  within 
them  that  was  free,  liberrimuH  animus.     There  the  em- 

*   '  Niliil  tamen  obstant  liaac  omnia  vincula,  qnin  meus  animus 
alioqui  liberrimus,  in  quern  nihil  habct  juris  imperator.' — Jleinoirs 
of  Enzinas,  ii.  p.  204. 
VOL.    vm.  — 3* 


58  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xrv. 

peror  had  notliing  to  command,  nothing  to  say.  Thus 
it  was  that  after  the  night  and  bondage  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  our  modern  fi-eedom  took  its  rise.  Holy  and  glo- 
rious origin !  San  Komano's  friend  was  so  astonished 
and  touched  by  these  words  that  he  '  shed  a  torrent  of 
tears.'  His  grief  was  so  intense  that  he  could  not  speak, 
and  answered  only  by  tears  and  sighs.  But  soon  the 
guards,  noticing  perhaps  this  conversation,  drove  on  at 
a  great  rate,  and  the  friends  were  separated.* 

San  Romano  on  his  arrival  in  Spain  was  delivered  over 
to  the  Inquisition  of  Valladolid.  The  inquisitors  threw 
him  into  a  dark  prison,  'a  most  horrible  subterranean 
hole,'  says  the  French  translator.  They  subjected  him 
to  far  more  cruel  treatment  than  he  had  ever  experienced 
from  the  soldiers;  and  he  suffered  more  than  in  the  great 
dangers  which  he  had  incurred  at  sea,  from  the  chains 
with  which  he  was  loaded,  and  a  thousand  other  tor- 
ments. This  took  place  in  1542,  and  San  Eomano  re- 
mained in  prison  about  two  years.f 


CHAPTER   IV. 

THE     NEW     TESTAMENT     IN     SPANISH     PRESENTED     TO     CHARLES 
THE     FIFTH     BY     ENZINAS. 

(1542—1545.) 

While  these  events  were  passing,  Francis  Enziuas  was 
working  at  Wittenberg  under  the  eye  of  Melanchthon  at 
his  translation  of  the  New  Testament.  The  work  was 
at  last  completed,  and  there  remained  only  to  i^riut  it 
and  send  it  to  Spain.  For  this  purpose  Enzinas  was  to 
go  to  Antwerj).     He  set  off,  therefore,  from  Wittenberg 

*   'Nimium  in  xia  properabant. ' — Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  p.  206. 
t  The  conclusion  of  San  Romano's  story  will  be  found  in  ch.  vi. 
iyifra. 


CHAP.  IV.  E^'ZINAS    AT    LOUVAIX.  59 

in  tlie  month  of  January,  1543,  just  after  liis  friend  San 
Romano  liacl  been  confined  in  the  dungeons  of  Valladolid. 
He  first  proceeded,  by  very  bad  roads,  and  in  the  midst 
of  winter,  to  Embden,  where  he  wished  to  see  John  Alasco. 
'  We  conferred  on  several  matters,  which  he  has  no  doubt 
communicated  to  3'ou,'  wrote  Francis  to  Melanchthon. 
Thence  he  went  to  the  convent  of  Adnard,  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Groningeu,  where  Hardenberg  then  was. 
This  man's  regard  for  the  Gospel  had  abated,  and  he 
had  determined  to  pass  the  rest  of  his  days  in  peace  in 
his  convent.  Enzinas  endeavored  to  induce  him  openly 
to  profess  the  doctrine  of  the  Gospel.  In  this  he  suc- 
ceeded. Hardenberg  left  the  convent  and  went  to  Co- 
logne. Francis  went  to  Louvain,  where  he  arrived  in 
March,  1543.* 

The  moment  was  not  favorable.  The  Inquisition  and 
the  secular  power  itself  were  both  preparing  their  ter- 
rors. There  was  an  under-current  of  agitation  in  the 
city;  hatred  or  fear  was  everywhere  rife.  Enzinas  had 
many  friends  in  the  city;  but  knowing  that  he  came  from 
Wittenberg,  and  pretending  that  he  'smelt  of  sulphur,' 
those  with  whom  he  was  most  intimate,  far  from  lavish- 
ing on  him  marks  of  tender  affection,  as  formerly,  re- 
mained mute  and  trembled  in  his  presence.  He  well 
understood  the  reason.  The  very  day  after  his  arrival, 
the  Attorney-General,  Peter  du  Fief,  cast  into  prison,  as 
we  have  seen  elsewhere,t  all  of  the  evangelical  party  who 
fell  into  his  hands.  An  uncle  whom  Enzinas  had  at  Ant- 
werjD,  Don  Diego  Ortega,  invited  him  to  go  and  see  him, 
and  he  was  received  in  that  town  with  open  arms.  At 
this  period  he  was  alternately  at  Antwerp,  Brussels,  and 
Louvain. 

The  persecution  w^hich  had  befallen  a  great  number 
of  his  friends  now  al)Sorbed  all  his  thoughts;  but  when 
the  storm  had  somewhat  abated,  his  project  of  publish- 

*  Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  i.  pp.  9-13. 
|-  Vol.  vii.  p.  554. 


GO  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

ing  liis  Spanish  translation  of  the  New  Testament  again 
engaged  his  attention.  Being  modest,  as  distinguished 
men  generally  are,  he  felt  some  hesitation  when  he  con- 
sidered how  great  an  enterprise  it  was,  especially  for  a 
young  man  like  himself.  'I  do  not  wish,'  he  said,  'to 
accomplish  this  work  in  obedience  to  my  own  impulse 
alone.'  He  therefore  consulted  several  men  belonging 
to  different  nations  and  eminent  for  their  learning  and 
wisdom.  All  of  them  approved  his  project,  and  begged 
him  to  hasten  the  printing.  'Since  the  birth  of  Jesus 
Christ,'  said  some  of  the  monks,  even  among  the  suj^er- 
stitious,  '  so  great  a  benefit  has  never  been  offered  to  the 
Spanish  people.'  'I  could  wish,'  said  another,  'to  see 
that  book  printed,  were  it  even  with  my  own  blood.'* 
Enzinas  took  another  step  even  more  humble,  and  which 
might  have  com^^romised  him.  It  was  necessary  that 
theological  books  should  receive  the  sanction  of  the  fac- 
ulty of  thedlogy.  'Assuredly,'  said  Enzinas,  'this  was 
never  required,  nor  ought  to  be  required,  for  the  Holy 
Scriptures.  But  no  matter.'  He  sent  his  translation  to 
the  dean  of  Louvain  by  a  monk  of  his  acquaintance. 
The  members  of  the  faculty,  after  conferring  together, 
replied,  'We  do  not  know  Spanish;  but  we  know  that 
every  heresy  in  the  Netherlands  proceeded  from  reading 
the  sacred  books  in  the  vulgar  tongue.  It  would,  there- 
fore, be  advisable  not  to  furnish  the  common  people  in 
Spain  with  an  opportunity  of  refuting  the  decrees  of  the 
Church  by  the  words  of  Jesus  Christ,  the  prophets,  and 
the  apostles. f  But  since  the  emperor  has  not  forbidden 
it,  we  give  neither  permission  nor  prohibition.'  This  re- 
ply was  at  least  candid  and  ingenuous. 

Enzinas  did  not  pay  much  regard  to  the  advice  of  the 
theologians  of  Louvain;  but  the  work  would  have  had  a 

*  '  Vel  suo  sanguine  librum  impressiim. ' — Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  i. 
p.  140. 

t  'Responsaufli  ex  prophetarnm,  Christi,  et  apostolorum  scriptis 
adversus  Ecclesite  decreta.' — Ihkl.,  p.  146. 


CHAP.  IV.  THE    SPANISH    NEW    TESTAMENT.  61 

much  larger  circulation  if  it  had  been  sent  out  under 
their  sanction.  Now  both  prudence  and  zeal  incited 
him  to  do  every  thing  to  ensure  the  success  of  his  en- 
terprise. Having  met  wdth  this  refusal,  he  contented 
himself  with  communicating  his  manuscript  to  Spanish 
scholars,  who  declared  that  they  had  collated  the  most 
important  passages,  and  had  found  the  translation  very 
faithful.  They  urged  him,  therefore,  to  hasten  the  pub- 
hcation  of  so  beneficial  a  work.*  He  now  went  once 
more  to  Antwerj),  intending  to  have  his  book  printed 
there;  but  he  was  soon  to  discover  that  his  application 
to  the  theologians  of  the  university  of  Louvain,  by  spread- 
ing in  a  certain  circle  a  report  of  his  enterprise,  sufficed 
to  throw  great  obstacles  in  his  way. 

There  Avere,  in  fact,  at  this  time  in  the  Low  Countries 
dignitaries  of  the  Spanish  Church  whose  eyes  were  open 
and  who  would  not  fail  to  use  every  effort  to  hinder  the 
printing  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  in  Spanish.  Amongst 
others  was  the  archbishop  of  Compostella,  Don  Gaspar 
d'Avalos,  a  man  w^hom  Spanish  devotees  considered,  on 
account  of  the  perfection  of  his  ultramontane  doctrine, 
as  a  divinity  among  mortals,f  but  whom  men  of  sound 
judgment  regarded  as  a  fanatic.  Filled  with  abhorrence 
for  the  holy  doctrine  of  the  Gospel,  he  took  every  oppor- 
tunity of  contending  against  and  uprooting  it.  He  was 
the  tirst  to  oppose  the  translation  of  Enzinas.  'To  imb- 
lish  the  New  Testament  in  Spanish,'  said  he,  '  is  a  crime 
worthy  of  death.'  One  day,  w^hen  the  archbishop  and  the 
translator  were  both  at  Antwerp,  the  former  preached. 
The  Spaniards,  who  were  at  this  time  numerous  at  Ant- 
werp, were  present,  and  many  others  came  out  of  mere 
curiosity.  Enzinas  shpped  into  the  church,  and,  wishing 
to  hear  well,  succeeded  in  p)lacing  himself  close  to  the 

*    'Utilis  ilia  admodum,  atque  proficua  futura  sit  opera.'— Ger-' 
desius,  IDsL  Beform.,  iii.  p.  166. 

t  'Ut  divinum  quoddam  numen  inter  mortales  existimetur.' — 
Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  p.  126. 


62  THE    REFORilATIOX    IX    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

illustrious  i)i'eaclier.  The  latter,  according  to  the  taste 
of  the  Romish  priests,  delivered  a  controversial  sermon, 
and  it  must  be  confessed  that  he  had  reasons  for  doing 
so.  He  thundered  against  the  books  which  set  forth  the 
doctrine  of  the  Gospel.  He  did  not  preach,  said  Enzinas, 
he  vociferated,  and.  strove  by  furious  clamor  to  stir  up 
his  audience  and  excite  the  peoj^le  to  sedition.*  He  went 
even  further.  Without  naming  Enzinas,  he  hurled  covert 
words  at  him,  never  suspecting  that  the  man  whom  he 
was  attacking  was  sitting  close  by  him.f 

Francis,  whether  after  or  before  this  sermon  we  do 
not  know,  went  to  Stephen  Meerdmann  the  printer,  and 
the  following  conversation  took  place : — 

Enzinas :  '  Are  you  willing  to  print  a  Spanish  transla- 
tion of  the  New  Testament  ?  ' 

Meerdmann:  'Quite  willing;  such  a  work  is  desired  by 
many.' 

Enzinas :  'Is  there  any  need  of  a  license?  ' 

Meerdmann :  '  The  emperor  has  never  forbidden  the 
printing  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  the  New  Testament 
has  been  printed  at  Antwerp  in  almost  every  European 
language.  If  your  translation  is  faithful  it  may  be  printed 
without  permission.' 

Enzinas:  'Then  prepare  your  presses;  I  take  the  re- 
sj)onsibility  of  the  translation;  do  you  take  that  of  the 
publication.     Of  course  I  bear  the  cost  myself.' 

There  was  nothing  underhand  in  all  this.  The  enter- 
prise of  Enzinas  was  well  known,  and  some  aj^proved, 
while  others  blamed  it.  Any  one  who  wished  was  ad- 
mitted to  the  translator's  house.  One  day,  when  he  had 
some  members  of  his  family  with  him,  and  before  he  had 

*  'Insanis  vociferationibus,  non  dicam  concionantem,  sed  vere 
furentem,  et  concionem  ipsam  ad  seditionem  excitantem. ' — Memoirs 
qf  Enzinas,  ii.  p.  128. 

t  'Non  pauca  ille  in  te  oblique  dicitur  ejaculatus  .  .  .  cum 
tu  ipse  proxinms  illi  sederes  .  *  .  .  ,  quern  tamen  ipse  non  potuit 
agnoscere. ' — Ibid. 


CHAP.    IV.  ITS    TITLE-PAGE.  63 

sent  tlie  copy  to  the  printer,  an  old  Dominican  monk, 
who  scented  some  heretical  design  underneath  it  all,  pre- 
sented himself  at  his  door.  After  the  customary  saluta- 
tions, he  took  up  the  first  page  which  lay  on  the  table  in 
manuscript  and  contained  the  title  and  an  epistle  to  the 
emperor.  The  monk  read:  The  New  Testament,  that  is, 
the  New  Covenant  of  our  Redeemer  and  only  Saviour  Jesus 
Christ.  Francis  had  said  Covenant  because  he  had  no- 
ticed that  the  word  Testament  was  not  well  understood; 
and  he  had  inserted  the  word  only  before  the  word 
Saviour  to  dissipate  the  error  so  common  among  the 
Spaniards,  of  admitting  other  saviours  besides  the  Son 
of  God.  'Covenant'  said  the  monk;  'your  translation  is 
faithful  and  good,  but  the  word  Covenant  grates  on  my 
ears;  it  is  a  completely  Lutheran  phrase.'  'No,  it  is  not 
a  phrase  of  Luther's,'  said  Enzinas,  'but  of  the  prophets 
and  apostles.'  'This  is  intolerable,'  resumed  the  monk; 
'  a  youth,  born  but  yesterday  or  the  day  before,*  claims 
to  teach  the  wisest  and  oldest  men  what  they  have  tanght 
all  their  life  long!  I  swear  by  my  sacred  cowlf  that 
your  design  is  to  administer  to  men's  souls  the  poisonous 
beverages  of  Luther,  craftily  mixing  them  with  the  most 
holy  words  of  the  New  Testament.'  Then  turning  to 
the  relatives  of  Enzinas,  he  began  to  rail  like  a  mad- 
man, endeavoring  by  tragical  words  to  excite  his  own 
family  against  him.  Indeed,  the  monk  had  scarcely  fin- 
ished, when  Francis  was  surrounded  by  his  relatives, 
beseeching  him,  for  the  love  of  them,  to  erase  the  un- 
lucky word.  He  did  so,  in  order  not  to  offend  them, 
but  he  left  standing  the  phrase  only  Saviour,  to  which 
the  monk  did  not  object.  He  then  sent  the  sheets  to 
the  printer  who  put  it  to  press  and  worked  off  a  large 
number. 

*  *  Juvenculum  heri  aut  nudius  tertius  iiatum. ' — Memoirs  of  En- 
zinas, i.  p.  188.     This  is  evidence  of  the  j^oiith  of  Enzinas. 

t  '  Jurare  per  sacrosauctam  cucullam.' — Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  i.  p. 
190. 


64  THE    REFORMATION     IX    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

Haying  received  this  first  printed  sheet,  Eozinas, 
through  excess  of  caution,  communicated  it  to  a  Sjoan- 
iard  of  his  acquaintance,  an  elderly,  well-informed,  and 
influential  man.  'Only  Saviour!'  cried  he,  on  seeing  the 
title.  '  If  you  will  be  advised  by  me,  omit  the  word  only, 
which  will  give  rise  to  grave  suspicions.'  Enzinas  ex- 
plained his  reasons.  The  Spaniard  acknowledged  the 
truth  of  the  doctrine,  but  denied  the  expediency  of  put- 
ting it  so  prominently  forward.  The  word  was  omitted, 
and  the  sheet  had  to  be  reprinted.*  The  whole  edition 
was  some  time  after  ready  to  appear. 

It  was  now  the  beginning  of  November,  1543.  The 
emperor  had  just  made  war  against  the  Duke  of  Cleves, 
had  conquered  him,  and  had  obtained  by  the  treaty  of 
Venloo  a  portion  of  the  states  of  that  prince.  The  dake's 
mother,  the  Princess  Mary,  a  clever  woman,  had  died  of 
grief  and  indignation;  f  but  the  emperor  was  proud  of 
his  achievem'ents,  and  thought  only  of  following  ux)  his 
triumphs  of  ever}^  kind.  It  was  to  his  Spanish  troops  in 
particular  that  Charles  owed  this  victory.  A  great  num- 
ber of  Spaniards  of  every  rank  accompanied  him,  and  he 
had  just  appointed  as  his  confessor  a  Dominican  from 
the  Peninsula,  Pedro  de  Soto,  who  was  afterwards  the 
first  theologian  of  Pius  IV.,  in  the  third  convocation  of 
the  Council  of  Trent.  At  this  time  Soto  ranked,  both  in 
the  Low  Countries  and  in  Germany,  among  the  most 
zealous  of  the  Romish  priests.  He  sought  to  gain  over 
Ignorant  minds,  and  knew  how  to  insinuate  himself  into 
the  good  graces  of  the  great.  As  he  had  the  emperor's 
conscience  at  his  disposal  he  'instilled  into  him  his  ven- 

*  The  title  stood  finally  thus :  '  El  Nuevo  Testamento  de  nuestro 
Bedemptor  y  Salvador  Jesu  Christo,  traduzido  de  Griego  en  lengua 
Castellana  por  Francisco  de  Enzinas,  dedicado  k  la  cesarea  Ma- 
gestad.  En  Enveres,  en  casa  de  Estevan  Mierdmanno,  en  el  anno 
de  MDXLin.' — In  8vo. 

t  '  Cognitis  pactionis  hiijiis  legibns  .  .  .  e  vita,  velut  indigna- 
bunda,  excedens  humanis  valedixit.' — Ubbo  Emmius,  832.  Kanke, 
Deutsche  Geschichte,  iv.  p.  295. 


CHAP.  rv.  PEDRO    DE    SOTO.  65 

om,*  thus  perverting  the  sentiments  of  a  prince  who  was 
full  of  clemenc}^,'  says  Enzinas.  But  this  supposed  benig- 
nity on  Charles's  part  was  an  illusion.  Policy  was  his 
great  guiding  motive,  and  he  was  merciful  or  harsh, 
according  as  the  interests  of  his  ambition  required.  It 
is,  however,  true  that  Soto  endeavored  both  by  his  ser- 
mons and  otherwise  to  inflame  men's  minds,  and  espe- 
cially that  of  Charles,  against  those  whom  he  called  here- 
tics. Whenever  the  Dominican  preached  before  Charles 
the  Fifth  and  his  court,  he  was  to  be  seen  entering  the 
church  in  a  lowly  manner,  his  head  sunk  between  his 
shoulders,  his  cowl  pulled  over  his  forehead,  his  eyes 
fixed  on  the  ground,  and  his  hands  clasped.f  One 
would  have  thought  him  a  man  dead  to  the  world, 
who  contemplated  only  heavenly  things,  and  who  would 
not  harm  a  fly. J  He  mounted  the  pulpit,  threw  back  his 
cowl  and  gravely  saluted  the  emperor,  and  the  princes 
and  lords  who  surrounded  him.  Then  he  began  his  ser- 
mon, speaking  with  a  low  voice  and  slow  enunciation, 
but  clearly  and  firmly,  so  that  his  words  sank  the  more 
impressively  into  men's  hearts.  He  recalled  with  enthu- 
siasm the  religion  of  their  ancestors  and  extolled  the 
piety  and  zeal  of  Charles.  Then,  affecting  to  be  more 
and  more  moved,  he  deplored  with  sighs  and  tears  the 
ruin  of  religion  and  the  attacks  made  upon  the  dignity 
of  the  priest,  and  conjured  the  emj^eror  to  tread  in  the 
way  marked  out  for  him  by  his  predecessors.  Having 
thus  by  feigned  modesty  insinuated  himself  into  the  hearts 
of  his  audience,  he  raised  his  head  boldly,  gave  vent  to 
the  passion  by  which  he  was  animated,  and  brought  into 
play  the  powerful  artifices  suggested  to  him  by  the  Evil 

*  '  Eum  i)roQsentaneo  veneuo  pungit.' — Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  p. 
100. 

t  '  Inflexo  capite  in  humeros,  cucullo  usque  ad  oculos  demisso, 
terrara  intueiis,  modeste,'  &c. — Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  p.  100. 

X  'Qui  ue  muscam  quidem  laedere  possit.' — Memoirs  of  Enzinas, 
ii.  p.  100. 


66  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

One.*  He  hurled  the  thunders  of  his  eloquence  at  his 
adversaries;  he  aimed  a  thousand  shafts  at  them,  and 
subdued  his  audience.  But  if  his  violence  took  the  as- 
sembly by  surjDrise,  he  shocked  many,  who  thought  with 
amazement:  'We  might  fancy  we  were  listening  to  a  man 
who  had  descended  from  the  abode  of  the  gods  on  Olym- 
pus to  announce  the  secrets  he  had  learned  from  Jupiter.' 
'He  was  seized,'  said  one  of  his  hearers,  'with  a  diaboli- 
cal fury,  and  seemed  like  a  priest  of  the  mysteries,  ges- 
ticulating and  leaping  in  a  chorus  of  the  Furies.' f  He 
laid  siege  to  the  mind  of  the  emperor,  and  inflamed  the 
princes  with  hatred  of  the  divine  doctrine.  This  he  dis- 
torted and  defamed;  and  he  strove  by  all  means  to  extin- 
guish the  salutary  light  of  the  Gospel  which  God  had 
rekindled  in  the  midst  of  the  darkness.  Turning  towards 
the  emperor  and  the  princes,  he  proclaimed  in  a  prophetic 
voice,  that  God  would  not  be  favorable  to  them  until  they 
should  have  destroyed  the  apostates  with  fire  and  sword. 
He  did  not  conclude  his  discourse  till  he  thought  he  had 
constrained  his  hearers  by  his  thundering  eloquence  to 
burn  all  the  Lutherans. 

Nevertheless  it  was  quite  manifest  that  the  emperor 
did  not  always  use  such  dihgence  as  De  Soto  demanded 
of  him  in  his  seditious  discourses.  Disquieted,  there- 
fore, and  saddened  because  the  monarch  apjDcared  '  back- 
wardto  persecution,'  he  appealed  to  him  rii  private,  ui'g- 
ing  him  to  make  confession;  and  it  was  in  the  retired 
chamber  in  which  he  received  as  a  penitent  the  master 
of  the  world  that  he  sought,  by  striking  great  blows,  to 
drive  Charles  on  to  persecution.  '  Most  sacred  Majesty,' 
he  said,  'you  are  the  monarch  whom  God  has  raised  to 
the  highest  pitch  of  honor,  in  order  that  you  may  defend 
the  Church  and  take  vengeance  on  impiety,  and  I  am  the 

*  ♦  Turn  admonet  omnes  machinas  quas  illi  suggerit  Satanffi  furor. ' 
— Memoirs  of  Enzlnas,  ii.  p.  102. 

t  *  Vel  in  ipso  furiarum  clioro  bacchantem. ' — Memoirs  of  Enzinas, 
ii.  p.  100. 


CHAP.  IV.  HE    INSTIGATES    TO    PERSECUTION.  67 

man  whom  God  has  appointed  to  govern  your  conscience. 
Power  has  been  given  me,  as  your  majesty  is  aware,  to 
remit  and  to  retain  sins.  If  your  majesty  does  not  pur- 
ify the  Church  from  poikition,  I  can  not  absolve  you,  ego 
non  iDossum  te  absolvere.'  He  even  menaced  him  with  the 
anger  of  God  and  the  pains  of  hell.  Charles,  who  w^as 
easily  intimidated — even,  as  we  know,  by  the  approach 
of  a  comet — 'imagined  himself  ah-eady  plunged  into  the 
abyss  of  hell.'*  The  monk,  perceiving  this,  pressed  his 
point,  and  did  not  pronounce  absolution  until  he  had 
extorted  from  the  sovereign  a  promise  to  put  the  heretics 
to  death. 

This  narrative  by  a  contemporary  appears  to  us  per- 
fectl}^  authentic.  There  is,  however,  one  point  on  which 
we  can  not  follow  it.  We  do  not  believe  that  De  Soto 
was  a  hypocrite  and  employed  fraud  aiid  treason,  as  this 
author  seems  to  think.  Charles's  confessor  was,  we  be- 
lieve, a  fanatic,  but  a  sincere  fanatic;  he  really  believed 
himself  to  be  prosecuting  error. 

No  sooner  had  De  Soto  obtained  the  promise  of  Charles 
than  he  hastened  to  Granvella.  It  was  said  at  court  that 
these  two  personages  had  made  a  compact,  by  virtue  of 
which  the  first  minister  never  thwarted  the  confessor  in 
matters  of  religion.  It  might  be  so;  but  we  believe  that 
Charles  did  not  lightly  submit  his  designs  to  the  fanati- 
cism of  the  priests,  nor  would  he,  we  repeat,  give  them 
the  rein  unless  it  suited  his  policy. 

On  November  24,  1543,  Charles  the  Fifth,  after  having 
signed  the  treaty  of  Venloo,  entered  Brussels,  probably 
by  the  Louvain  gate.  Another  personage  entered  the 
city  at  the  same  time,  but  by  the  Antwerp  gate.  This 
was  Francis  Enzinas.  He  had,  as  we  have  said,  dedi- 
cated his  translation  to  the  emperor.  '  Most  sacred  maj- 
esty,' said  he  in  this  dedication,  '  owing  to  versions  of  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  all  men  can  now  hear  Jesus  Christ  and 

*  'Imperator  existimat  se  jam  nunc  in  imo  Tartari  esse  demer- 
anm.'— Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  p.  106. 


68  THE    REFORMATION     IN    EUROPE.  book  xtv. 

his  apostles  speak  in  tlieir  own  languages  of  the  mys- 
teries of  our  redemption,  on  which  the  salvation  and  the 
consolation  of  our  souls  depend.  New  versions  are  now 
continually  being  published  in  every  kingdom  of  Christen- 
dom, in  Italy,  in  Flanders,  and  in  Germany,  which  is 
flooded  with  them.  Spain  alone  remains  isolated  in  her 
corner  at  the  extremity  of  Europe.  My  desire  is  to  be 
useful,  according  to  my  abilities,  to  my  country.  I  hope 
that  your  majesty  will  approve  of  my  work  and  protect 
it  with  your  royal  authority.'  This  dedication  was  dated 
from  Antwerp,  October  1,  1543. 

Enzinas  did  not  wish  his  book  to  be  offered  for  sale 
until  he  had  presented  it  to  the  emperor;  and  he  had 
come  to  Brussels  to  confer  with  his  friends  as  to  where 
he  would  have  to  go  and  how  he  should  proceed.  As 
soon  as  he  had  arrived  he  directed  his  stei3S  towards  the 
palace,  where,  no  doubt,  one  of  his  acquaintances  resided. 
On  approaching  he  saw  to  his  great  surprise  the  emperor 
himself  just  arriving  at  court,  surrounded  by  a  numerous 
suite.*  At  this  sight  Francis  greatly  rejoiced.  'What 
a  happy  augury!'  thought  he;  'this  ojoportune  meeting 
should  certainly  give  me  hope  that  my  business  will 
succeed.' 

The  question  now  was,  how  to  get  access  to  Charles 
Francis  de  Enzinas,  whose  family  occupied  an  honor- 
able position,  had  several  distinguished  kinsmen  and 
friends  at  court,f  to  whom  he  could  apply.  He  went, 
therefore,  to  their  houses,  but  learned  to  his  great  dis- 
appointment that  some  of  them  had  not  yet  arrived  at 
Brussels;  and  having  visited  the  others,  he  found  ^hat 
these  gi'eat  personages  were  infidels  who  scoffed  at  rehg- 
ion  as  something  far  beneath  them.  For  them  it  was 
only  an  instrument  of  government,  and  they  were  not  at 

*  'Eodem  tempore  qmim  ego,  ad  aulam  accedebat  (iciperator).' 
— Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  i.  p.  196. 

j-  'In  aula  habebam  non  paucos  ueque  vulgares  amicos  et  cog- 
natos.' — Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  i.  p.  196. 


CHAP.  IV.  EXZINAS    BEFORE    THE    EMPEROR.  G9 

all  inclined  to  compromise  tliemselves  with  the  emperor 
by  becoming  patrons  of  Lutheranism.  Enzinas  withdrew, 
disappointed  in  his  expectations.  'Certainly,'  said  he, 
'  I  will  not  ask  them  to  use  their  influence  in  favor  of  a 
work  wdiich  they  detest.  Moreover,  as  I  am  connected 
with  them  either  by  friendshijD  or  by  blood,  I  am  unwilling 
to  annoy  them,  or  do  them  harm.'  What,  then,  was  to 
be  done? 

There  w^as  one  bishop  at  court  who  was  in  high  favor 
with  the  emperor.  This  was  Don  Francisco  de  Mendoza, 
son  of  the  first  marquis  of  Mondejar,  bishop  of  Jaen,  a 
town  not  far  from  Granada  and  Cordova.  He  was  a  man 
in  the  prime  of  life,  grave,  candid,  and  open-hearted, 
pure  in  hfe,  and  a  lover  of  piety.  Enzinas  went  one 
Saturday  to  the  palace  in  which  the  bishop  lived.  The 
latter  received  his  young  and  noble  fellow-countryman 
affectionately,  and  on  learning  that  he  came  to  speak 
with  him  about  his  translation  of  the  New  Testament  he 
displayed  the  liveliest  interest  in  the  work.*  'I  offer 
you  my  services  in  the  matter,'  said  he,  '  and  I  will  use 
all  my  influence  with  the  emperor,  to  induce  him  to 
receive  your  w^ork  favorably.  Return  to  me  to-morrow, 
and  we  will  then  see  his  majesty.'  The  next  day  was 
Sunday.  A  great  crowd  was  stirring  in  the  palace,  and 
magnificent  preparations  were  being  made  for  a  high 
mass  which  was  to  be  celebrated  before  the  emperor. 
There  was  a  considerable  number  of  musicians,  instru- 
ments, and  singers.  Enzinas  shrunk  back  at  the  sight 
of  these  preparations.  '  I  will  return  to  the  town  to  see 
some  of  my  learned  friends,'  he  said,  '  and  leave  them  to 
perform  their  play  at  their  leisure.' 

After  mass  he  came  again.  The  bishop  sent  for  him 
and  took  him  into  a  hall  where  a  table  was  j^i'epared 
for  the  emperor's  dinner.  Charles  arrived  shortly  after, 
followed  by  a  great  number  of  princes  and  lords.     He 

*  'Nostrae  Novi  Testament!  interpretationi  uuice  favebat.' — Me- 
moirs of  Enzinas,  i.  p.  200. 


70  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

entered  with  much  dignity  and  sat  down  to  table  alone.* 
The  bishop  and  Euzinas  stood  opposite  to  him  duiing 
the  repast.  The  hall  w^as  quite  filled  with  princes  and 
nobles.  Some  of  them  waitecl  at  table,  some  poured  out 
the  wine,  and  others  removed  the  dishes.  All  eyes  were 
fixed  upon  one  man  alone.  Charles  the  Fifth  sat  there 
like  an  idol  surrounded  by  its  worshippers.  But  he  w^as 
quite  equal  to  the  part  which  he  had  to  l^la3^  Enzinas 
observed  attentively  the  gravity  of  his  appearance,  the 
features  of  his  countenance,  the  grace  of  his  movements, 
and  the  heroic  grandeur  which  seemed  a  part  of  his 
nature.  The  young  Spaniard  was  so  deeply  plunged  in 
meditation  that  he  forgot  the  purpose  which  had  brought 
him  there.  At  last  he  bethought  himself  of  it;  but  the 
great  number  of  princes  and  lords  around  him  and  the 
interview  which  he  was  to  have  with  the  emperor  seemed 
to  him  something  so  extraordinary  that  he  was  seized 
with  fear. '  A  sense  of  the  greatness  of  his  cause  how- 
ever, restored  to  him  some  confidence.  'Ah!'  thought 
he,  '  if  all  the  princes  in  the  world  were  assembled  here 
I  should  look  ui)on  them  as  ordained  of  God  to  bring 
my  project  to  a  successful  issue.'  Then  again  the  thought 
of  addressing  this  august,  mysterious  being,  who  sat  there 
alone  and  silent,  waited  upon  by  the  greatest  personages 
of  the  empire,  excited  within  him  the  livehest  emotion. 
Amidst  his  agitation  these  words  of  Scrij)ture  came  to 
his  mind:  I  will  speak  of  thy  testimonies  also  before  kings, 
and  will  not  he  ashamed.  These  words  frequently  and  fer- 
vently repeated  in  his  inmost  soul  f  revived  his  sinking 
courage.  'Nothing  to  me  now,'  said  he,  'are  all  the 
powers  of  the  w^orld  and  the  fury  of  men  who  would 
oppose  the  oracles  of  God.' 

*  'Singulari  quadam  majestate  procedens,  solus  assedit  mensse.' 
— Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  i.  p.  200. 

t  Ps.  cxix.  46.  '  Haec  sententia  in  animo  meo  frequenter  atque 
ardenter  repetita,  sic  vires  reficiebat,'  &c. — Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  i.  p. 
202. 


CHAP.  IV.  CONVERSATION.  71 

When  dinner  was  iinislied  and  divers  ceremonies  com- 
pleted, the  emperor  rose  and  remained  standing  for  a 
while,  leaning  on  a  slender  staff  magnificently  orna- 
mented, and  as  if  he  were  in  expectation  that  some  one 
might  wish  to  speak  with  him.  The  first  to  present  him- 
self was  a  distinguished  general  who  enjoyed  high  author- 
ity and  whose  exploits  rendered  him  dear  to  Charles.  He 
delivered  to  him  some  letters,  and  having  kissed  his  hand 
immediately  retired.  The  bishop  of  Jaen  was  the  next 
to  come  forward,  holding  by  the  hand  Francis  de  Enzinas. 
The  bishop,  in  a  few  grave  words,  recommended  to  the 
notice  of  Charles  the  work  which  was  dedicated  to  him, 
and  which  was  worthy,  he  said,  of  much  honor.  The 
emperor  then  turned  to  Enzinas,  and  the  following  con- 
versation took  place : — 

The  Emperor :  '  What  book  do  you  present  to  me  ?  ' 

Enzinas:  'The  New  Testament,  your  imperial  majesty, 
faithfully  translated  by  me,  and  containing  the  Gospel  his- 
tory and  the  letters  of* the  apostles.  I  pray  your  majesty 
to  recommend  this  work  to  the  nation  by  your  approval.' 

'  Ai-e  you,  then,  the  author  of  this  book  ? '  * 

'No,  sii'e,  the  Holy  Spirit  is  its  author.  He  breathed 
inspiration  into  holy  men  of  Grod,  who  gave  to  mankind 
in  the  Greek  language  these  divine  oracles  of  our  salva- 
tion. I,  for  my  part,  am  but  the  feeble  instrument  who 
has  translated  this  book  into  our  Spanish  tongue.' 

'Into  Castilian?' 

'  Yes,  your  imj^erial  majesty,  into  our  Castilian  tongue, 
and  I  pray  you  to  become  its  patron.' 

'What  you  request  shall  be  done,  provided  there  be 
nothing  in  the  work  open  to  suspicion.' 

'  Nothing,  sire,  unless  the  voice  of  God  speaking  from 
heaven,  and  the  redemption  accomplished  by  his  only 
Son,  Jesus  Christ,  are  to  be  objects  of  suspicion  to 
Christians.' 

'  Your  request  will  be  granted  if  the  book  be  such  as 

*  'Tunc  auctor  es  istius  libri?' — Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  i.  p.  206. 


72  THE    REFORILITIOX    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

you  and  the  bisliop  say.'  The  emperor  took  the  volume 
and  entered  an  adjoining  apartment. 

Enzinas  was  in  amazement.  The  emperor  to  imagine 
that  he  was  the  author  of  the  New  Testament,  and  that 
the  Gospel  could  contain  any  thing  suspicious!  He 
could  hardly  repress  words  which  would  have  ill-suited 
the  place  where  he  was.  'O  thing  unheard  of!'  said  he 
"within  himself,  '  and  enough  to  make  one  shed  tears  of 
blood ! '  *  Shortly  afterwards,  by  the  bishop's  advice,  he 
returned  to  Antwerp. 

The  next  day  the  emperor  ordered  the  bishop  of  Jaen 
to  hand  over  the  volume  to  a  certain  Spanish  monk,  a 
very  celebrated  man,  fully  capable  of  judging  of  the  trans- 
lation, and  to  request  him  to  give  his  opinion  on  the 
subject.  The  bishop  accordingly  delivered  the  book  to 
this  personage.  Now  this  monk  was  De  Soto,  the  con- 
fessor of  Charles  V.  AVhen  the  prelate  saw  the  confessor 
again,  the  latter  said:  'This  book  pleases  me;  I  highly 
approve  of  it;  there  are  only  a  few  remarks  of  little  im- 
portance to  make  on  the  translation I  should  like 

to  see  the  author  and  speak  to  him  about  it.'  Enzinas 
communicated  the  invitation  which  he  received  to  go  to 
Brussels  to  some  of  his  friends  and  relations  at  Antwerp. 
'  Youi'  return  to  Brussels,'  said  they,  '  would  expose  you 
to  great  danger. f  If  you  wish  to  fall  into  the  hands  of 
your  enemies,  go;  but  understand  that  in  so  doing  you 
act  with  more  boldness  than  prudence.'  '  I  will  go,'  said 
he,  '  to  render  an  account  of  my  work,  and  this  in  spite 
of  whatever  may  happen.  I  will  omit  nothing  that  is 
useful  or  necessary  to  the  advancement  of  the  glory  of 
God.'     He  accordingly  set  out. 

Enzinas  met  with  the  most  friendly  reception  from  the 
bishop  of  Jaen,  who  encouraged  him  with  the  best  of 
hopes.     The  prelate,  being  indisposed,  ordered  his  stew- 

*  'O  rem  unam  lacrymis  jDlane  sanguincis  deplorandam. ' — 3Ie- 
rnoirs  of  Enzinas,  i.  p.  208. 

t  'Rem  esse  cum  maguo  periculo  coujuuctam.' — Ihld.,  p.  212. 


CHAP.    rv.  EXZINAS    AND    DE    SOTO.  73 

ard  to  accompany  his  young  friend  next  day  to  the  confes- 
sor's, at  the  Dominican  convent.  Enzinas  went  thither 
at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  in  order  to  be  sure  of 
finding  him;  but  he  was  told  that  De  Soto  was  at  the 
house  of  M.  de  Granvella.  This  was  Nicholas  Perreuot 
de  Granvella,  chancellor  to  the  emperor  and  father  to  the 
famous  cardinal.  Enzinas  returned  at  ten  o'clock,  and 
received  the  same  answer;  at  noon — still  the  same.  'We 
shall  wait  for  him,'  said  Enzinas. 

At  one  o'clock  the  confessor  arrived,  and  the  steward 
having  introduced  Enzinas,  the  monk  threw  back  his 
cowl  and  bowed  his  whole  body,  as  if  worshipping  a  saint 
or  saluting  a  prince.  '  Don  Francis,'  said  he,  *  I  esteem 
myseK  very  happy  in  having  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you 
to-day;  I  love  you  as  my  own  brother,  and  I  have  a  high 
appreciation  of  the  grace  which  has  been  given  you.  I 
am  naturally  disposed  to  be  fond  of  men  of  intelhgence 
and  learning,  but  especially  of  those  who  apply  them- 
selves to  religion,  literature,  and  the  advancement  of  the 
glory  of  God.  There  is  so  much  sloth,  so  much  corrup- 
tion in  our  age,  that  if  one  of  our  nation  is  raised  up 
to  promote  these  excellent  things,  it  is  a  great  honor  to 
Spain.  I  offer  you,  therefore  all  that  lies  in  my  power. 
This  is  certainly  the  due  of  one  by  whose  means  the 
Spaniards  are  to  recover  the  great  treasure  of  heavenly 
doctrine.*  But,'  added  he,  'I  can  not  attend  to  this 
matter  just  now.  Come  back  to  me  at  four  o'clock.' 
Enzinas  left  the  monastery  and  went  to  one  of  his  friends, 
a  learned  and  God-fearing  man,  who  implored  him  not 
to  trust  to  the  monk,  for  he  was  certain  that  he  would 
have  cause  to  repent  of  it.  'I  will  do  nothing  rashly,' 
said  Erancis,  'but  if  God  should  see  fit  to  send  me  a 
cross,  it  will  be  for  my  good.'  He  returned  to  the  con- 
vent of  the  Dominicans,  and  arrived  there  before  the 
appointed  time. 

*  'Cujus  opera  thesauram  amplissimum  coelestis  doctrinae  His- 
pani  homines  sunt  consecnti.  '—Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  i.  p.  218. 
VOL.    vni.— 4 


74  THE    REFOmiATIOX    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

De  Soto  was  giving  a  lesson  on  tlie  Acts  of  the  Apos- 
tles to  about  twenty  Spanish  courtiers  who  wished  to 
pass  for  lovers  of  literature,  or  perhaps  to  become  so. 
Enzinas  sat  down  quietly  beside  them,  happy  to  have 
this  opportunity  of  becoming  acquainted  with  the  doc- 
trines of  the  monk.  He  was  just  at  that  passage  in  the 
first  chapter,  where  it  is  said  that  Judas,  who  had  be- 
trayed the  Lord,  fell  headlong  and  burst  asunder  in  the 
midst.  'Therefore,'  concluded  he,  'all  traitors  ought  to 
be  hung  and  rent  asunder  in  the  midst;'*  and  he  ex- 
horted his  audience  to  fidelity  towards  the  emperor,  lest 
they  should  fall  into  the  condemnation  of  Judas.  Then 
coming  to  the  election  of  an  apostle  by  the  assembly  of 
the  disciples: — 'This  method  of  election,'  said  he,  'was 
only  intended  for  those  times;  since  then  the  election 
has  been  transferred  to  the  emperor,  which  is  far  prefer- 
able.' Besides  laying  down  these  strange  doctrines,  the 
monk  spoke  incorrectly  and  offended  the  ears  of  his  hear- 
ers by  low  language.f  He  did  not  know  Latin,  but  with 
a  view  to  make  what  he  said  more  wonderful,  or  rather 
more  obscure,  he  intermingled  Latin  words  which  were 
worse  than  barbarous,  and  incessantly  committed  gram- 
matical errors.  Enzinas,  with  his  cultivated  mind  and 
refined  scholarship,  suffered  tortures  both  from  the  words 
and  the  matter.  'It  was  not  without  sighs  and  tears,' 
said  he,  '  that  I  listened  to  him.' 

The  lesson  was  finished  at  four  o'clock.  Enzinas  then 
went  up  to  the  monk,  who  began  anew  his  flattering 
words;  but  having  in  hand,  he  said,  some  very  important 
business,  he  begged  him  to  return  at  six  o'clock.  '  I  will 
willingly  wait  at  the  convent,'  said  Enzinas,  and  he  began 
to  walk  up  and  down  the  cloisters. 

The  confessor  lost  no  time.     He  had  gone  to  the  chan- 

*  'Omnes  proditores  et  suspend!  et  crepare  medios  debere.' — 3Ie- 
moirs  of  Enzinas,  i.  p.  228. 

t  '  Spurco  sermone  miseras  anditorum  aures  exercebat.' — Ibid., 
p.  226. 


CHAP.  IV.  TREACHERY    OF    DE    SOTO.  75 

cellor  Granvella.  '  There  is  a  yoong  Spaniard  here,'  said 
he,  '  who  by  his  labors  and  his  efforts  will  soon  convert 
the  whole  of  Spain  to  Lutheranism,  if  we  do  not  prevent 
it.*  He  has  resided  Avith  Melanchthon;  he  discusses  re- 
ligion, he  blames  the  decrees  of  the  Church,  approves 
the  sentiments  of  its  adversaries,  and  is  gradually  allur- 
ing every  one  to  his  opinion.  To  spread  the  evil  still 
farther  he  has  translated  the  New  Testament  into  Span- 
Jsli  .  .  .  .  If  it  is  allowed  to  be  read  in  Spain,  what 
troubles  it  will  cause !  How  many  thousand  souls  will 
be  perverted  from  the  simpHcity  of  the  faith ! '  .  .  . 
Granvella  was  appalled  on  hearing  these  words,  and 
instantly  gave  orders  to  arrest  Enzinas. 

At  six  o'clock  the  confessor  returned  to  the  monastery 
and  conducted  Enzinas  to  his  apartment,  cajoling  him  on 
the  way  with  honeyed  and  delusive  words.  When  he 
had  opened  the  door,  Francis  started.  'What  mon- 
sters!' he  thought.  'Eternal  God!  what  a  number  of 
idols ! '  f  There  were  four  altars  in  the  cell,  and  an  image 
on  each  of  them,  St.  Christopher,  St.  Koch,  and  others, 
enshrined  in  gold  and  suiTounded  by  lighted  tapers. 
Here  it  was  that  De  Soto  addressed  his  prayers  to  his 
saints. 

'Don  Francis,'  said  the  confessor,  '  excuse  me  if  I  make 
you  wait  still  longer.  I  have  not  yet  finished  my  devo- 
tions; permit  me  to  conclude  them  while  I  am  walking. 
To  while  away  the  time,  here  is  a  book,  and  the  Bible 
besides.'  He  went  out.  The  book  was  entitled:  'On  the 
Cause  and  Origin  of  all  Heresies;  by  Alfonso  de  Castro, 
Franciscan.'  The  author  was  an  ignorant  monk  of  Bur- 
gos, whom  Enzinas  knew  by  report.  However,  he  opened 
the  book.  The  cause  of  heresies,  it  was  asserted,  was  the 
reading  of  the  Bible  in  the  vulgar  tongue;  and  the  author 

'Ut  paulo  post  totam  Hispaniam  ad  lutheranismum  conver- 
teret ! ' — Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  p.  66. 

t   'Deum  immortalem  !  qualia  illic  portenta,   quot  idolorum  for- 
mae  !  '—Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  i.  p.  236. 


76  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

exhorted  the  inquisitors  to  prevent  the  Spaniards  from 
imbibing  such  poison.  Enzinas,  disturbed  and  agitated, 
could  hardly  refrain  from  tearing  the  pages.  He  threw 
the  book  from  him.  Then,  on  reflection,  he  began  to 
wonder  whether  the  confessor  were  not  j)lotting  some 
treason,  and  whether  his  comings  and  goings  had  any 
other  aim  than  that  of  preparing  to  waylay  him.  In 
order  to  dissipate  these  gloomy  ideas,  he  took  the  Latin 
Bible  and  read. 

After  some  time  De  Soto  came  in  again,  and  taking  uj) 
the  New  Testament  which  the  emperor  had  sent  to  him, 
he  requested  Enzinas  to  sit  down  beside  him.  Then  low- 
ering his  eyebrows,  and  wrinkling  his  forehead,  as  though 
to  render  his  appearance  the  more  formidable,  he  kept 
silence  for  a  while.  At  last  he  began:  'Francis,  we  two 
have  met  here  alone  to  confer  upon  the  New  Testament, 
in  the  presence  of  God,  the  angels,  and  the  saints  whom 
you  behold  on  these  altars.  You  regard  the  study  of 
this  book  as  profitable  to  piety,  and  I  consider  it  inju- 
rious. Its  prohibition  has  been  the  only  means  of  pre- 
serving Spain  from  the  contamination  of  sects.  Francis, 
you  have  accomplished  a  most  audacious  enterprise,  and 
done  an  impious  deed  in  daring  to  publish  a  version  of 
the  New  Testament  in  defiance  of  the  laws  of  the  emperor 
and  your  own  duty  to  our  holy  religion.  It  is  an  atro- 
cious crime  which  merits  more  than  mere  death.  Fur- 
ther, you  have  been  in  Germany  at  the  house  of  Philip 
Melanchthon;  you  extol  his  virtues  and  learning  every- 
where, and  this  alone  is  considered  with  us  a  proceeding 
worthy  of  capital  punishment.*  How  deplorable  it  is 
that  you,  still  so  young,  and  only  beginning  your  studies, 
should  have  fallen  so  low !  It  is  my  duty  to  consider  the 
good  of  the  church  universal  rather  than  the  safety  of  a 
single  man.  Your  crimes  are  so  serious  that  I  know  not 
how  you  can    escape  the   penalty  with  which   you  are 

*  '  Quod  unum  apud  nos  extremo  dignum  supplicio  judicatur.' — 
Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  i.  p.  246. 


CHAP.  IV.  THE    MASK    DROPPED.  77 

threatened.'  Enzinas  was  unspeakably  grieved  at  this 
speech.  So  much  superstition,  impiety,  and  cruelty  over- 
whelmed him.  At  the  same  time  he  knew  that  he  could 
not  escape  the  great  dangers  which  were  impending  over 
him.  In  this  Dominican  house  he  breathed  the  heavy 
and  deadly  atmosphere  of  the  Inquisition,  and  he  seemed 
to  behold  around  him  its  terrible  features,  its  chains,  and 
its  instruments  of  torture. 

Nevertheless  he  took  courage  and,  bearing  witness 
to  the  Gospel,  extolled  the  unspeakable  value  of  Holy 
Scripture,  and  set  forth  the  reasons  which  he  felt  to  be 
conclusive  for  reading  it.  'The  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ments,' he  said,  'were  given  to  us  from  heaven,  and 
there  is  nothing  more  salutary  or  more  essential  to  man- 
kind. Apart  from  this  book  we  should  know  nothing  of 
the  only-begotten  Son  of  God,  our  Saviour,  who,  after 
having  redeemed  us  by  the  sacrifice  of  himself,  raises  us 
to  heaven  to  live  there  with  him  forever.  This  is  a 
doctrine  which  was  never  taught  by  any  philosopher,  and 
is  only  to  be  di'awn  from  these  sources.  Without  it,  all 
human  thought  is  blind  and  barren,  and  no  creature  can 
obtain  salvation.'*  He  said  that  if  it  were  a  crime  to 
go  to  Germany  and  to  confer  with  the  scholars  of  that 
country,  it  was  a  crime  which  had  been  committed  by 
the  emperor,  and  by  many  princes  and  excellent  men 
who  had  conversed  with  Melanchthon,  Luther,  and  other 
doctors.  He  was  still  speaking  when  an  unpleasant  ap- 
parition silenced  him.  The  door  had  opened,  and  a 
monk  of  hideous  aspect  entered  the  cell.  His  eyes  were 
fierce,  his  mouth  awry,  his  aspect  threatening.  Every 
thing  about  him  betokened  a  bad  man,  and  one  who  was 
meditating  some  cruel  i^m-pose.  It  was  the  prior  of  the 
Dominicans.  He  turned  towards  Enzinas,  and  suppress- 
ing his  malice,  meekly  withdrew  his  head  from  his  cowl, 
saluted  him,  and  stated  that  his  valet  was  below  and  was 

*  '  Ex  istis  fontibus  haurienda  est  (doctrina).  sine  quibus  sterilis 
et  caBca  est  humana  cogitatio. '—Jfemoirs  of  Enzinas,  i.  p.  256. 


78  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  srv. 

come  to  call  liim  to  supper.  This  was  tlie  message  agreed 
on  between  the  two  monks  as  the  signal  that  all  was 
read 3'.  'I  know  the  way,'  said  Enzinas,  who  was  bent 
on  prolonging  the  interview;  'I  shall  find  my  lodging 
without  the  aid  of  a  servant;  please  tell  him  that  he  may 
retm^n  to  the  house.'  The  prior  went  out.  Enzinas  then 
requested  the  confessor  to  tell  him  his  opinion  of  the 
translation,  as  the  emperor  had  asked  for  this,  and  it 
was  indeed  the  object  of  their  conference.  But  the 
signal  appointed  had  been  given,  and  the  confessor  put 
an  end  to  the  interview.  'It  is  too  late  now,'  said  he, 
'come  again  to-morrow  if  it  suits  you.'  Enzinas,  there- 
fore, fearing  to  be  importunate,  took  leave  of  the  monk, 
and  De  Soto's  servant  conducted  him  as  far  as  the  court- 
yard. But  gloomy  thoughts  were  crowding  into  his 
mind.  As  he  passed  through  the  convent  he  had  seen 
a  number  of  monks,  in  a  state  of  eagerness  and  excite- 
ment, some  going  up,  others  going  down.  In  their  looks 
he  saw  strange  agitation  and  fierceness.  They  cast  upon 
him  sidelong  glances  expressive  of  terror;  they  spoke  low 
to  one  another,  and  uttered  words  which  Enzinas  could 
not  understand.*  It  was  evident  that  this  immoderate 
agitation  in  the  monastery  and  among  the  inmates  was 
occasioned  by  some  unusual  occurreoce.  Francis  con- 
jectured what  it  might  be;  it  began  to  arouse  anxiety  in 
his  breast;  and  he  wondered  whether  some  great  blow 
was  about  to  fall  on  him. 

"When  he  reached  the  court-3'ard  a  man,  who  was  a 
stranger  to  him,  but  who  looked  civil,  came  up  and  in- 
quired whether  his  name  was  Francis  de  Enzinas.  He 
answered  that  it  was.  'I  want  to  speak  with  you,'  said 
the  stranger.  'lam  at  your  service,' replied  the  young 
Spaniard.  They  then  passed  on  towards  the  gate  of  the 
monastery.    The  vast  convent  of  the  Dominicans  with  its 

*  'Videbam  magnam  monachorum  turbam  sursum  deorsum  cur- 
sitantiuni;  nescio  quid  inter  se  susurrantium.  .  .  .' — Memoirs  oj 
Enzinas,  i.  p.  266. 


^^^'  ^-  ENZINAS    IN    PRISON.  79 

outbuildings  occupied  a  considerable  part  of  the  present 
site  of  the  Mint,  opposite  the  Theatre  Koyal,  as  well  as 
some  adjacent  land.     The  gate  by  which  Enzinas  had  to 
go  out  opened  upon  this  place.     As  soon  as  it  was  un- 
barred he  saw  a  large  body  of  men  armed  with  halberds, 
swords,  and  other  weapons  of  war.     They  threw  them- 
selves upon  him  in  a  threatening  manner.*     Meanwhile 
the  man  who  was  in  his  company  laid  hold  of  his  arms 
and  said,  'You  are  my  prisoner.'     'There  was  no  need,' 
said  Enzinas,  '  to  assemble  such  a  troop  of  executioners 
against  a  poor  man  like  me.    They  should  be  sent  against 
brigands.     My  conscience  is  at  peace,  and  I  am  ready  to 
appear  before  any  judge  in  the  world,  even  before  the 
emperor.     I  will  go  to  prison,  into  exile,  to  the  stake, 
and  whithersoever  you  may  i^lease  to  conduct  me.'     'I 
will  not  take  you  far,'  said  the  unknown.     'Had  it  been 
possible  to  decline  the  mission  which  I  am  fulfilling,  I 
assure  you  that  I  should  have  done  so.     But  the  chan- 
cellor Granvella  has  compeUed  me,  asserting  that  he  had 
received  express  orders  from  the  emperor.'     The  pris- 
oner,  with  his  guide  and   his  guards,   crossed  a  small 
street,  and  arrived  at  the  prison  of  the  Vruiite,  vulgarly 
called  the  Amigo,  where  the  noble  young  man  was  con- 
fined, for  having  translated  into  good  Spanish  the  Gospel 
of  Jesus  Christ.     This  took  jolace  on  December  13,  1543. 
The  first  four  hours,  fi'om  six  at  night  till  ten,  were 
very  painful.     Enzinas  had  a  lively  imagination,  and  he 
saw  before  iim  great  and  numberless  dangers,  among 
which  death  seemed  to   be  the  least.     All  these  perils 
were    drawn   up   in   battle   array   around   him,    and   he 
seemed  actually  to  see  them.f     But  they  did  not  appall 
him.     '  How  great  soever  may  be  the  perils  which  await 
me,'  he  said,  'by  God's  grace  I  possess,  for  encoimter- 

*  '  Qui  hastis,  gladiis  ac  multiplici  armorum  genere  instructi  capiti 
meo  imminebant. '—J/emo/rs  of  Enzinas,  i.  p.  268. 

t  'Pericula  .  .  .  non  secus  quam  si  omuia  coram  prjevidissem.' 
— Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  p.  6. 


80  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

ing  them,  a  courage  tliat  is  stronger  and  greater  than 
they  are.'  Nevertheless,  the  treachery  of  the  'wicked 
monk '  tormented  him  so  much  that  he  found  it  hard  to 
endure.  'If  only,'  he  thought,  'he  had  made  fair  war 
on  me,  if  from  the  first  he  had  shown  himself  my  enemy 
.  .  .  .'  He  remained  sunk  in  sorrow  and  dejection. 
They  had  placed  him  in  the  apartment  where  all  the 
prisoners  were;  but  as  he  expressed  a  wish  to  be  alone, 
he  was  conducted  to  an  upper  chamber.  Weighed  down 
with  care,  he  was  dejected  and  silent.  The  man  who  had 
brought  him  there  looked  at  him  and  at  length  said,  '  Of 
all  those  who  have  been  brought  to  this  place,  I  never 
saw  any  one  so  distressed  as  you.  Bethink  you,  brother, 
that  Grod  our  Father  cares  for  his  children,  and  often 
leads  them  by  a  way  which  they  do  not  choose.  Do  not, 
therefore,  be  cast  down,  but  have  good  courage.  Your 
age,  your  manners,  your  physiognomy,  all  bear  witness 
to  your  innocence.  If  you  have  committed  any  offence 
incident  to  youth,  remember  the  mercy  of  God.'  Francis 
listened  with  astonishment  to  the  words  of  this  man,  and 
then  related  to  him  the  cause  of  his  imprisonment  and 
the  means  by  which  it  was  effected.  On  hearing  this,  the 
man,  whom  he  had  taken  for  one  of  the  jailer's  servants, 
appeared  to  be  deeply  affected,  and  going  up  to  Francis 
embraced  him.  '  Ah ! '  said  he,  '  I  recognize  in  you  a  true 
brother;  for  you  are  a  prisoner  for  the  same  Gospel  for 
the  love  of  which  I  have  been  endui'ing  these  bonds  for 
eight  months.  You  need  not  be  surprised,  brother;  for 
it  is  a  characteristic  of  the  Word  of  God  that  it  is  never 
brought  to  light  without  being  followed  by  thunders  and 
lightnings.*  But  I  hear  some  one  coming  up;  let  us  say 
no  more  for  the  present.'  This  man  was  the  pious  and 
charitable  Giles  Tielmaus,  of  whom  we  have  formerly 
given  an  account,f  and  who  was  afterwards  burnt.    From 

*   'Nunquam  in  lucem  erampit,  qniu  fulgura  et  tonitrua  subse- 
qiiantur.' — Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  p.  16. 
t  Vol.  vii.  pp.  565-576. 


CHAP.    rv.  EXAMINATION.  81 

this  time  he  came  to  see  Enzinas  every  morning  and  even- 
ing, and  spoke  to  him  so  forcibly  and  so  tenderly  that 
Enzinas  felt  ready  to  suffer  death  to  confirm  the  truth  of 
the  Gospel. 

On  the  fourth  day  of  his  imprisonment,  the  imperial 
commissioners,  members  of  the  Privy  Council,  came  to 
conduct  the  inquiry.  They  entered,  with  great  parade 
and  a  raagnificence  almost  royal,  into  the  place  where 
the  prisoners  were  assembled.  All  the  latter  rose  and 
retired,  leaving  Francis  alone  with  the  commissioners. 

The  examination  began  in  Latin.  '  Francis,'  said  the 
commissioners,  '  you  are  to  tell  us  the  whole  truth,  and 
in  that  case,  although  your  cause  is  most  hateful,  we  shall 
treat  you  with  gentleness,  unless  we  are  obhged  to  icrest 
from  you  hy  force  what  we  want  to  know.'  They  then 
exhibited  the  papers  on  the  basis  of  which  they  proceeded 
to  the  examination.  Enzinas  recognized  the  handwriting 
of  the  confessor  of  Charles  the  Fifth.  Two  crimes  espe- 
cially formed  the  subject  of  the  inquiry.  '  Have  you  been 
to  Wittenberg  ?  '  '  Yes.'  '  Have  you  been  acquainted 
with  Melanchthon  ?  '  'Yes.'  '  AATiat  do  you  think  of 
him?'  Francis  saw  that  he  was  caught,  and  that  his 
answer  would  put  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies  '  a  knife 
for  his  own  throat.'  Still  he  did  not  falter.  Never  did 
this  noble  young  man  disown  his  friends.  'I  think,'  said 
he,  'that  of  all  the  men  I  ever  knew  he  is  the  best.'* 
'  How  can  you  be  so  impudent,'  exclaimed  his  judges,  '  as 
to  speak  thus  of  Melanchthon,  a  man  that  is  a  heretic 
and  excommunicated  ? ' 

The  commissioners  now  passed  on  to  the  second  point. 
*  In  your  translation  of  the  epistle  to  the  Eomans,  chapter 
iii.,  verse  28,'  they  said,  'we  find  these  words  printed  in 
capitals :  Therefore  we  conclude  that  a  man  is  justified 

BY  FAITH  without  THE  DEEDS  OF  THE  LAW.      For  what  TCaSOU,' 

they  continued,  '  have  you  had  this  Lutheran  maxim  set 

*  '  Judico  hominem  esse  omnium  quos  ego  iinquam  viderim  opti- 
mum.'— Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  p.  54. 
VOL.     VIII. — 4* 


82  THE    RBFORMATIOX    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

in  capital  letters?  It  is  a  very  grave  offence,  and  de- 
serves burning.'*  'This  doctrine  was  not  devised  in 
Luther's  brain,'  replied  Enzinas.  'Its  source  is  the 
ni3'sterious  throne  of  the  Eternal  Eather,  and  it  was  re- 
vealed to  the  church  b}^  the  ministrj^  of  St.  Paul,  for  the 
salvation  of  every  one  who  believeth.' 

Meanwhile  the  tidings  of  the  arrest  of  Enzinas  had 
burst  upon  Antwerp  like  a  bomb-shell,  and  spread  grief 
among  all  his  kinsfolk  and  his  friends.  Irritated  at  one 
time  by  what  they  called  the  imprudence  of  the  young 
man,  at  another  filled  with  compassion  for  the  calamity 
which  had  befallen  him,  they  went  without  delay  to  Brus- 
sels, his  uncle  Don  Diego  Ortega  heading  the  party,  and 
proceeded  dii-ect  to  the  prison.  '  Thou  seest  now,'  they 
said  to  him,  'the  fruit  of  thy  thoughtlessness.  Thou, 
wouldst  not  beheve  what  we  told  thee.  What  business 
hadst  thou  to  meddle  with  theology,  or  to  study  the 
sacred  writings?  Thou  oughtest  to  leave  that  to  the 
monks.  What  hast  thou  got  by  it  ?  Thou  hast  exposed 
thyself  to  a  violent  death,  and  hast  brought  great  dis- 
grace and  lasting  infamy  upon  thy  whole  race.'  When 
he  heard  these  reproaches  Enzinas  was  overpowered  with 
bitter  grief.  He  endeavored  by  great  meekness  and 
modesty  to  assuage  the  anger  of  his  kinsmen,  and  en- 
treated them  not  to  judge  of  the  merits  of  an  enterprise 
by  its  result. f  'I  am  already  unhappy  enough,'  said  he; 
'  pray  do  not  add  to  my  j)ain.'  At  these  words  his  kins- 
men w^ere  affected.  'Yes,  yes,'  they  said  'we  know  thy 
innocence;  we  are  come  to  rescue  thee  if  it  be  possil)le, 
or  at  least  to  mitigate  thy  suffering.'  They  remained, 
indeed,  a  whole  week  at  Brussels;  they  went  frequently 
to  the  confessor  and  to  several  great  lords,  and  earnestly 
entreated  that  Francis  might  be  set  at  liberty,  and  es- 

*  'Ingens  faciuus  ac  incendio  diguum.' — Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  p. 
60. 

t  'Ne  opus  alioqui  laudabile  ab  eventu  rerum  £estimarent.'— 
Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  p.  50. 


CHAP.  IV.  SPIRITUAL    CONSOLATIONS.  83 

pecially  that  the  matter  should  not  be  referred  to  the 
Spanish  Inquisition,  since  in  that  case  his  death  woukl 
be  inevitable.  But  they  returned  to  Antwerp  distressed 
at  their  failure,  though  not  without  hope. 

Enzinas  had  gradually  recovered  from  his  excitement. 
Books  had  been  brought  to  him,  and  he  read  them  dih- 
gently.  There  was  one  w^ork  especially  ^vhich  made  a 
deep  impression  on  his  mind.  This  w^as  the  '  Supplica- 
tion and  exhortation  of  Calvin  to  the  Emperor  and  to 
the  States  of  the  Empire  to  devote  their  utmost  attention 
to  the  re-estabhshment  of  the  church.'  *  This  work  was 
highly  praised  by  Bucer,  and  Theodore  Beza  said  of  it 
that  perhaps  nothing  more  vigorous  had  been  published 
in  that  age.  '  The  perusal  of  this  work  while  I  w^as  in 
prison,'  said  Enzinas  at  a  later  time  to  Calvin,  'inspired 
me  with  such  courage  that  I  felt  more  willing  to  face 
death  than  I  had  ever  felt  before.' f 

But  his  chief  delight  was  meditation  upon  the  Holy 
Scriptures.  '  The  promises  of  Christ,'  he  said,  '  alla}^  my 
sorrows,  and  I  am  wonderfully  invigorated  by  the  read- 
ing of  the  Psalms.  Eternal  God !  what  abundant  con- 
solation this  book  has  afforded  me !  With  what  delight 
have  I  tasted  the  excellent  savor  of  heavenly  w^isdom ! 
That  lyre  of  David  so  ravishes  me  with  its  divine  har- 
mony, that  heavenly  harp  excites  within  me  such  love 
for  the  things  of  God,  as  I  can  find  no  words  to  express.'  J 
He  occupied  himself  in  arranging  some  of  the  Psalms  § 

*  'Supplex  exhortatio  ad  invictissimum  Ccesarem  Carolum  Y.  et 
illustrissimos  principes,'  &c.,  1543.  —  Calv.  0pp.,  vi. 

t  'Ut  plane  sentirem  me  ad  mortem  paratiorem  qnam  ante 
fueram.'— Cod.  Genev.,  112,  fol.  67,  August  3,  1545.  Calv.  Opp., 
xii.  p.  127. 

X  '  Profecto  sic  me  Davidicum  plectrum  harmonia  sua  plane 
ccelesti  rapiebat.' — Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  p.   78. 

§  M.  Campan,  editor  of  tlie  Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  conjectures  that 
this  is  the  work  which  was  first  published  in  1028,  under  the  title, 
JjOs  Psalmos  de  David,  dirigidos  in  forma  de  oracion.es. — See  Bihli- 
oilieca  Wijfeniana,  p.  142. 


84  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xrv. 

in  tlie  form  of  praj^ers,  and  went  on  with  his  task  till 
he  had  translated  them  all. 

Francis  was  not  satisfied  with  meditation  alone;  he 
joined  with  it  deeds  of  unremitting  zeal  and  charity.  The 
prison  discipline  was  not  severe.  The  jailer,  one  John 
Thyssens,  a  man  of  about  thirty-eight,  had  long  carried 
on  the  trade  of  shoemaker,  and  had  afterwards  under- 
taken by  contract  the  maintenance  of  the  prisoners.  He 
was  very  neghgent  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties,  and 
allowed  a  large  measure  of  liberty  to  the  iDrisoners  and 
their  friends.  Inhabitants  of  Brabant,  of  Flanders,  of 
Holland,  of  Antwerp,  and  gentlemen  of  the  court  came 
to  visit  Euzinas.  In  this  way  he  saw  nearly  four  hundred 
citizens  of  Brussels,  among  them  some  persons  of  quahty. 
Many  of  them  were  acquainted  with  the  Gospel;  others 
were  ardently  longing  for  the  word  of  God,  and  entreated 
Enzinas  to  make  it  known  to  them.  He  knew  the  danger 
to  which  he  exposed  himself  by  doing  this,  but  he  did 
not  spare  himself;  and  many  gave  glory  to  God  because 
they  had  received  from  a  poor  prisoner  the  pearl  of  great 
price,  the  heavenly  doctrine.  '  There  are  more  than  seven 
thousand  people  in  Brussels  who  know  the  Gospel,'  they 
told  him;  'the  whole  city  is  friendly  to  it;*  and  were 
not  the  people  in  fear  of  then-  lives  they  would  openly 
profess  it.'  It  was  hardly  possible  to  name  a  single  town 
in  Belgium  or  in  Holland  whose  inhabitants  had  not  a 
desire  to  converse  with  him.  He  was  a  captive  who 
proclaimed  liberty  to  free  men.  'The  word  of  God,' 
some  of  them  told  him,  '  is  making  great  way  amongst 
us.  It  grows  and  spreads  day  by  day  in  the  midst  of 
the  fire  of  persecution  and  the  terrors  of  death.'  Both 
men  and  women  sent  him  money,  but  this  he  declined  to 
accept. 

Charles  the  Fifth,  who,  as  we  have  seen,  had  arrived 
at  Brussels  on  November  24,  1543,  only  remained  there 

*  'Universam  civitatcm  in  fuvorem  evangelicoe  doctriuoc  projDen- 
dere.' — Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  p.  82. 


CHAP.  IV.  HOPES.  85 

till  January  2,  1544.  On  February  20  be  opened  tlie  diet 
of  Spire,  demanded  large  aids  botli  of  infiintry  and  cav- 
alry, and  in  June  set  out  at  tbe  bead  of  bis  army  for 
France.  He  took  Saint-Dizier,  advanced  witbin  two  days' 
marcb  of  Paris,  causing  great  terror  in  tbat  city,  and  con- 
cluded peace  at  Crepy.  He  tben  returned  to  bis  own 
dominions,  and  entered  Brussels  October  1,  1544.* 

Tbis  news  awakened  bojDes  for  Enzinas  on  tbe  part  of 
bis  kinsmen  at  Antwerp,  and  tbe  most  influential  among 
tbem  immediately  set  out  to  solicit  tbe  release  of  tbe 
young  man.  Tbey  appealed  to  tbe  confessor,  wbo  was 
ready  enougb  to  make  promises,  to  tbe  cbancellor  Gran- 
vella,  to  bis  son  tbe  bisbop  of  Arras,  afterwards  arcb- 
bisbop  of  Mecblin  and  cardinal,  and  to  Claude  Boissot, 
dean  of  Polign}^  master  of  requests.  Tbey  all  gave  kind 
answers,  but  tbese  were  words  and  notbing  else.  Tbe 
queen  of  France  visited  Brussels,  and  a  report  was  spread 
tbat  all  prisoners  would  at  ber  request  be  liberated.  Some 
murderers,  brigands,  and  otber  malefactors  were,  indeed, 
set  free;  tbe  first  of  tbem  was  a  parricide;  but  Enzinas 
and  tbe  otber  evangelicals  were  more  strictly  and  severely 
kept  tban  before.f  At  tbe  same  time,  tbe  emperor  bav- 
ing  gone  to  Gbent,  tbe  monks  extorted  fi'om  bim  some 
laws  ivritten  in  blood,  wbicb  were  promulgated  in  all  tbe 
towns,  and  wbicb  enabled  tbem  cruell}^  to  assail  tbe 
Lutberans  at  tbeir  own  pleasure. J  'On  a  sudden  tbere 
broke  out  in  Flanders  a  bloody  persecution,  a  slaugbter 
of  Cbristian  people,  sucb  as  bad  never  been  seen  or  beard 
of.'  From  all  tbe  towns,  not  excejoting  even  tbe  smallest, 
a  great  number  of  people  and  of  leading  men,  on  being 
warned  of  tbe  danger  wbicb  was  impending  over  tbem, 
took  fligbt,  leaving  tbeir  wives,  tbeir  cbildi'en,  tbeir  fam- 

*  Sleidan,  vol.  ii.  book  xv.  pp.  22G-232.     Papiers  cVEtat,  iii.  p.  G7. 

t  'At  vero  qui  propter  religionem  captivi  erant,  mialto  angustius 
et  crudelius  asservantiir. '—il/emoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  p.  374. 

X  '  Leges  sanguine  scriptse  .  .  .  ut  liceret  illis  pro  suo  arbitrio 
in  Lutherauos  gi-assari.' — Ibid.,  p.  384. 


86  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

ilies,  houses,  and  goods,  which  were  forthwith  seized  by 
the  agents  of  the  emperor.  But  there  was  a  large  number 
who  could  not  fly.  All  the  towers  were  filled.  The  pris- 
ons in  the  towns  had  not  room  to  hold  the  victims.  They 
brought  in  two  hundred  prisoners  at  a  time,  both  men 
and  women.  Some  of  them  were  thrust  into  sacks  and 
thrown  into  the  water;  others  were  burned,  beheaded, 
buried  alive,  or  condemned  to  imprisonment  for  life. 
The  like  storm  swept  over  Brabant,  Hainault,  and  Ai'tois. 
The  uuha23py  witnesses  of  this  butchery  asserted  that 
*for  many  ages  so  many  and  great  cruelties  had  not  been 
perpetrated,  nor  seen,  nor  heard  of  in  all  the  world.' 
Such  was  the  joyful  entry  w^hich  Charles  the  Fifth  made 
into  his  good  country  of  Flanders  and  the  good  town  of 
Ghent,  in  which  he  was  born. 

Tidings  of  these  things  were  brought  day  by  day  into 
the  prison  at  Brussels,  frequently  with  a  large  number  of 
captives.  "\Vhen  Enzinas  and  his  friends  heard  of  the 
slaughter  they  were  amazed  and  terrified.  Will  there  be 
any  end  to  this?  they  asked.  It  might  well  be  doubted 
whether  such  men  would  ever  be  satiated  with  the  blood 
of  their  fellow-men!  Enzinas  began  to  regret  that,  from 
confidence  in  his  own  innocence,  and  for  fear  of  bringing 
the  jailer  into  disgrace,  he  had  not  availed  himself  of 
several  opportunities  which  had  offered  of  making  his 
escape  from  prison.  A  circumstance  which  soon  oc- 
cui'red  helped  to  bring  him  to  a  decision. 

The  queen  of  Hungary,  governess  of  the  Netherlands, 
who,  from  a  strange  mixture  of  contradictory  qualities, 
was  desirous,  while  obliged  to  execute  the  persecuting 
decrees  of  her  brother  against  evangelical  Christianity, 
to  feed  upon  the  word  of  God,  had  chosen  for  her  chap- 
lain one  Peter  Alexander,  a  true  Christian  man.  This 
minister  faithfully  confessed  his  trust  in  the  Saviour,  both 
in  preaching  and  in  conversation.  'All  things  needful 
for  salvation,'  he  said,  '  are  contained  in  the  Gospel.  We 
must  believe  only  that  which  is  to  be  found  in  the  Holy 


CHAP.  rv.  THE    queen's    CHAPLAIN.  87 

Scriptures.  Faith  alone  justifies  immediately  before  God, 
but  works  justify  a  man  before  his  fellow-men.  The  true 
indulgences  are  obtained  without  gold  or  silver,  by  trust 
alone  in  the  merits  of  Christ.  The  one  real  sin  which 
condemns  is  not  to  believe  in  Christ.  The  true  jDenance 
consists  in  abstinence  from  sin.  All  the  merits  of  Christ 
are  communicated  to  men  by  faith,  so  that  they  are  able 
to  glory  in  them  as  much  as  if  they  were  their  own.  "We 
must  honor  the  saints  only  by  imitating  their  virtues. 
We  obtain  a  blessing  of  God  more  easily  by  asking  for  it 
ourselves  than  through  the  saints.*  No  one  loves  God 
so  much  as  he  ought.  All  the  efforts  and  all  the  labors 
of  those  who  are  not  regenerated  by  the  Holy  Spirit  are 
evil.  The  rehgion  of  the  monks  is  hypocrisy.  The  fast 
of  God  is  a  perpetual  fast,  and  not  confined  to  this  or 
that  particular  day.  It  is  three  hundred  years  since  the 
pure  and  real  Gospel  was  preached;  and  now  whoever 
preaches  it  is  considered  a  heretic' 

It  was  a  strange  sight,  this  evangelical  chaplain  preach- 
ing in  the  chapel  of  the  most  persecuting  court  in  Chris- 
tendom. Alexander,  too,  after  being  frequently  accused, 
was  at  length  obliged,  to  hold  a  theological  disputation 
with  the  confessor  De  Soto,  in  the  presence  of  the  two 
Granvellas.  In  consequence  of  this  disputation  proceed- 
ings were  instituted  against  him.  The  confessor  often 
came  before  the  emperor  and  declared  that  the  whole 
country  would  be  ruined  if  this  man  were  not  severely 
punished.  One  day  a  friend  of  Enzinas  came  to  see 
him  in  prison,  and  told  him  that  the  queen's  preacher 
had  fled,  because  he  found  that  if  he  stayed  an  hour 
longer  he  would  be  ruined.  Alexander  was  tried  and 
burnt  in  effigy,  together  with  his  Latin  and  French 
books.  As  for  himself,  he  became  first  a  professor  at 
the  university  of  Heidelberg,  afterwards  canon  of  Can- 

*  '  Facilius  per  nos  ipsos  qnam  per  sanctos  inipctramns.  .  .  .' 
Fifty-six  similar  propositions  had  been  bronglit  together  against 
Alexander. — Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  pp.  390-411. 


8S  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

terbury  cathedral,  and  finally  pastor  of  the  French  church 
in  London. 

This  flight  brought  Euzinas  to  a  decision.  On  Febru- 
ary 1,  1545,  after  sitting  a  long  time  at  table  at  the 
evening  meal,  he  felt  more  dej)ressed  than  usual  without 
knowing  why.  The  clock  struck,  it  was  half-past  seven. 
He  then  rose,  as  he  was  wont  to  do,  not  hking  protracted 
meals,  and  began  to  pace  up  and  down  in  a  gloomy  and 
dejected  state,  so  that  some  of  the  prisoners  came  up  to 
him  and  said — '  Come,  put  away  this  melancholy.'  '  Make 
you  merry,  the  rest  of  you,  over  your  cups,'  he  answered; 
'but  as  for  me  I  want  air;  I  will  go  out.'  No  one  paid 
any  attention  to  what  he  said,  nor  did  he  himself  mean 
any  thing  particular  when  he  spoke.  He  continued  walk- 
ing about,  uneasy,  having  some  difficulty  in  breathing, 
and  in  great  distress.  He  thus  came  to  the  first  gate, 
the  upper  part  of  which,  constructed  of  strong  lattice- 
work, alio  we'd  him  to  see  into  the  street.  Having  ap- 
proached it  for  the  purpose  of  looking  out,  he  felt  the 
gate  stir.  He  took  hold  of  it  and  it  opened  easily.  The 
second  was  wide  open,  and  the  third  was  only  closed  dur- 
ing the  night.  We  have  mentioned  the  negligence  of  the 
jailer.  Francis  was  amazed  at  the  strange  circumstance. 
It  seemed  to  him  that  God  called  him;  he  resolved  to 
take  advantage  of  this  unlooked-for  opx^ortunity,  and 
went  out. 

He  reached  the  street  and  was  there  alone.  The  night 
was  very  dark,  but  was  lighted  up  from  time  to  time  by 
the  torches  of  passengers  traversing  tbe  streets  or  the 
squares.  Enzinas,  keeping  a  little  on  one  side,  consid- 
ered where  he  had  better  go.  Every  refuge  appeared  to 
him  open  to  suspicion  and  fall  of  danger.  Suddenly  he 
remembered  one  man  of  his  acquaintance,  of  Christian 
character,  in  whom  he  placed  imjolicit  confidence.  He 
betook  himself  to  his  place  of  abode  and  called  him. 
'Come  in  and  stay  with  me,'  said  the  man.  Enzinas 
replied  that  it  aj^peared  to  him  the  safest  plan  to  go  out 


C"HAP.  TV.  ESCAPE    OF    ENZIXAS.  89 

of  the  town  that  very  night.  'Do  you  know,'  he  added, 
'  any  part  of  the  walls  at  which  it  would  be  possible  to 
clear  them?'  'Yes,'  said  the  other,  'I  will  guide  you 
and  will  accompany  you  wherever  you  wish  to  go.'  The 
friend  took  his  cloak  and  they  set  out.  They  went  on 
their  way,  quite  alone  in  the  darkness,  towards  the  walls. 
At  night  these  parts  were  deserted.  They  found  the  spot 
they  were  seeking  for,  and  scaled  the  wall.  At  that 
moment  the  clocks  in  the  town  struck  the  hour  of  eight.* 
Their  flight  had,  therefore,  occupied  less  than  half  an 
hour.  These  two  men  cleared  the  wall  as  easily  as  if  they 
had  prepared  for  it  long  before.  Enzinas  was  out  of  the 
town.  '  I  often  found  help  of  God,'  said  he,  '  while  I  was 
in  prison;  but  never  had  I  experienced  it  as  at  this 
moment.'  He  resolved  to  proceed  that  same  night  to 
Mechhn,  and  early  the  next  morning  to  Antwerp. 

A  thousand  thoughts  thronged  his  mind  as  he  went 
silently  onwards  in  the  darkness.  The  gloomy  fancies 
of  the  prison-house  were  succeeded  by  joyful  hopes. 
Much  affected  by  his  wonderful  deliverance,  he  saw  in  it 
a  mystery,  a  hidden  vnW  of  God.  'Assuredly,'  he  said, 
'if  I  am  set  at  liberty,  it  is  to  the  end  that  I  maybe 
ready  for  ruder  conflicts  and  greater  dangers,'  and  jis  he 
walked  on  he  prepared  himself  for  them  by  prayer.  'O 
Father  of  our  deliverer  Jesus  Christ,  enlighten  ray  mind, 
that  I  may  know  the  hope  of  my  calHng,  and  thai  I  may 
faithfully  serve  the  church  of  Jesus  Christ  even  to  the 
latest  day  of  my  life.' 

Thus,  sometimes  praying  and  sometimes  conversing 
with  the  brother  who  accompanied  him,  Enzinas  arrived 
before  Mechlin;  but  as  the  gates  of  the  town  were  not 
yet  opened,  he  had  to  wait  a  long  time.  At  five  o'clock 
in  the  morning  the  officers  of  the  town  appeared,  and 
every  one  was  free  to  go  in  or  out.     As  Enzinas  entered 

'Cam  hora  media  octava  audita  esset,  priiisqnam  in  carcere  a 
mensa  surrexissera,  eram  jam  in  ij^sis  mujnibus  cum  pulsaretur 
octawd.'— Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  p.  420. 


90  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

he  saw  in  front  of  an  inn  a  vehicle  just  on  the  point  of 
starting,  in  which  sat  a  man  whose  appearance  was  not 
calculated  to  inspire  confidence.  Enzinas,  however,  in- 
quired of  him  whither  he  was  going.  The  man  rephed, 
'  To  Antwerp ;  and  if  you  please  to  get  up,  the  carriage 
is  quite  ready.'  This  man  was  an  agent  of  the  inquisi- 
tors, the  secretary  Louis  de  Zoete.  He  was  one  of  the 
great  enemies  of  the  Reformation;  he  had  instituted  the 
jDroceedings  against  Enzinas,  and  had  mustered  the  wit- 
nesses for  the  prosecution.  He  was  now  on  his  way  to 
Antwerp,  as  bearer  of  a  sentence  of  condemnation  issu- 
ing fi'om  the  imperial  court,  by  virtue  of  which  he  was 
to  order  the  burning  of  any  evangelicals  then  in  j)rison. 
The  meeting  was  not  a  i)leasant  one.  Enzinas  and  De 
Zoete  had  probably  only  casually  seen  each  other.  The 
young  Spaniard,  therefore,  not  recognizing  his  enemy, 
might  with  ^pleasure  avail  himself  of  his  offer.  In  this 
case  it  was  more  than  probable  that  he  would  be  recog- 
nized during  the  journey  by  the  police  spy,  whose  busi- 
ness was  to  track  and  seize  sus^oected  persons,  as  a 
hunting  dog  tracks  the  game.  Zoete  might  possibly 
find  means  of  adding  another  to  the  list  of  those  whom 
he  was  going  to  burn  aHve.  'Get  into  the  carriage,' 
said  Enzinas  to  the  Brussels  friend  who  accompanied 
him.  He  got  in.  The  door  of  the  hotel  at  which  Francis 
had  knocked  was  not  yet  opened.  WTiile  waiting  the 
two  friends,  one  in  the  carriage,  the  other  in  the  street, 
were  talking  on  various  subjects;  and  the  owner  of  the 
carriage  hearing  them  took  part  likewise  in  the  conver- 
sation. At  length  the  door  oj^ened.  '  Go  with  this  gen- 
tleman,' said  Francis  to  his  friend;  'for  my  part  I  must 
travel  faster,  and  shall  go  on  horseback.'  The  people  of 
the  inn,  who  were  acquainted  with  him,  welcomed  him 
with  great  demonstrations  of  joy;  and  on  learning  his 
position  gave  him  a  good  horse.  Without  losing  a  mo- 
ment he  mounted  and  set  out.  He  soon  overtook  the 
carriage  and  saluted  its  occupants.     '  Make  good  speed,' 


CHAP.  rv.  A    LEGEND.  91 

said  his  friend.  'I  will  go  so  fast,'  he  rej^lied,  'that  if 
all  the  scoundrels  in  Brussels  are  determined  to  pursue 
me  they  shall  not  catch  me.'  It  seems  impossible  that 
De  Zoete  should  not  have  heard  this,  and  it  must  have 
given  him  something  to  think  about.* 

In  two  hours  Enzinas  was  at  Antwerp.  Unwilling  to 
expose  his  kinsmen  and  friends  to  danger,  he  alighted  at 
an  inn,  with  which  he  was  doubtless  familiar,  as  he  had 
already  been  at  Antwerp  several  times,  and  in  which  he 
believ(?d  that  he  should  be  safe.  In  the  evening  his 
travelling  companion  arrived  at  Antwerp.  As  soon  as 
he  saw  Enzinas  he  exclaimed:  'You  will  be  greatly  aston- 
ished" to  hear  in  what  company  I  have  come,  and  who  it 
is  that  you  talked  so  much  with  at  Mechlin ! '  '  Who  was 
he,  then?'  'The  worst  man  in  the  whole  country,  Louis 
de  Zoete.'  Enzinas  thanked  God  that  he  had  so  spell- 
bound the  eyes  and  the  mind  of  the  persecutor,  that  while 
he  saw  and  spoke  with  him  he  had  not  recognized  him. 
The  next  day  two  persons  from  Brussels,  strangers  to 
Enzinas,  arrived  at  the  inn.  Enzinas  meeting  them  at 
table  or  elsewhere,  said  to  them:  'What  news  from  Brus- 
sels ?  '  'A  great  miracle  has  just  taken  jolace  there,'  they 
rejilied.  'And  pray  what  may  it  be?'  'There  was  a 
Spaniard  who  had  lain  in  prison  for  fifteen  months,  and 
had  never  been  able  to  obtain  either  his  release  or  his 
trial.  But  the  host  which  ^ve  worship  has  procured  him 
a  miraculous  deliverance.  The  other  evening,  just  at 
nightfall,  the  air  suddenly  shone  around  him  with  great 
brightness.  The  three  gates  of  the  prison  opened  mirac- 
ulously before  him,  and  he  passed  forth  from  the  prison 
and  from  the  town,  still  hghted  by  that  splendor.'  'See, 
my  dear  master,'  said  Enzinas  afterwards  to  Melanchthon, 
'  the  foolishness  of  the  popular  fancy,  which  in  so  short  a 
time  dressed  up  in  falsehood  a  certain  amount  of  truth. 
It  is  quite  true  that  three  gates  were  found  open,  else  I 
should  not  have  got  out.  But  as  to  the  brightness,  the 
*  Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  pp.  420-425. 


92  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

light  of  wliicli  they  speak,  I  saw  no  other  than  that  of 
the  lanterns  of  passengers  in  the  street.*  I  attribute  my 
deliverance  not  to  the  wonderful  sacrament  which  these 
idolaters  worship,  but  solely  to  the  great  mercy  of  God, 
who  deigned  to  hear  the  prayers  of  his  church.' 

Along  with  this  popular  rumor  another  was  current  in 
Brussels,  but  in  higher  circles.  The  emperor  was  at  this 
time  at  Brussels,  which  town  he  did  not  leave  till  Aj^ril 
30,  1545.  Don  Francis  de  Enzinas  was  not  an  ordinary 
prisoner;  not  a  working-man,  a  cutler,  like  Giles  Tielmans. 
An  eminent  family,  a  good  education,  learned  attainments, 
talents,  the  title  of  Spaniard,  and  of  a  Spaniard  highly 
spoken  of  in  high  j)laces,  these  were  things  greatly  es- 
teemed by  many  at  court.  Charles  the  Fifth  himself  was 
far  from  being  unconscious  of  theii'  importance.  He  had 
promised  his  protection  to  Enzinas  if  there  were  nothing 
bad  in  his  book,  and  many  persons  assured  him  that 
there  was,  on  the  contrary,  nothing  but  good  in  it.  How, 
then,  could  he  put  to  death  a  scholar  for  having  trans- 
lated into  good  Spanish  the  inspired  book  of  the  Chris- 
tians? According  to  public  rumor  the  judges  had  said: 
*We  can  not  honorably  extricate  ourselves  from  this 
cause;  the  best  jolan  is  to  set  the  man  free  secretly.'  It 
was  added  that  when  the  jailer  had  announced  the  flight 
of  Enzinas  to  the  president,  the  latter  had  replied:  'Let 
him  go,  and  do  not  trouble  about  it;  only  do  not  let  it 
be  spoken  of.'  If  this  version  were  the  true  one,  it  would 
explain  the  circumstance  of  Zoete's  not  appearing  to 
recognize  Enzinas.  But  Enzinas  himself  did  not  credit 
it,  and  it  is  probable  that  it  had  no  better  foundation 
than  the  first  story. 

Francis  remained  a  month  at  Antwerp.  On  his  release 
from  prison  he  had  sent  the  news  to  his  friends,  and  had 
received  their  congratulations.  Among  these  friends  were 
two  of  the  most  illustrious  of  the  reformers,  Calvin  and 

*  'Nnllnm  ego  vidi  luminis  splendorem,  nisi  tredarum  qiioe  tunc 
in  plateis  circumferebantur.' — Menioirs  of  Enzinas,  ii.  p.  426. 


CHAP.  IV.  CALYIN    AND    ENZINAS.  93 

Melanchthon,  between  whom,  whatever  may  be  thought 
of  it,  there  were  many  points  of  resemblance.  Calvin 
was  the  man,  said  Enzinas,  whom  he  had  always  most 
warmly  loved.*  He  had  written  a  short  letter  to  him, 
somewhat  nnpoHshed  in  style.f  Calvin  replied  to  his 
friend  immediately  in  a  letter  which  breathed  the  most 
affectionate  feeling,  and  which  Francis  thought  very  re- 
markable. It  praised  his  labors  and  his  Christian  con- 
duct. 'Oh,' said  Enzinas,  'in  how  kindly  a  manner  he 
can  speak  of  things  which  in  themselves  are  not  deserving 
of  praise! 'J  This  singular  kindliness  of  Calvin,  which 
then  struck  all  his  friends,  has  since  been  much  called 
in  question.  Enzinas  rex^lied  to  him  (August  3):  'Our 
fi'iendship,'  said  he,  'is  now  sealed;  between  us  there  is  a 
sacred  and  perpetual  alliance,  which  can  only  be  broken 
by  the  death  of  one  of  us.  What  do  I  say  ?  I  have  this 
sweet  hope,  that  when  bodily  ties  shall  be  broken,  we 
shall  enjoy  this  friendship  in  a  future  life  with  more 
exquisite  delight  than  we  can  in  this  mortal  flesh.  Not 
till  then  shall  we  live  a  life  truly  blessed,  and  one  w^hich 
shall  endure  forever  in  the  jDresence  of  God  and  in  the 
society  of  the  holy  angels.  Nevertheless,  while  we  are 
still  in  this  exile,  and  while  we  labor  earnestly  and  unre- 
mittingly in  our  calling,  each  according  to  the  ability 
which  he  has  received  from  the  Lord,  let  us  cultivate 
our  friendship  by  fulfilling  all  its  obligations.  My  dear 
Calvin,  I  have  a  most  grateful  sense  of  the  affection  which 
you  profess  for  me,  and  I  will  spare  no  pains  to  make 
myself  worthy  of  it.  You  will  find  in  me  a  sincere  friend. 
.  .  .  "With  respect  to  the  pamphlet  which  you  have 
addressed  to  the  States  of  the  Empire,  Luther  has  read 
it  and  jjraises  it  veij  heartily.  Melanchthon  very  highly 
approves  it.     Cruciger  is  wonderfully  fond  of  you,  and 

*  'Qnem  ego  semper  impensissime  amavi.' — Dryander  Calvino, 
Aug.  8,  1545. 

t   'Epistolio  sul)nistico.' — Tbid. 

X  'Quod  laude  dignum  non  est,  officiose  pra3dicare.' — Ibid. 


94  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

can  not  sufficiently  commend  any  production  of  yours. 
As  to  the  censures  of  others  you  need  not  trouble  youi'- 
self  about  them.'  * 

Enzinas  not  only  wrote  to  Melanchthon,  but  also  went 
to  him.  He  arrived  at  Wittenberg  in  March,  rather  more 
than  two  years  after  leaving  the  town.  He  related  in 
detail  to  his  master  what  had  befallen  him,  and  what 
he  had  seen  during  these  two  years;  and  Melanchthon, 
struck  with  his  narrative,  begged  him  to  write  and  publish 
it.  'An  account  of  the  cruelties  practised  towards  Chris- 
tian people  in  the  Netherlands,'  he  said,  'which  you  have 
seen  with  your  own  eyes,  and  which  you  have  in  part 
experienced,  for  your  hfe  was  in  danger,  might  if  pub- 
lished be  of  great  service  for  the  future.' f  Enzinas  at 
first  hesitated.  'At  the  very  time,'  said  he,  'when  I 
was  driven  about  by  the  fury  of  the  tempest,  I  endured 
patiently  my  personal  sufferings,  considering  them  by  far 
inferior  to  the  perils  of  my  brethren.  How  then  can  I, 
in  this  hour  when,  thanks  be  to  God,  I  am  in  port,  set 
myself  to  recount  my  own  history,  in  seeming  forgetful- 
ness  of  the  wounds  of  the  church?'  As  Melanchthon 
pressed  the  point,  Francis  declared  that  he  would  yield 
in  obedience  to  his  command.  The  friend  of  Luther, 
thus  satisfied,  WTote  to  Camerarius  (April  16,  154:5): 
*Our  SjDaniard,  Francis,  has  returned,  miraculously  de- 
livered, without  any  human  aid,  at  least  so  far  as  he 
knows.  I  have  begged  him  to  write  an  account  of  these 
things,  and  I  will  send  it  to  thee.'  The  interest  which 
Melanchthon  took  in  these  facts  perhaps  justifies  the 
place  w^hich  we  have  assigned  them  in  the  history  of  the 
Reformation. 

Other  sorrows  were  to  overtake  the  Sj^aniards  who 
were  scattered  about  far  from  their  native  land.     James 

*  Dryander  Calvino.  BihJ.  de  Geneve,  MS.  112.  This  letter, 
which  we  have  formerly  had  occasion  to  quote,  is  unpublished.  [It 
has  just  been  published  in  Calv.  0pp.,  sii.  p.  126. — Editok.] 

t  Memoirs  of  Enzinas,  i.  p.  7. 


CHAP.  IV.  JAMES    ENZINAS    AT    ROME.  95 

Enzinas,  the  eldest  brother  of  Francis,  had  hardly  got 
his   Spanish  catechism   printed   at   Antwerp   before   he 
received  his  father's  orders  to  go  to  Rome.     The  ambi- 
tious father  was  desirous  of  honors  and  fortune  for  his 
eldest  son.     He  was  aware  of  James's  talents,  but  he 
was  unaware  of  his  attachment  to  the  evangelical  faith, 
and  had  no  doubt  that  if  he  were  at  Rome  he  would 
make  his  way  to  the  higher  dignities  of  the  church.     It 
was  glory  of  another  kind  which  James  was  to  find  there. 
He  was  bitterly  grieved;  he  would  have  greatly  preferred 
to  go  to  Wittenberg.     But  his  conscience  was  so  tender, 
his    character  so  simple   and   straightforward,  his  obe- 
dience to  his  father  so  absolute,  that  he  felt  bound  in 
duty  to  set  out  for  the  metropolis  of  the  papacy.     There 
he  spent  two  or  three  years,   taking  no  pleasure  in  it, 
sorrowing  over  all  that  he  witnessed,  and  not  by  any 
means    ingratiating    himself   with    the    hierarchy.     His 
abilities,  his  attainments,  his  character  were  esteemed; 
but  he  was  far  fi-om  gaining  any  thing  thereby.     On  the 
contrary,  melancholy,  dissatisfaction,  and  even  disgust, 
took  possession  of  him  at  every  thing  around  him.     He 
saw  things  not  only  contrary  to  Christian  truth,  but  con- 
trary to  uprightness  and  to  vii'tue.     He  felt  that  he  was 
in  a  wrong  position,  and  entreated  his  father  to  allow 
him  to  leave  Italy,  but  in  vain.     The  old  man,  consid- 
ering the  path  which  two  of  his  sons  were  joursuing  in 
Germany,  probably  beheved  tli:it  he  shonld  at  least  save 
the  eldest  by  keeping  him  at  Rome.     The  frank  disposi- 
tion of  James  did  not  allow  him  entirely  to  hide  his  con- 
victions, especially  from  his  fellow-countrymen.     Francis 
also,  who  knew  him  well,  was  very  much  alarmed  about 
him.     He  had  no  doubt  that  his  brother,  if  he  remained 
at  Rome,  would  be  ruined.     He  therefore  implored  him 
to  cross  the  Alps.     James  did  not  indulge  in  any  delu- 
sions.    He  knew  that,  instead  of  the  honors  of  which 
his  father  was  dreaming,  he  could  hope  for  nothing  in 
the  city  of  the  pope  but  disgrace  and  death.     He  deter- 


96  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

mined,  therefore,  to  yield  to  the  entreaties  of  his  brother, 
and  made  ready  to  depart. 

He  might,  doubtless,  have  quitted  Kome  by  stratagem, 
and  have  secretly  escaped.  But  he  was  too  candid  en- 
tirely to  conceal  his  puqoose.  Oue  of  his  country nien 
was  informed  of  it  and  hastened  to  denounce  him  to  the 
Inquisition  as  a  heretic.  James  was  then  arrested  and 
thrown  into  strict  confinement.  His  arrest  made  a  great 
noise.  A  SjDaniard  accused  of  Lutheranism  !  A  man  of 
learning  and  of  an  ancient  famil}^  opposed  to  the  Church ! 
An  enemy  of  the  pope  living  close  by  the  pope !  What 
strange  things!  The  Inquisition,  therefore,  determined 
to  make  of  this  trial  an  imposing  affair.  There  was  '  a 
great  assembly  of  the  Romans '  to  attend  at  his  examina- 
tion. James  appeared  in  the  presence  not  only  of  the 
inquisitors,  but  also  of  the  cardinals,  bishops,  and  all 
Spaniards  ^of  eminence  then  at  Rome,  and  of  several 
members  of  the  Roman  clergy.  If  the  j^opes  had  been 
unable,  notwithstanding  their  efforts,  to  keep  Luther  in 
their  hands,  they  had  now  at  least  one  of  his  disciples 
in  their  power.  James  Enzinas,  in  the  presence  of  this 
imposing  assembly,  perceived  that  God  gave  him  sud- 
denly, and  at  Rome  itself,  an  opportunity  of  glorifying 
him  and  of  doing,  once  for  all,  the  work  to  which  he  had 
desired  to  consecrate  his  whole  life.  He  took  courage. 
He  understood  perfectly  well  that  the  '  lion's  mouth '  was 
opening  before  him,  the  gulf  of  death.  But  neither  the 
solemnity  of  the  hour,  nor  the  brilliancy  of  the  court, 
nor  the  thought  that  he  was  about  to  be  swept  away 
by  a  fatal  stroke,  nor  all  that  was  dear  to  him  on  earth, 
could  make  him  swerve  from  the  straight  path.  'He 
maintained  with  great  constanc}^,'  says  the  chronicler, 
*and  with  holy  boldness  the  true  doctrine  of  the  Gospel.' 
He  did  more.  Standing  thus  in  the  presence  of  the 
princes  of  the  Roman  church,  and  of  all  their  pomp,  he 
thought  that  fidelity  required  him  to  expose  their  errors. 
*He  forthwith  condemned,'  says  the  narrator,  'the  im- 


CHAP.  IV.  HIS    MARTYRDOM.  97 

pieties  and  diabolical  impositions  of  tlie  great  Roman 
antichrist.'  At  these  words  a  thrill  ran  through  the 
assembly.  The  whole  court  was  in  commotion.  The 
prelates,  annoyed  at  what  they  heard,  were  agitated  as 
if  under  the  influence  of  some  acute  nervous  irritation. 
They  cried  out  in  astonishment  and  anger.  The  Span- 
iards especially  could  not  contain  themselves.  'All  at 
once,  not  only  the  cardinals,  but  those  of  his  own  coun- 
try who  were  present,  began  to  cry  aloud  that  he  ought 
to  be  burnt.'  * 

After  a  little  reflection,  however,  the  court  was  of  a 
different  opinion.  If  the  Spaniard  should  publicly  con- 
demn in  Rome  his  so-called  errors,  the  glory  of  the 
papacy,  it  was  thought,  would  be  all  the  greater.  The 
speaker  was  surrounded  and  was  told  that  if  he  would 
appear  in  the  public  square  and  retract  his  heresies,  the 
Church  would  once  more  receive  him  as  one  of  her  chil- 
dren. His  fellow-countr^^men  pressed  around  him  and 
dei^icted  the  honors  to  which  he  might  then  attain.  But 
on  such  a  condition  he  would  not  redeem  his  life.  He 
would  rather  glorify  Christ  and  die.  The  wrath  of  his 
enemies  burst  forth  afresh.  'These  fierce  m misters  of 
all  impiety  and  cruelty,'  says  the  chronicler,  'became 
more  violent  than  before.'  James  then  ascended  the 
pile,  asserting  with  immovable  courage  that  all  his  hope 
was  in  Christ.  '  Uuawed  by  the  pompous  disj^lay  which 
surrounded  him,  and  by  the  ostentatious  devotion  of  his 
countrj-men,  with  his  heart  ever  fixed  on  God,  he  passed 
on  boldly  and  firmly  into  the  midst  of  the  flames,  con- 
fessing the  name  and  the  truth  of  the  Son  of  God  to  his 
latest  breath.  Thus  did  this  good  servant  of  God  end 
his  life  by  a  glorious  martyrdom,  in  the  midst  of  all  im- 
piety, and,  wonderful  to  tell,  in  the  very  city  of  Rome.'f 

At  the  news  of  his  death  his  brothers  and  his  friends 
were  filled  with  sorrow.     Francis  at  first  felt  only  the 

*  Crespin,  Ades  des  Martyrs,  book  iii.  p.  170. 
t  Crespin,  Ades,  book  iii.  p.  170. 
VOL.    vni. — 5 


98  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

blow  whicli  had  fallen  on  his  tender  est  affections.  At 
the  very  time  when  he  was  in  daily  expectation  of  em- 
bracing his  brother  he  learnt  that  all  that  was  left  of 
him  was  a  handful  of  ashes  which  were  cast  into  the 
Tiber.  This  cruel  death,  taking  place  just  when  Charles 
the  Fifth  was  endeavoriug  to  crush  Protestantism,  and 
the  black  clouds  which  were  gathering  in  all  directions, 
filled  him  with  the  most  melancholy  thoughts.  'God  is 
surely  preparing  some  great  dispensation  of  which  we 
know  nothing,'  he  said.  All  around  he  saw  only  dis- 
order and  confusion.  In  this  hour  of  dejection  he  re- 
ceived a  sympathetic  and  cousoUng  letter  from  Calvin.* 
The  reformer  directed  his  friend's  thoughts  to  the  blessed 
life  which  is  after  death,  and  in  which  it  is  the  privilege 
of  the  faithful  to  dwell  with  Christ.  'I  am  not  ignorant,' 
replied  Enzinas,  '  how  true  are  the  things  which  you  write 
to  me.  But  we  are  men,  and  the  infirmities  of  the  flesh 
beset  us.  We  can  not,  nay,  we  ought  not,  to  cast  off  all 
sense  of  sorrow.  But  in  the  midst  of  this  distress  I  re- 
joice that  there  was  given  to  this  brave  Christian  so 
much  constancy  in  the  profession  of  the  truth,  and  I 
am  persuaded  that  for  some  wise  purpose  my  brother 
has  been  removed  to  that  eternal  assembly  of  the  blessed, 
in  which  the  loftiest  spii'its  now  greet  him  with  this  song 
of  triumph:  These  are  they  rvho  have  washed  their  robes 
and  made  them  ichite  in  the  blood  of  the  Lamb.'  Francis 
in  his  grief  did  not  forget  his  native  land.  '  God  grant,' 
said  he,  '  that  the  tidings  of  this  divine  fire,t  wherewith 

*  'Grata  mihi  fait  tua  consolatio  cle  casu  fratris  acerbissimo,' — 
Unpublished  letter  from  Francis  Dryauder  (Enzinas)  to  Calvin. 
Bibl  de  Geneve,  MS.  112.  (Since  published  in  Calv.  0pp.,  xii.  p. 
510.) 

t  'Utinam  vero  hrec  divina  incendia  per  omnes  Hispanire  fines 
spargautar.' — Calv.  0pp.,  xii.  p.  510.  Theodore  Beza  places  the 
martjTdom  of  James  Enzinas  in  15-45;  Dr.  M'Crie  in  1516.  As  the 
letter  of  Enzinas  to  Calvin  is  dated  in  April,  1517,  might  not  his 
death  be  with  more  probability  assigned  to  the  early  months  of  this 
year? 


CHAP.  V.  ENMITIES    OF    BROTHERS.  99 

my  brother's  soul  glowed,  may  be  diffused  in  every  part 
of  Spain,  to  the  end  that  the  noblest  minds,  stimulated 
by  his  example,  may  at  length  repent  of  the  impiety  in 
which  at  present  they  are  hving.'  This  letter  from  En- 
zinas  to  Calvin  was  written  from  Basel,  April  14,  1547. 


CHAPTER  V. 

FANATICISM   AND    BROTHERLY    LOVE.       JUAN    DIAZ. 

(1545—1547.) 

History,  both  sacred  and  profane,  opens,  so  to  speak, 
with  the  enmities  of  brothers.  Cain  and  Abel,  Atreus 
and  Thyestes,  Eteocles  and  Polynices,  Eomulus  and  Re- 
mus, inaugurate  with  their  murderous  hatred  the  origin 
of  human  society  or  the  beginning  of  empires.  This  re- 
mark of  an  eminent  thinker,  M.  Saint-Marc  Girardin, 
may  be  carried  farther.  In  the  first  days  of  Christianity, 
Jesus,  when  announcing  to  his  disciiDles  the  tribulations 
which  awaited  them,  said:  The  brother  ivi/l  deliver  vp  the 
brother  to  death.  Similar  unnatural  conduct  is  likewise  to 
be  met  with  at  the  second  great  epoch  of  Christianity, 
that  of  the  Reformation.  Strange !  that  a  doctrine  so 
worthy  to  be  loved  should  be  enough  to  arouse  hatred 
against  those  who  profess  it,  and  even  hatred  of  so  mon- 
strous a  kind  as  to  show  itself  in  fratricide. 

Brotherly  love  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  features 
of  human  nature.  A  brother  is  a  friend,  but  a  fi'iend 
created  with  ourselves.  Brothers  have  the  same  father, 
the  same  mother,  the  same  ancestors,  the  same  youth, 
the  same  family,  and  many  things  besides  in  common. 
A  brother  is  not  merely  a  friend  whom  we  meet  and 
cling  to,  although  that  is  no  small  blessing;  he  is  a  friend 
given  by  God,  a  second  self.     But  just  in  proportion  to 


100  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

the  sacredness  of  the  bond  of  brotherhood  is  the  depth 
of  the  evil  when  it  is  disregarded.  The  nearer  brother 
stands  to  brother,  the  deeper  is  the  wound  inflicted  when 
they  clash.  The  noblest  feelings  of  our  nature  are  then 
trampled  under  foot,  and  nothing  is  left  but  the  most 
egotistic,  the  most  savage  instincts.  The  man  disap- 
pears, and  the  tiger  takes  his  place.  ^Yhile  the  history 
of  the  Reformation  brings  before  us  examples  of  the  ten- 
derest  brotherly  affection,  as,  for  example,  in  the  case  of 
the  Enzinas,  it  presents  us  also  with  some  of  those  tragic 
catastrophes  which  must  draw  from  us  a  cry  of  horror. 

Among   the   Spaniards  who   were   studying   at   Paris 
about  1540  there  was,  besides  James  Enzinas,  a  young 
man  from  Cuenga,  named  Juan  Diaz.     After  making  a 
good  beginning  in  Spain,  he  had  gone  in  1532  to  com- 
plete his  studies  at  Paris,  at  the  Sorbonne,  at  the  College 
Pvoyal,  instituted  by  Francis  I.     There,  by  his  progress 
in  learning,  he  had  soon  attained  a  distinguished  posi- 
tion among  the  students.     At  first  he  applied  himself, 
like  a  genuine  Spaniard,  to  scholastic  theolog3^     He  be- 
came intimate  with  one  of  his  fellow-countrymen,  Peter 
Malvenda,  a  man  older  than  himself,  and  a  doctor  of 
the  Sorbonne,  who  was  subsequently  much  employed  by 
Granvella  and  by  Charles  the  Fifth.     Malvenda  was  a 
man  rich  in  resources,  but  also  full  of  prejudices,  super- 
stitions, and  the  pride  which  is  the  usual  characteristic 
of  the  Roman  doctors.     Diaz,  on  the  contrary  was  char- 
acterized by  great  meekness,  benevolence,   candor  and 
simplicity,  integrity,  plain-deahng,  prudence  and  purity 
of  life.     Having  a  deep  sense  of  the  value  of  the  sacred 
writings,  he  was  anxious  to  read  them  in  the  original, 
and  therefore  studied  Hebrew  and  Greek  with  unflagging 
earnestness.     The  reading  of  the  sacred  books  opened 
before  him  a  new  world.     The  conflict  between  two  doc- 
trines which  was   agitating   Christendom  began   within 
himself.    What  ought  he  to'beheve?     Diligent  in  prayer, 
says  one  of  his  biographers,  he  very  fervently  prayed  God 


CHAP.  V.  JXJAN    DIAZ.  101 

to  give  bim  the  loure  knowledge  of  his  holy  will.*  He 
became  intimate  with  his  fellow-countryman,  James  En- 
zinas,  and  they  read  the  Scriptures  together,  James  givino- 
an  exi3lanation  of  them.  The  eyes  of  Diaz  were  opened, 
and  the  same  Spirit  which  had  inspired  the  sacred  writers 
made  known  to  him  the  Saviour  whom  they  proclaimed. 
He  clung  to  him  by  faith  and  henceforth  sought  for  right- 
eousness in  him  alone.  He  gave  up  the  scholastic  the- 
ology, embraced  the  Gospel,  and  became  the  associate  of 
men  who  shared  his  own  couvictions.  Among  these  were 
Claude  de  Senarclens,  Matthew  Bude,  son  of  the  illus- 
trious William  Bude,  and  John  Crespin,  son  of  a  juris- 
consult of  Arras,  advocate  to  the  parliament  of  Paris. 
Impressed  with  the  beauty  of  evangehcal  doctrine,  Diaz 
was  convinced  that  he  must  not  hide  it.  He  burned  '  to 
exhibit  it  before  the  world,'  he  said.  He  felt  at  the  same 
time  the  need  of  gaining  more  knowledge  and  more 
power,  and  of  being  strengthened  in  the  faith  by  expe- 
rienced teachers.  He  therefore  left  Paris  and  betook 
himself  to  Geneva  with  Matthew  Bude  and  Crespin,  'for 
the  purpose  of  seeing  the  state  of  the  church  in  that 
town  and  the  admirable  order  which  was  established 
there.'  Diaz  stayed  in  the  house  of  the  minister  Nich- 
olas des  Gallars.     This  visit  took  j^lace  in  1545.t 

After  having  conversed  with  the  great  reformer,  set 
forth  his  faith,  and  received  his  approval  of  his  doctrine 
as  good  and  holy,  Diaz  felt  it  desirable  to  visit  the  evan- 
gelical churches  of  Germany.  His  stay  extended  to 
about  three  months,  and  he  then  went  first  to  Basel, 
afterwards  to  Strasburg.  Bucer  and  his  friends  were 
delighted  with  the  young  Spaniard,  with  his  acquire- 
ments, his  talents,  his  agreeable  manners,  and  especially 
with  his  piety.  Admitted  to  famihar  intercourse  with 
them,  he  entered  more  and  more  fully  into  the  knowl- 

*  Crespin,  Actes  des  Martyrs,  art.  Diaz. 

t  Calv.  Ep2x  Opp.,  xii.  pp.  130,  150.  — 'Apnd  Gallasium.  -Ihld., 
p.  336. 


102  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

edge  of  eyangelical  doctrines  and  affairs.  He  enjoj^ed 
the  conversation  of  these  Christian  people  and  the  free 
and  hearty  manners  which  prevailed  among  them.  He 
had  no  thought  of  quitting  Strasburg;  but  a  circum- 
stance which  occurred  about  six  months  afterwards  led 
to  his  removal. 

As  the  Protestants  decHned  to  recognize  the  Council 
of  Trent,  which  had  been  oi^ened  in  December,  1545,  the 
Elector  Palatine  had  pro^^osed  a  colloquy  between  the 
two  parties,  and  this  conference  opened  at  Katisbon, 
January  27,  1546.  Bucer  had  been  nominated  one  of 
the  delegates  on  the  -psLYt  of  the  Keformation;  and  the 
Senate  of  Strasburg,  judging  that  a  Spanish  convert  from 
CathoHcism  to  Protestantism,  a  man  rich  in  knowledge 
and  in  vii-tue,  would  carry  much  weight  in  the  discussion, 
associated  Diaz  with  his  friend.  At  Eatisbon,  Bucer  and 
Diaz  found  as  champions  of  the  papacy,  Malvenda,  whom 
Diaz  had  known  at  Paris,  Cochlaeus,*  and  the  Carmelite 
monk  Billik.  These  three  were  determined  to  maintain 
the  extremest  doctrines  of  the  papacy;  for  seeing  that  the 
council  was  assembled  they  feared  that  if  they  made  any 
concession  they  would  be  struck  with  the  same  anathe- 
mas as  the  Protestants.  Without  hesitation  Diaz  went 
to  see  Malvenda.  Malvenda  was  his  senior,  and  he 
ought  to  pay  his  respects  to  him.  Perhaps  he  hoped 
that  the  ties  which  had  formerly  united  them  would  give 
him  some  hold  on  the  mind  of  his  countryman.  Pre- 
senting himself,  therefore,  with  one  of  his  fi'iends,  he 
told  him  with  the  utmost  simplicity  that  he  was  come  to 
Katisbon  with  Bucer  for  the  purpose  of  defending  the 
doctrines  of  the  Reformation.  Malvenda  could  believe 
neither  his  own  eyes  nor  ears.  He  remained  for  a  short 
time  astounded,  as  if  some  monster  had  made  its  appear- 
ance.f     The  expression  of  his  countenance  and  the  rest- 

*  Calv.  0pp.,  xii.  p.  253. 

t  Bericht  von  dem  Kegensb.  Colloq.  von  G.  Major,  Wittenberg, 
1546;  Von  M.  Bucer,  Strasb.,  154:G.—CalY.- 0pp.,  xii.  p.  252. 


CHAP.  V.  AT    RATISBON.  103 

lessness  of  his  movements  disijlayecl  his  astonishment 
and  alarm.  At  length  he  said:  'What!  Juan  Diaz  at 
Ratisbon!  Juan  Diaz  in  Germany,  and  in  the  company 
of  Protestants!  .  .  .  No,  I  am  deceived;  it  is  a  phan- 
tom before  me,  resembling  Diaz  indeed  in  stature  and 
in  feature,  but  it  is  a  mere  empty  image!'  The  young 
Spaniard  assured  the  doctor  that  he  really  was  there 
present  before  him.  'Wretched  man,'  said  Malvenda, 
'  do  you  not  know  that  the  Protestants  will  pride  them- 
selves far  more  on  haviog  gained  over  to  their  doctrine 
one  single  Spaniard  than  if  they  had  converted  ten 
thousand  Germans  or  an  infinite  number  of  men  of 
other  nations?'  Diaz  wondered  at  these  words,  for  it 
seemed  to  him  that  the  sovereign  will  could  convert  a 
Spaniard  as  easily  as  a  German.  Malvenda,  then,  no 
longer  in  doubt  as  to  the  real  presence  of  Diaz  in  flesh 
and  blood  before  him,  assailed  him  with  questions  blow 
after  blow.  'Hast  thou  been  long  in  Germany?  What 
ails  thee  that  thou  hast  come  into  these  parts?  Dost 
thou  understand  the  doctrine  of  Martin  Bucer  and  the 
other  Germans?'  and  so  forth.  Diaz,  with  more  pres- 
ence of  mind  than  his  master,  rejoKed  quietly  and  mod- 
estly: 'I  have  been  almost  six  months  in  this  country. 
My  object  in  coming  was  to  see  here  rehgion  estab- 
lished in  its  purity,  and  to  confer  with  the  learned  men 
who  are  to  be  found  here.  The  true  knowledge  of  God 
is  before  every  thing;  and  in  a  matter  so  important  I 
would  rather  trust  my  own  eyes  than  the  false  reports  of 
evil  men.  I  had  a  wish  to  see  this  jjoison;  and  as  I  find 
that  the  churches  of  Germany  are  in  agreement  with  antiq- 
uity, and  have  in  their  favor  the  perpetual  consent  of  the 
apostles  and  prophets,  I  can  not  reject  their  doctrine.'  * 

This  admiration  for  Germany  very  much  astonished 

Malvenda.    '  Oh ! '  cried  he,  'it  is  an  exceedingly  Avretched 

lot  to  live  in  this  country.     For  any  man  who  loves  the 

unity  of  Rome,  six  weeks'  sojourn  here  is  a  burden  as 

*  Crespiu.  Actes  des  Martyrs,  book  iii.  p.  172. 


104  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

oppressive  as  six  years;  nay,  say  rather  six  centuries. 
Six  days  in  Germany  make  me  older  than  a  long  life- 
time. Every  honest  man  must  beware  of  what  is  taught 
here.  Much  more  must  thou,  Diaz,  beware,  w^ho  belong- 
est  to  a  land  in  which  the  religion  of  our  holy  mother 
the  Church  has  always  flourished.  Eesj^ect,  therefore, 
thine  own  reputation,  and  do  not  bring  dishonor  on  thy- 
self, nor  on  thy  family,  nor  on  the  whole  Spanish  nation.' 
As  Diaz  was  accompanied  by  one  of  his  friends,  Mal- 
venda,  embarrassed,  did  not  pursue  the  subject  farther. 
But  the}''  agreed  to  meet  again. 

Malvenda  j^repared  to  make  use  of  his  fine  rhetorical 
l^owers  in  striking  the  heaviest  blows  for  the  purpose 
of  bringing  back  into  the  Roman  fold  this  sheep  which 
as  he  thought  had  gone  astray.  When  Diaz  made  his 
appearance  again,  this  time  alone,  Malvenda  said:  'Dost 
thou  not  perceive  all  the  dangers  which  are  threatening 
at  once  thy  l^ody  and  thy  soul  ?  Dost  thou  not  see  the 
formidable  thunderbolts  of  the  pope,  the  vicar  of  the  Son 
of  God,  which  are  about  to  fall  upon  thee?  And  dost 
thou  not  know  with  what  a  horrible  execration  those  are 
smitten  whom  he  excommunicates,  so  that  they  become 
the  plague  of  the  human  race  ?  Is  it  well,  then,  to  ven- 
ture, for  the  sake  of  the  opinion  of  a  small  number  of 
people,  to  stir  up  sedition  in  all  countries  and  to  disturb 
the  public  peace?  Dost  thou  not  dread  the  judgment  of 
God,  and  the  abhorrence  of  all  thy  fellow-countrymen  ? ' 
Assuming,  then,  the  most  kindly  au',  he  continued:  'I 
promise  to  aid  thee,  to  befriend  thee  in  this  matter  to 
the  utmost  of  my  power.  But  do  not  wait  until  the 
emperor  arrives  at  Ratisbon;  go  to  meet  him,  cast  th}^- 
self  at  the  feet  of  his  confessor,  and  entreat  him  to  par- 
don thine  offence.' 

'I  am  not  afraid,'  rejDlied  Diaz,  modestly  but  decisively, 
*  of  exposing  mj^self  to  danger  for  the  purpose  of  main- 
taining the  heavenly  doctrine  on  which  our  salvation 
depends,  or  even  of  shedding  my  blood  to  bear  testimony 


CHAP.  V.  HIS    INTERVIEW    WITH    ILiLYENDA.  105 

to  tlie  religion  of  Christ.  To  rae  this  would  be  a  gi-eat 
honor  and  a  great  glory.' 

Malvenda  shuddered  at  these  words.  If  what  Diaz 
said  was  true,  what  Rome  said  was  false;  and  yet  his  fel- 
low-countryman was  ready  to  die  to  testify  the  truth  of 
his  belief.  'No,'  exclaimed  the  priest,  'the  pope,  vicar 
of  Christ,  can  not  err.'  'What!'  resumed  Diaz,  'the 
popes  infallible!  Monsters  defiled  within  and  without 
with  enormous  crimes  infallible ! '  Malvenda  acknowl- 
edged that  some  of  the  popes  had  led  impure  lives;  but, 
as  he  was  anxious  to  drop  this  subject,  he  declared  to 
Diaz  that  it  was  mere  loss  of  time  to  come  to  the  collo- 
quy, and  that  no  good  would  arise  fi'om  it.  He  added 
that  if  Diaz  wished  to  do  any  good,  he  ought  to  go  to  the 
Council  of  Trent,  which  was  established  by  the  pope  and 
attended  by  mauy  prelates.  Diaz  quitted  the  doctor, 
resolved  to  see  him  no  more  privately.* 

The  young  SjDaniard  had  now  ruined  himself  with  the 
doctor.  The  affection  which  Malvenda  had  felt  for  him 
gave  place  to  implacable  hatred,  and  as  he  had  not  suc- 
ceeded in  gaining  him  over,  his  only  thought  now  was  to 
ruin  him.  With  this  view  he  applied  to  the  confessor  of 
Charles  the  Fifth,  of  whose  influence  he  was  aware. 
'  There  is  now  at  Ratisbon,'  he  wrote,  '  a  young  Spaniard 
whom  I  once  knew  at  Paris  as  an  obedient  son  of  Rome, 
but  who  now  avow^s  himself  an  enemy  of  the  church  and 
a  friend  of  the  Lutherans.  If  such  things  are  permitted, 
Spain  is  lost,  and  you  will  see  her  claiming  to  shake  off 
her  shoulders  the  burdens  with  which  she  will  profess  to 
be  overwhelmed.  I  implore  you  to  avert  such  a  calamity, 
even  if  necessary  by  a  violent  remedy.'  Malvenda  w^as 
not  content  with  writing  one  letter.  As  the  confessor 
gave  no  answer,  he  wrote  other  letters,  'far  more  harsh 
and  violent  than  the  first.' 

*  Diaz  wrote  down  the  conversation  which  he  had  with  Malvenda, 
and  from  his  papers  we  derive  our  information  about  it.— Crespin, 
Actes  des  Mariyrs,  book  iii.  p.  174. 
VOL.    viu. — 5* 


106  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

De  Soto  had  not  answered  at  once  because  he  was 
perplexed.  He  was  quite  capable  of  feeling  the  worth 
of  such  a  man  as  Juan  Diaz;  and,  whatever  the  chron- 
iclers may  have  said,  he  had  previously  been  struck  with 
the  excellencies  of  Enzinas,  and  had  winked  at  his  escape. 
Moreover,  the  case  was  one  of  real  difficulty.  Diaz,  being 
one  of  a  deputation  sent  to  a  colloquy  approved  by  the 
emperor,  was  protected  against  violent  measures,  except 
at  the  cost  of  a  renewal  of  the  breach  of  faith  of  which 
John  Huss  had  been  the  victim.  Just  at  the  time  when 
the  confessor  received  from  Malvenda  his  last  violent 
letter,  he  had  with  him  another  Spaniard,  named  Mar- 
quina,  who  was  entrusted  with  a  mission  for  Rome,  re- 
specting which  he  was  conversing  with  the  coufessor. 
'  See,'  said  De  Soto,  '  what  trouble  our  Si^aniards  give 
us,'  and  he  read  to  him  Malvenda's  letter.  Marquina, 
who  was  anpld  friend  of  Juan  Diaz,  had  always  looked 
upon  him  as  a  model  of  honesty  and  piet}'.  He  there- 
fore said  to  De  Soto:  'Put  no  faith  in  Malvenda's  state- 
ments. He  is  no  doubt  impelled  by  some  private  ill-will. 
Believe,  rather,  the  public  testimonies  of  good  men,  who 
have  at  all  times  approved  the  character  and  the  doctrine 
of  Diaz.'  But  De  Soto  was  not  convinced.  '  We  must,' 
he  said,  '  either  convert  him,  or  get  him  j^ut  out  of  the 
way.'  Did  he  mean  that  he  was  to  be  imprisoned  or  put 
to  death?  The  latter  seems  the  most  probable  conchision. 
Nevertheless  De  Soto  was  not  so  black  as  Protestant  writ- 
ers depict  him.  In  1560  he  was  prosecuted  by  the  In- 
quisition of  Valladolid,  on  suspicion  of  Lutheranism.* 
His  intercourse  with  such  men  as  Enzinas  and  Diaz  might 
well  tend  to  make  him  afterwards  more  just  towards  a 
doctrine  which  he  had  at  first  condemned.  Marquina 
set  out  for  Rome. 

In  this  metropolis  was  a  brother  of  Juan  Diaz,  named 
Alonzo,  an  advocate  practising  before  the  Roman  tribu- 
nals.    Marquina  related  to  him   all  that  he  had  heard 

*  Lloreute,  Uistoire  de  V Inquisition,  iii.  p.  88. 


CHAP.  V.  ALONZO    IN    GERMANY.  107 

about  Juan.  Alonzo  loved  his  brother,  but  he  loved 
Rome  still  more.  At  this  news,  therefore,  he  was 
plunged  into  a  deep  melanchol}-.  Juan  a  heretic!  What 
a  misfortune  for  him,  but  what  an  offence  also  against 
the  Church !  Alonzo,  though  not  a  thorough  bigot,  was 
violent,  and  was  smitten  with  that  gloomy  and  cruel 
madness  which  fancies  that  it  is  defending  the  church 
of  God  W'hen  persecuting  those  who  hold  contrar}-  doc- 
trines. He  was  not  without  affection  for  those  of  his 
own  kin;  but  he  was  pitiless  towards  them  if  ever  they 
attacked  the  faith.  He  would  rather  they  should  all 
perish  than  be  guilty  of  an  outrage  against  the  Church, 
He  was  not  only  superstitious  but  fanatical;  and  fanati- 
cism is  to  superstition  what  delirium  is  to  fever.  As 
soon  as  he  was  informed  of  the  letters  which  Malvenda 
had  written  to  the  confessor,  Alonzo  determined  to  go  to 
Germany  and  to  make  use  of  all  available  means  to  bring 
back  his  brother  to  the  faith  or  to  retrieve  the  injury 
done  by  him  to  the  Church.  He  selected  as  his  servant 
a  man  of  evil  repute,  took  post  and  went  wdth  the  utmost 
speed  to  Augsburg,  and  thence  to  Ratisbon,  where  he 
expected  to  find  his  brother.  This  journey  was  made 
in  March,  1546.  The  conference  was  just  on  the  point 
of  closing  w'ithout  having  accomplished  any  thing,  and 
Juan  Diaz  had  ah-eady  left  Ratisbon. 

Alonzo  was  greatly  annoyed  at  this  news,  and  resolved 
to  have  an  interview  without  delay  with  Malvenda.  The 
latter  had  no  hesitation  as  to  what  was  to  be  done.  'May 
I  live  to  see  the  day,'  said  he,  'on  which  Juan  Diaz  will 
be  biu-nt  .  .  .  and  his  soul  thus  be  saved.'  'A  brutal 
speech,'  says  Cresi^in,  the  friend  of  Juan,  '  altogether  dia- 
bolical and  worthy  of  eternal  wrath.'  But  in  those  times 
of  error,  when  people  fancied  that  false  doctrine  ought 
to  be  punished  like  any  orclinarj^  crime,  it  is  possible  that 
this  priest,  in  uttering  the  wish  that  the  soul  should  be 
saved  at  the  cost  of  the  body,  might  imagine  that  it  was 
really  a  pious  and  charitable  si^eech.     The  human  under- 


108  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  siv. 

standing  was  then,  and  had  been  for  ages,  profoundh/ 
and  miserably  mistaken  on  this  matter. 

Malvenda  and  Alonzo  discussed  together  what  was  to 
be  done.  First  of  all,  they  said,  inquiry  must  be  made 
most  carefully  in  what  place,  country,  toT^Ti,  or  village, 
Juan  then  was.  Malvenda  summoned  a  Si)aniard  of  his 
house  in  whom  he  had  full  confidence,  and  bade  him  find 
out  where  it  was  conjectured  that  Juan  was  concealed. 
This  Spaniard,  who  was  a  crafty  man,  indented  a  tale 
which  he  thought  would  ensure  his  success,  and  pre- 
sented himself  to  one  of  the  friends  of  Juan — whether 
Senarclens  or  another  we  do  not  know.  '  Letters  of  great 
importance,'  he  said,  '  addressed  to  Diaz  have  arrived  at 
the  imperial  court.  If  he  receive  them,  it  will  be  of  great 
advantage  to  bim.  We  beg  you,  therefore,  to  tell  us 
instantly  in  what  place  we  may  deliver  them.'  The  friend 
of  Diaz,  who  knew  with  whom  he  had  to  do,  replied: 
*  We  do  not  tnow  where  he  is;  but  if  you  have  any  papers 
to  forward  to  him,  please  hand  them  over  to  us  and  we 
will  take  care  that  they  reach  him  safely.' 

Alonzo  and  Malvenda,  greatly  disappointed  at  receiving 
such  an  answer,  devised  a  new  trick,  the  success  of  which 
apj)eared  to  them  infallible.  The  Spaniard  returned  to 
the  friend  of  Diaz  and  said:  'It  is  not  a  question  about 
papers  only;  there  is  now  at  the  Crown  hotel  a  gentle- 
man, a  great  friend  of  Diaz,  who  brings  him  news  and 
letters  of  the  highest  importance.  He  is  bound  to  deliver 
them  to  him  in  person.  Pray  come  and  speak  to  him  at 
the  inn.'  * 

Alonzo's  stratagem  succeeded  to  his  heart's  content. 
He  discovered  ere  long  his  brother's  place  of  retirement. 
Juan,  on  the  approach  of  Charles  the  Fifth,-}-  felt  that  he 

*  The  close  of  the  chapter  is  missing  in  the  manuscript.  We  add 
a  few  pages  respecting  the  mournful  death  of  Juan  Diaz.— Editor. 

t  '  Quum  Caesar  appropinquare  diccbatur,  Neoburgum  se  contule- 
rat,  quod  oppidum  est  sub  ditione  Othonis  Henrici.'— Calv.,  (Jpp., 
xii.  p.  336. 


-^HAP.  V.  ALONZO    FINDS    JUAN.  109 

could  not  rem  am  at  Katisbon,  and  therefore  had  betaken 
himself  to  Neuburg,  where  he  ran  less  risk  than  at  Ilatis- 
bon,  as  the  town  was  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Otto 
Henry,  the  elector  palatine.  He  was  engaged  there  in 
superintending  the  printing  of  a  work  by  Bucer.*  It  was 
a  great  surprise  to  him  to  see  his  brother,  whose  attach- 
ment to  the  papacy  he  well  knew.  The  first  days  of  their 
meeting  were  spent  in  painful  debates.  Alonzo  put  forth 
all  his  energy  to  snatch  his  brother  from  heres3^  He 
made  the  best  of  all  the  arguments  which  he  thought 
likely  to  prevail  with  him.  He  reminded  him  of  the  dis- 
grace which  would  be  reflected  on  the  name  of  his  family, 
the  perils  to  which  he  exposed  himself,  prison,  exile,  the 
scaffold,  and  the  stake  with  which  he  was  threatened. 
Juan  remained  inflexible.  '  I  am  ready,'  he  rephed,  '  to 
suffer  any  thing  for  the  sake  of  pubhcly  confessing  the 
doctrine  which  I  have  embraced.'  Failing  to  terrify  his 
brother,  Alonzo  attempted  to  seduce  him.  He  offered 
him  the  wealth  and  honors  wherewith  Kome  would  wil- 
lingly have  paid  for  reconciliation  with  her  adversaries. 
*  Follow  me  to  Rome,'  he  said,  'and  all  these  things  are 
yours.'  Juan  was  still  less  open  to  the  solicitations  of 
worldly  ambition  than  he  had  been  to  threats  of  possible 
danger. 

Alonzo  soon  perceived  that  these  methods  would  avail 
him  nothing,  and  he  therefore  changed  his  tactics.  He 
pretended  that  he  was  himself  overcome  by  the  faith  and 
the  generous  feehng  of  his  brother,  and  professed  him- 
self gained  over  to  the  Gospel.  '  Come  with  me  to  Italy,' 
said  he;  Hhere  you  will  find  a  large  number  of  souls 
open  to  the  knowledge  of  the  truth,  and  among  these 
you  will  have  oj^portunity  of  doing  a  great  work  of  mercy. 
Germany  possesses  pious  men  in  abundance  to  instruct 
it.  Italy  is  in  want  of  them.  Come  with  nje.'  Juan 
was  almost  carried  away  by  this  appeal.  He  was  desir- 
ous, however,  of  consulting  his  friends.  These  dissuaded 
*  Sleidan,  Beform.,  book  xvii. 


110  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

liim  from  such  an  enterprise,  and  felt  suspicions  of  his 
brother's  sincerity.  Diaz  still  hesitated.  He  wrote  to 
Bernard  Ochino,  pastor  at  Augsburg:  'I  must  close  my 
eyes  to  the  world  that  I  may  follow  only  the  call  of 
Christ.  May  he  be  my  light,  my  guide,  my  support ! 
I  have  not  yet  come  to  a  decision.  Whether  I  am  to 
set  out  or  to  remain  here,  I  desire  only  to  do  the  will 
of  God.  My  trust  is  in  Christ,  who  promises  me  a 
happ3^  issue.'  His  friends  Bucer,  Senarclens,  and  others 
hastened  to  him  in  alarm,  and  at  length  succeeded  in 
dissuading  him  from  quitting  the  asylum  in  wdiich  he 
was  safe  under  the  protection  of  the  elector  palatine. 

Alonzo,  though  deeply  annoyed,  dissembled  his  anger. 
He  should  cherish,  he  said,  the  memory  of  the  pleasant 
moments  which  he  had  spent  in  his  brother's  company; 
he  carried  away  in  himself  a  light  w^hich  he  would  not 
allow  to  be  extinguished;  he  commended  himself  to  the 
prayers  of  this  brother  who  had  become  his  father  in 
Jesus  Christ.  He  wept  much,  and  on  March  26,  154G,  he 
took  his  departure,  his  servant  accompanying  him.  The 
latter  was  a  man  accustomed  to  the  shedding  of  blood. 
He  had  been  an  executioner;  and  he  made  a  trade  of 
selling  his  services  to  any  one  who  wanted  to  get  rid  of 
an  enemy  by  the  sword  or  by  poison.  The  two  men 
went  to  Augsburg,  carefully  concealing  their*  presence. 
The  next  day,  after  changing  their  di'ess,  they  retraced 
the  road  by  which  they  had  come.  On  the  way  Alonzo 
bought  a  hatchet  of  a  carpenter.  He  slept  in  a  village 
not  far  from  Neuburg;  and  on  March  27,  just  as  the  day 
began  to  dawn,  he  re-entered  the  town  with  the  man  who 
was  in  his  service.  This  man  knocked  at  the  door  of  the 
house  in  w^hich  Diaz  lodged,  and  showing  some  letters 
which  he  said  that  he  brought  from  his  brother,  requested 
to  be  admitted.  Notwithstanding  the  earl}'  morning  hour 
he  was  allowed  to  enter  the  house,  and  went  np  the  stair- 
case while  Alonzo  waited  below,  prepared  to  assist  in 
case  of  need. 


CHAP.  V.  FRATRICIDE.  Ill 

Juan,  waking  witli  a  start,  rose  and  went  out  of  his 
chamber,  half-dressed,  and  received  with  kindhness  his 
brother's  messenger.  The  latter  handed  a  letter  to  him. 
The  still  faint  light  of  the  dawn  scarcely  penetrated  into 
the  room;  Juan  went  to  the  window  and  began  reading. 
Alonzo  exjDressed  to  his  brother  the  fears  he  felt  for  his 
personal  safet}'.  'Above  all,'  said  he,  'do  not  trust  Mal- 
venda,  who  only  thirsts  for  the  blood  of  the  saints. 
From  afar  I  watch  over  jon,  and  in  giving  you  this 
warning  I  discharge  a  duty  of  brotherly  piety.'*  While 
Diaz  was  reading,  the  murderer  approached  him,  and, 
armed  with  the  hatchet  which  he  had  concealed  under 
his  cloak,  plunged  it  \\j)  to  the  handle  in  the  skull  of 
the  unfortunate  man,  over  the  right  temple.  So  \dolent 
was  the  blow  that  the  victim  fell  without  uttering  a 
word.  The  assassin  caught  him  in  his  arms  and  laid 
him  quietly  upon  the  floor,  and  then  fled  without  mak- 
ing any  noise  which  might  have  betrayed  the  horrible 
deed  which  had  just  been  done. 

The  friend  of  Diaz,  Senarclens,  who  was  sleeping  in 
his  own  chamber,  heard  nothing  but  the  footsteps  of  the 
murderer  as  he  descended  the  stairs.  He  rose  hastily, 
ran  to  his  friend,  and  found  him  dying.  The  hatchet 
had  been  left  buried  in  the  wound.  Juan  Diaz  lived 
an  hour  longer  but  did  not  speak  again.  His  hands 
were  joined,  his  lips  moved  as  if  in  prayer,  and  his 
eyes  fixed  on  heaven  showed  the  mark  toward  which  he 
pressed. 

Meanwhile  the  assassins  were  flying  as  fast  as  their 
horses  could  carry  them.  Swiftly  pursued,  they  passed 
through  Augsburg  without  stopping,  and  at  length  found 
refuge  at  Innspruck,  in  the  dominions  of  the  archduke 
Ferdinand,  king  of  the  Komans.  All  Germany  was 
stirred  by  this  odious  crime;  and  the  punishment  of  the 
guilty  was  demanded  from  all  quarters.  But  by  the  in- 
tervention of  the  emperor  they  escaped  the  condemna- 
*  Jiiles  Bonnet,  liecits  du  seizieme  siecle,  p.  228. 


112  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xit. 

tion  which  they  had  deserved,  and,  if  we  are  to  believe 
Castro,*  Charles  ever 
honors  and  disfnities. 


Castro,*  Charles  even  raised  the  fratricide  to  the  highest 


CHAPTER  VI. 

SPANIARDS     IN     SPAIN. 
(153i— 1542.) 


The  doctrines  of  the  Gospel  were  slowly  spreading  in 
Spain;  their  advance  was  silent,  but  it  was  none  the  less 
rapid.  The  Catholic  Illescas,  in  his  Hidoria  Pontifical, 
asserts  that  'so  great  were  the  number,  the  rank,  and 
the  importance  of  the  culprits,  that  if  the  application  of 
the  remedy  had  been  delayed  for  two  or  thi'ee  months, 
the  whole  of  Spain  would  have  been  on  fire.'  The  Ref- 
ormation would  have  wrought  the  salvation  of  this  peo- 
ple, not  only  in  a  moral  and  religious  sense,  but  also  in 
respect  to  national  prosperity  and  greatness.  Unfortu- 
nately the  papacy  and  Philip  II.  had  the  last  word,  and 
they  ensured  its  ruin. 

We  have  seen  that  the  Gospel  had  been  well  received 
at  Seville,  in  the  south;  it  was  likewise  welcomed  at  Val- 
ladolid,  in  the  north,  the  usual  seat  of  the  king.  There 
was  one  man  who  at  this  epoch,  by  reason  of  his  ability, 
the  offices  with  which  he  was  invested,  the  missions  which 
were  entrusted  to  him,  and  his  religious  character,  played 
an  important  part  in  Spain.  He  passed  for  one  of  the 
most  violent  enemies  of  evangelical  truth;  and  such  in- 
deed he  was,  but  ultimatel}^  he  became  himself  an  evan- 
gelical, at  least  in  essential  points.  This  was  Barthol- 
omew Carranza,  who  was  born  in  1503,  at  Miranda,  in 
Navarre,  and  was  at  this  time  teaching  theology  at  Valla- 
dolid  with  great  applause.     He  had  comj)leted  his  studies 

*  Castro,  Spanish  Prolestmits,  p.  M. 


CHAP.  VI.  BARTHOLOMEW    CARRANZA.  113 

at  the  uniYersity  of  Aleala,  and  in  1520  had  entered  the 
Dommican  order.  While  he  was  at  the  college  of  St. 
Gregory  of  Valladolid,  in  1527,  he  had  undertaken  the 
defence  of  Erasmus,  and  had  consequently  been  de- 
nounced to  the  Holy  Office.  At  a  still  earlier  period 
he  had  conversed  with  a  Dominican  older  than  himself, 
Professor  Michael  de  Saint  Martin,  on  matters  pertaining 
to  the  conscience.  The  doctor  found  that  the  young  monk 
gi-eatly  limited  the  power  of  the  pope.  For  this  he  had 
been  rebuked  and  ultimately  denounced  to  the  Holy  Office 
(November  19, 1530).  But  these  two  denunciations  came 
to  nothing.  It  was  found  that  the  evidence  was  not  suf- 
ficient to  supx)ort  an  accusation.  On  the  revival  of  the 
denunciations  at  a  later  period,  Carranza,  who  by  this 
time  had  become  an  archbishop,  was  placed  under  arrest. 
At  an  early  age  he  had  felt  some  relish  for  the  truth. 
Had  he  lived  in  the  midst  of  Gospel  light  he  would  have 
joyfully  received  it;  but  the  darkness  of  Kome  withheld 
him  and  for  a  long  time  led  him  astray.  In  1534  he  was 
apj)ointed  professor  of  theology  at  Valladohd,  and  in 
1539  he  was  named  a  delegate  to  Eome  to  attend  a 
chapter  of  his  order.  He  maintained  there  some  theses 
with  so  much  success  that  Pope  Paul  III.  gave  him  per- 
mission to  read  prohibited  books.  The  reading  of  these 
was  afterwards  of  advantage  to  him.  At  this  time  he 
enjoyed  the  reputation  of  a  fervent  Catholic.  His  oppo- 
sition to  heretics,  his  olive-colored  complexion,  and  the 
sombre  costume  of  his  order,  earned  him  the  surname  of 
the  black  monk.  Nevertheless  he  displayed  altogether  a 
superior  mind;  and  in  consequence  of  this  he  was  early 
distinguished  by  Charles  the  Fifth.  If  he  were  then 
strongly  attached  to  Koman  doctrines  it  was  with  sin- 
cerity, because  he  believed  them  to  be  true;  and  he  was, 
moreover,  a  stranger  to  petty  ecclesiastical  superstitions.* 
Carranza's  teaching,  perhaps,  contributed  to  make  the 
Gospel  attractive  to  younger  minds  at  Valladolid.     At 

*  Lloreute,  Histoire  de  V Inquisition,  pp.  184-187. 


114  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

first  they  showed  some  timidity;  but  the  cruel  death  of 
one  of  the  most  earnest  Spanish  Christians  inspired  them, 
about  the  middle  of  the  century,  with  more  zeal  and  cour- 
age. Among  the  disciples  of  Carranza  was  Don  Domingo 
de  Koxas,  son  of  the  marquis  of  Poza — a  name  rendered 
illustrious  by  a  great  poet — and  whose  mother  was  a 
daughter  of  the  count  of  Selinas.  This  young  man,  who 
was  destined  by  his  x^arents  for  the  church,  was  amiable, 
upright,  a  lover  of  truth,  keenly  susceptible  and  impress- 
ible, endowed  likewise  with  courage,  but  not  with  that 
immovable  firmness  which  belongs  to  powerful  charac- 
ters. He  listened  with  enthusiasm  to  the  lectures  of 
Carranza,  who  in  certain  cases  made  use  of  the  phrases 
of  the  reformers,  while  condemning  theii'  doctrines.  The 
same  was  afterwards  done  by  the  Council  of  Trent,  to 
which  Carranza  was  sent  as  delegate  by  Charles  the 
Fifth.  He  used  to  say  that  man,  since  his  fall,  could  not 
be  justified  %  the  power  of  nature;  but  that  he  is  justi- 
fied by  Jesus  Christ.  To  these  assertions,  however,  he 
added  explanations  which  weakened  them.  '  The  moral 
power  of  man,'  he  said,  'is  indeed  diminished  but  not 
destroyed;  he  is  able  to  incline  himself  to  righteousness, 
and  faith  justifies  only  so  far  as  charity  is  added  to  it.' 

Ere  long  Domingo  showed  less  timidity  than  his  mas- 
ter. He  laid  aside  every  thing  that  weakened  the  doc- 
trine and  embraced  the  pure  faith  drawn  fi-om  the  Word 
of  God.  At  the  same  time  that  he  listened  to  Carranza 
he  was  reading  Luther  and  Melanchthon,  and  he  thought 
their  doctrines  more  evangelical  and  more  powerful  than 
those  of  his  master.  The  professor  trembled  lest  his  dis- 
ciple should  become  a  heretic  and  should  raise  up  others. 
What  to  Roxas  appeared  a  fi-iendly  light,  seemed  to  Car- 
ranza the  signal  of  a  conflagration.  In  vain  he  endeav- 
ored to  prove  to  young  de  Roxas  the  mass  and  purga- 
tory. The  latter,  understanding  that  the  truth  was  the 
property  of  all,  communicated  it  to  those  nronnd  him. 
He  put  into  circulation  the  works  of  the  reformers;  he 


CHAP,  VI.  AUGUSTINE    CAZALLA.  115 

composed  otliers  himself.  Among  the  latter  was  an  'Ex- 
position of  the  Faith.'  By  these  means  he  gained  over  to 
the  Gospel  several  inhabitants  of  Valladolid.  He  en- 
countered opposition  on  the  part  of  some  members  of 
his  own  family;  but  he  found  access  to  others,  as  well  as 
to  several  noble  houses  of  Castile.* 

Another  young  Castilian,  Augustine  Cazalla,  a  con- 
temporary of  Roxas,  at  the  age  of  seventeen  had  had 
Carranza  as  his  confessor;  and  he  attended,  at  the  same 
time  as  Domingo,  the  lectures  of  this  illustrious  master 
at  the  college  of  St.  Gregory  at  Valladolid.  His  father 
was  director  of  the  royal  finances,  and  his  mother  Leo- 
nora (whose  maiden  name  was  de  Vibero),  a  friend  of  the 
friends  of  the  Gospel,  opened  her  house  to  them,  and 
freely  welcomed  the  refugees  who  were  driven  b}^  perse- 
cution from  their  own  abodes.  On  this  account  the  house 
of  Leonora  was  afterwards  razed,  and  on  its  ruins  fanati- 
cism erected  a  monumental  stone,  which  remained  there 
till  our  ovni  days.f  Cazalla  completed  his  studies  at 
Alcala,  became  canon  of  Salamanca,  and  attained  a  posi- 
tion in  the  first  rank  of  Spanish  preachers.  The  circum- 
stances in  which  he  was  placed,  and  particularly  the 
hospitality  of  his  mother,  prepared  him  to  receive  the 
Gospel.  He  was  even  accused  of  having  '  openly  taught 
in  the  Lutheran  conventicles  of  Valladolid.'  It  appears, 
however,  that  he  did  not  publicly  declare  himself  for 
the  Word  of  God  until  the  emj)eror,  having  nominated 
him  his  preacher  and  almoner,  took  him  with  him  into 
Germany,  where  he  had  frequent  intercourse  with  the 
Lutherans.  J 

Even  before  Cazalla  decided  for  the  Gospel  Don  Do- 
mingo de  Roxas  had  found  a  powerful  assistant  in  the 

*  Llorente,  Histoire  de  V  Inquisition,  ii.  p.  238. 

t  It  was  removed  during  the  regency  of  Espartcro.  The  street  is 
named  Calle  del  doctor  Cazalla. 

X  Llorente,  Histoire  de  V Inquisition,  ii.  pp.  222,  223.  Illescas, 
Historia  Pontifical,  ii.  p.  337. 


116 


THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 


evangelization  of  VallacloHd  and  its  neighborhood.     An 
ItaHan  noble,  Don  Carlos  de  Seso,  born  at  Yerona,  of 
one  of  the  first  families  of  the  country,  had  distinguished 
himself  in  the  service  of  the  emi3eror,  and  had,  it  seems, 
learnt  something  at  an  early  age  of  the  doctrine  of  the 
Eeformation.     He  settled  in  Spain,  and  during  his  resi- 
dence at  VaUadolid  became  intimate  with  the  evangeHcal 
Christians  of  that  city.     He  had  a  cultivated  mind,  great 
nobihcy  of  character,   gentlemanly  manners,  and  much 
zeal  for  the  truth.     Having  become  a  Spaniard,  he  dis- 
charged in  his  adopted  country  certain  civil  functions; 
and  this   afforded   him   opportunities  of   diffusing  with 
more  fi-eedom  the  knowledge  of  the  Gospel.     He  did 
this  zealously  in  some  towns  situated  to  the  east  of  Val- 
ladolid,  on  the  banks  of  the  Douro;  at  Toro,  where  this 
river  is  spanned  by  the  numerous  arches  of  an  immense 
bridge,  and^  where  Seso  was  corregidor;  and,  somewhat 
further  eastward,  in  the  melancholy  and  sombre  Zamora, 
which  the  Cid  had  reconquered   from  the  Moors,   and 
where  the  ruins   of  his  palace  were  to  be  seen.  '   His 
active  exertions  were  next  put  forth  in  another  quarter. 
We  find  him  proclaiming  the  love  of  God  in  Jesus  Christ 
at  Valencia,  to  the  north  of  VaUadolid,  and  under  the 
very  walls  of  its  beautiful  cathedral.     He  afterwards  mar- 
ried Dona  Isabella  de  Castilla,  niece  of  the  bishop   of 
Calahorra,  and  a  descendant  of  King  Pedro  the  Cruel, 
and  took  up  his  abode  at  Vil.a  Mediana.     Here  he  became 
very  successful  in  the  evangelization  of  Logrofio,  and  the 
rich  and  fertile  districts  lying  around,  w^hich  are  watered 
by  the  Ebro.     Don  Carlos  de  Seso  was  remarkable  for 
the  energy  of  his  faitn,  the  vigor  of  his  language,  and 
the  devotion  of  his  whole  being  to  Jesus  Christ.     He  was 
to  give  evidence  of  his  courage  at  the  time  of  his  death, 
by  apostrophizing  the    cruel  Philip   II.   himself,   whose 
fanatical  answer  became  celebrated.* 

*  Llorente,  lUstoire  de  Vlnquisiiion,  ii.  jjp.  235,  236,  407.     Illescas, 
Historia  Pontifical,  i.  p.  337. 


CHAP.  VI.  DE    ROX^VS.  117 

Don  Domingo  de  Roxas  had  a  sister,  the  marchioness 
of  Alcagnices,  whose  character  bore  much  resemblance 
to  his  own,  and  who,  like  him,  attached  herself  to  Car- 
ranza,  but  with  still  more  enthusiasm.  She  found  in 
him  a  faithful,  pious,  and  disinterested  guide;  not  a 
director,  but  a  Christian  friend.  She  as  well  as  her 
brother  had  frequent  conversations  with  Carranza.  Do- 
mingo on  one  occasion  was  speaking  with  joy  about  the 
complete  justification  of  the  sinner  by  the  grace  of  Christ. 
'But,'  he  added,  'I  do  not  see  how  this  truth  is  to  be 
reconciled  with  purgatory.'  'It  would  be  no  great  harm,' 
said  Carranza,  'if  there  w^ere  no  purgatory.'  Domingo 
was  astonished,  and  reiDlied  by  citing  the  decisions  of 
the  church.  His  master  then  closed  the  discussion  by 
saying:  'You  are  not  at  present  capable  of  thoroughly 
understanding  this  matter.'  In  a  little  while,  Domingo, 
convinced  that  the  justification  of  man  is  the  essence  of 
Christianity,  returned  to  the  subject;  and  Carranza  told 
him  that  he  did  not  see  in  Holy  Scripture  any  clear 
proofs  of  the  existence  of  purgatory.*  De  Roxas  re- 
joiced to  hear  this,  for  he  desired  above  all  things  that 
his  master  should  unreservedly  accej^t  the  doctrines  of 
the  Gospel.  But  this  was  not  so  easy  as  he  thought, 
and  whenever  he  made  a  timid  attempt  to  induce  him 
to  adopt  them,  Carranza  at  once  checked  him.  'Be- 
ware,' said  he,  'lest  you  allow  yourself  to  be  carried 
away  by  your  talents.'  The  disciple  then  withdrew  dis- 
heartened. Carranza's  refusal  to  follow  him  in  all  the 
evangehcal  doctrines  'excited  his  deepest  compassion,' 
and  also  occasioned  him  the  greatest  grief.  'For,'  he 
said,  'if  Don  Bartholomew  entii'ely  received  the  true 
faith,  he  would  induce  my  sister  to  adopt  it,  so  com- 
pletely does  the  marchioness  yield  to  his  opinion.' 
Filled  with  contidence,  Roxas  added:  'I  am  still  in  hope 
of  seeing  tliis  change  effected; '  and  allured  still  further 
and  further  by  his  hopes  he  exclaimed:  'If  so  great  a 
*  Llorente,  Histoire  de  V Inquisition,  iii.  pp.  202,  20i. 


118  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  XIV. 

chaDge  as  this  be  wrought  in  Carranza,  the  king  and  all 
Spain  ivill  embrace  this  religion.'  * 

The  faith  of  Carranza  seemed  in  fact  to  become  bright- 
er and  more  real,  so  that  the  fine  castles  in  the  aii'  which 
the  young  and  ardent  De  Roxas  was  building  were  not 
altogether  unfounded.  One  day,  not  long  afterwards, 
Carranza,  wheD  preaching  at  Valladolid  in  Passion  week, 
was  suddenly  carried  away  by  the  liveliness  of  his  faith 
and  the  warmth  of  his  love  for  the  Saviour;  and  speak- 
ing as  if  he  saw  heaven  opened,  as  if  he  discerned  not 
only  the  image  of  the  Saviour,  but  the  Saviour  himself 
crucified,  he  spoke  with  enthusiasm  of  the  unutterable 
blessedness  of  such  contemplation  for  faithful  souls,  and 
extolled  with  all  his  power  the  justification  of  men  by  a 
living  faith  in  the  passion  and  the  death  of  Jesus  Christ. 
*  Eeally,'  said  the  bishop  Peter  de  Castro,  who  was  pres- 
ent, 'Carranza  preached  to-day  as  Philip  Melanchthon 
might  have  done.'  The  bishop  informed  the  illustrious 
orator  of  his  own  way  of  thinking;  the  latter  rephed 
only  by  keeping  profound  silence. f  Carranza  afterwards 
preached  a  sermon  of  a  similar  kind  before  Philip  II.  in 
London,  whither  he  had  accompanied  the  king,  and 
where  he  prosecuted  the  evangelical  teachers  of  Oxford 
and  other  places,  while  sometimes  preaching  the  same 
doctrines  as  they  did.  The  fanaticism  of  Catholic  unity 
and  universality  stifled  in  his  soul  the  claims  of  Christian 
faith.  The  new  man,  formed  within  by  divine  grace,  was 
in  his  case  kept  down  by  the  natural  man,  whose  in- 
stincts had  been  rendered  more  cruel  by  the  influence 
of  Rome  and  the  Inquisition. 

The  marchioness  of  Alcagnices  could  not  do  without 
him.  The  piety  of  Carranza  met  her  deepest  wants,  and 
his  attachment  to  Rome  was  a  ground  of  confidence  to 
her  that  in  adopting  his  faith  she  was  not  separating  from 
the  church.     Anxious  to  enjoy  his  teaching  even  when  he 

*  Llorente,  Elstoire  de  V Inquisition,  iii.  pp.  203,  208. 
t  Ibid.,  pp.  198,  199. 


CHAP.  VI.  WORKS    OF    CARRANZA.  119 

^\\as  absent,  slie  caused  copies  to  be  made  of  his  Spanish 
works,  and  had  translations  made  of  those  which  were 
in  Latin.  In  this  task  she  employed  the  fi-iar  Francis 
de  Tordesillas.  This  monk,  who  was  a  strictl}^  orthodox 
man,  was  occasionally  shocked,  while  making  these  trans- 
lations and  copies,  by  certain  phrases  w^hich  appeared  to 
have  a  Lutheran  tendency.  He  was  very  much  grieved 
about  it,  and  so  much  the  more  because  it  was  not  only 
for  the  marchioness  that  he  did  this  work,  but  also  for 
several  other  ladies,  admirers  of  Carranza.  What  a  ca- 
lamity if  he  should  become  an  agent  of  the  Lutheran 
heresy!  And  yet  there  were  so  many  fine  things  in 
those  books,  and  Carranza  was  so  illustrious  a  doctor! 
The  monk  of  Tordesillas  bethought  himself  of  a  means  of 
preventing  the  evil.  At  the  head  of  the  manuscript  he 
put  a  notice  to  the  reader,  in  which  he  said, — 'that  in 
reading  the  works  of  Don  Bartholomew,  all  the  propo- 
sitions which  they  contain  must  be  understood  in  the 
Catholic  sense,  and  particularly  those  which  relate  to 
justification,  which  it  seems  possible  to  interpret  in  an 
opposite  sense;  that  in  this  way  there  would  be  no  dan- 
ger of  faUing  into  any  error;  that  he  had  seen  the  author 
practice  good  works,  fasts,  almsgiving  and  prayers,  so 
that  he,  the  speaker,  was  sure  that  every  thing  which  the 
doctor  had  w^ritten  was  in  the  spirit  of  the  Catholic 
religion.'*  But  the  religious  devotee  labored  in  vain. 
Most  readers  took  simply  and  in  the  natural  sense  wdiat 
they  read.  Moreover  the  notice  to  the  reader  w\as  coun- 
teracted by  more  powerful  advice.  Domingo  de  Boxas 
told  both  the  nuns  with  whom  he  was  connected,  partic- 
ularly those  of  the  convent  of  Bethlehem,  and  other  per- 
sons who  showed  any  leaning  to  piety,  that  the  evangel- 
ical doctrines,  and  he  did  not  scruple  to  say  to  many 
the  maxims  of  Luther,  were  approved  by  a  man  so  virtuous 
and  so  learned  as  Carranza. f 

*  Llorente,  Illstoire  de  V Inquisiilon,  iii.  205,  20G. 
t  Ibid.,  p.  208. 


120  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

Far  from  being  moved  to  retract  his  doctrines  by  the 
reproaches  which  he  incurred  on  account  of  them,  Car- 
ranza,  who  was  of  a  resolute  and  determined  character, 
reasserted  them  in  more  and  more  positive  language. 
One  day  when  he  was  at  the  village  of  Alcagnices,  prob- 
ably on  a  visit  to  the  castle,  he  felt  it  incumbent  on  him 
to  make  it  distinctly  understood  that  nothing  would 
induce  him  to  renounce  the  faith,  which  inspired  him, 
and  that  to  leave  no  room  for  doubt  he  was  even  pre- 
pared to  sign  a  legal  instrument,  bond,  or  contract,  to 
that  effect.  For  this  reason,  and  remembering  that  ac- 
cording to  a  popular  proverb  '  where  notary  has  passed 
there  is  no  going  back,'  he  exclaimed  in  the  presence  of 
Domingo  de  Eoxas,  Peter  de  Sotelo,  Christopher  Padilla, 
and  others:  'At  the  time  of  my  death  I  will  have  a  notary 
to  attest  the  renunciation  which  I  make  of  all  my  good 
works  and  all  the  merit  of  them.  I  rely  on  the  works  of 
Jesus  Christ';  and  knowing  that  he  has  expiated  my  sins 
I  look  upon  them  as  annulled.'  "^ 

It  is  remarkable  that  Carranza,  after  declarations  so 
evangelical,  should  have  been  elected,  and  this  in  S]3aiu, 
and  against  his  own  will,  to  the  highest  dignity  of  the 
church,  the  primacy.  True,  Eome  afterwards  made  up 
for  this  gentle  treatment  by  great  severity.  This  illus- 
trious doctor  and  distinguished  jirelate,  who  had  caused 
so  many  evangehcal  Christians  to  be  imprisoned,  himself 
spent  the  last  seventeen  years  of  his  life  in  prison.  He 
exalted  the  poi)e,  his  government,  and  his  ministry,  as 
much  as  and  more  than  any  other  man;  but  he  com- 
mitted the  crime  of  exalting  Jesus  Christ  stjll  more. 
The  punishment  was  only  retarded,  not  averted,  by  his 
submission  to  Eome.  Even  at  the  time  when  Carranza 
was  still  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  highest  favor  Valla- 
dohd  saw  a  memorable  example  of  punishment  instantly 
awarded  to  any  one  who  should  magnify  Jesus  Christ, 
without  caring  for  the  pope  and  bis  church. 

*  Lloreute,  Eistolrt  de  V Inquisition,  iii.  p.  210. 


CHAP.  VI,  CRUELTY    OF    THE    INQUISITORS.  121 

The  young  San  Komano,  who  had  been  converted  at 
Bremen,  and  had  been  arrested  after  making  great  efforts 
to  induce  Charles  the  Fifth  to  countenance  the  Reforma- 
tion, arrived  in  ill  health  at  Valladolid  at  the  time  when 
the  Gospel  was  working  in  private  circles,  and  even  in 
general  society,  but  had  not  3^et  been  boldly  preached 
there  as  at  Seville.  He  had  been  roughly  treated,  and 
compelled  to  follow  in  the  emperor's  suite  as  a  captive, 
some  say  even  into  Africa;  but  the  treatment  which  he 
had  to  undergo  at  the  hands  of  the  inquisitors  of  Valla- 
dolid, to  whom  he  was  delivered  up,  far  surpassed  in 
harshness  that  of  Charles.  They  confined  him  in  a  dark 
and  horrible  dungeon;  they  sent  to  him  incessantl}' wick- 
ed and  ignorant  monks,  who  were  instructed  to  worry 
him  and  to  induce  him  to  abandon  his  faith;  they  fre- 
quently made  a  spectacle  of  him,  exposing  him  to  the 
laughter  and  contempt  of  the  populace,  and  daily  loaded 
him  with  reproaches  and  insults,  in  the  hope  of  thereby 
terrifying  him,  breaking  down  his  spirit,  and  leading 
him  to  retract  his  faith.  But  their  attempt  was  frus- 
trated. They  found,  on  the  contrar}^,  that  in  some 
marvellous  way  which  they  could  not  understand,  his 
strength,  his  earnestness,  and  his  resolution  day  by  day 
increased.  He  confuted  the  arguments  of  the  monks, 
and  courageously  avowed  the  doctrines  which  were  the 
objects  of  their  anathemas.  The  sacrifice  of  the  mass, 
said  the  monks,  procures  ex  opere  operato  the  remis- 
sion of  sins.  '  Horrible  abomination,'  said  San  Romano. 
*  Auricular  confession,'  resumed  the  inquisitors,  'the  sat- 
isfaction of  purgatory,  the  invocation  of  saints'  .  .  . 
But  he  stojDped  them  and  cried  out :  *  Blasphemy  against 
God  and  profanation  of  the  blood  of  Jesus  Christ ! '  * 
These  monks,  of  orders  gray,  brown,  or  black,  who  buzzed 
about  him  like  wasps,  and  were  incessantly  stinging  him, 
were  amazed  at  such  language,  and  asked  him  what  then 

*   'Adversus   Deum   blasphemiam  et  sanguinis   Christi   profana- 
tionem.'— Llorente,  Hisioire  de  V Inquisition,  iii.  p.  208. 
VOL.    vni. — 6 


122  THE    REFORilATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

he  did  believe.  He  replied:  'I  maintain  and  will  openly 
and  clearly  maintain  to  my  latest  breath  that  there  is  no 
creature  who  by  his  ovm  strength,  his  own  works,  or  any 
worthiness  of  his  own  can  merit  the  pardon  of  his  sins 
and  obtain  the  salvation  of  his  soul.  The  mercy  of  God 
alone,  the  work  of  the  Mediator,  who  by  his  own  blood 
has  cleansed  us  from  all  sin,  these  save  us.'  His  coodem- 
nation  was  henceforth  certain. 

San  Eomano,  and  with  him  a  great  number  of  crim- 
inals, appeared  before  a  multitude  of  the  people  to  receive 
sentence.  He  was  condemned  to  be  burnt  alive  as  a 
heretic,  the  others  were  absolved.  '  Ah  I '  said  one  of  his 
friends, 

"Dat  veniam  corvis,  vexat  censura  columbas."  ' 

After  sentence  had  been  passed,  they  put  upon  the  head 
of  the  martyr  a  paper  crown,  on  which  were  depicted 
many  horrible  figures  of  demons,*  and  then  led  him 
away  to  the  place  of  execution. 

San  Eomano  walked  on,  surrounded  by  the  mob,  who 
heaped  on  him  insults  'harder  to  bear  than  death.'  Just 
beyond  the  suburbs  of  the  town  he  came  to  a  wooden 
cross.  The  crowd  stopped  and  the  inquisitors  wished 
to  compel  him  to  adore  it.  'It  is  not  wood,'  he  replied, 
'which  Christians  adore,  but  God.  He  is  present  in  my 
heart  and  I  adore  him  there  with  all  reverence.  Pass  on; 
go  straight  to  the  place  of  my  destination.'  At  these 
words  the  people  uttered  loud  cries,  and  loaded  him  with 
insults,  considering  his  refusal  to  be  a  crime.  '  The  cross,' 
said  some  of  them,  '  the  cross  w^ould  not  allow  a  heretic 
to  adore  it.'  Then  fancying  that  there  was  some  divinity 
in  the  wood,  the  crowd  pressed  round  it;  some  drew  their 
swords,   and  clove  the  cross   into    a   thousand  pieces.f 

*  '  Corona  chartea  in  qua  erant  mille  liorribilissimorum  cacocTremo- 
num  figure  depicts. '—Llorente,  Histolre  de  V Inquisition,  hi.  p.  210. 

t  'Strictis  gladiis  ad  crucem,  quara  in  mille  partes  dissecuerunt.' 
— Llorente,  Histoire  de  V Inquisition,  p.  210. 


CHAP.  VI.  DEATH    OF    SAN    ROMANO.  123 

Most  liappy  did  any  one  tliiuk  LimseK  ^Yllo  could  secure 
the  smallest  fragmeut,  for  the  wood  was  to  heal  them  of 
everj'  disease. 

San  Komano  was  accompanied  by  a  numerous  escort. 
He  was  surrounded  by  archers  of  the  Impeiial  Guard. 
Some  great  personages  belonging  to  both  parties  had 
desired  to  be  witnesses  of  the  last  moments  of  this  man, 
wdiose  convictions  were  so  deep.  Amongst  them  w\as  the 
Enghsh  envoy.  San  Komano  w^as  placed  in  the  midst  of 
a  great  heap  of  wood,  which  was  forthwith  set  on  fire  in 
several  jDlaces.  When  he  began  to  feel  the  fire  he  raised 
his  head,*  looking  up  to  heaven,  which  was  about  to 
receive  him.  But  the  inquisitors  imagined  that  he  was 
calling  them  and  would  yield  to  their  entreaties.  'Draw 
away  the  wood,'  they  said,  'he  wants  to  retract  his  doc- 
trine.' The  burning  pieces  were  removed,  and  San 
Eomano  was  set  as  it  were  at  liberty,  without  having 
taken  any  harm  from  the  fire.  Turning  then  a  look  of 
indignation  upon  the  inquisitors,  he  said:  'What  mahce 
urges  you  to  this?  Why  envy  me  my  happiness?  Why 
snatch  me  from  the  true  glory  which  awaits  me?  'f  The 
inquisitors  then,  confused  and  irritated,  ordered  him  to 
be  again  cast  into  the  fire,  which  had  by  this  time  risen 
to  great  violence,  and  instantly  consumed  him. 

The  sermon  at  this  auto-da-fe  had  been  preached  by 
Carranza,!  but  it  does  not  appear  that  he  had  convinced 
all  his  hearers.  Some  of  the  archers  of  the  Imperial 
Guard  carefully  collected  the  ashes  of  the  disciple  of  the 
Gospel.  The  Enghsh  ambassador  avowed  that  he  recog- 
nized in  him  'a  true  martyr  of  Jesus  Christ.'  §  In  conse- 
quence of  this  saying  he  was  obliged  to  absent  himself 

*  'Levavit  caput  aliquantulum.'— Z^/stoire  de  V Inquisition,  iii.  p. 
212. 

t  'Quare  me  a  vera  gloria  abstraxistis.'— /6ic7.,  p.  214 

X  Llorente,  Ilistoire  de  V Inquisition,  p.  188. 

§  '  Legatus  Anglioe  qui  .  .  .  verum  Christi  martyi'em  aguosce- 
bat,  ad  aliquot  menses  ex  aula  exulavit.'— J/e//ioirs  of  Enzinas,  ii. 
p.  216. 


124  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

fi'om  court  for  several  months.  The  archers  who  had 
gathered  up  the  ashes  were  seut  to  prison.  Meanwhile 
the  inquisitors  declared  everywhere  that  San  Komano 
was  damned,  that  none  was  permitted  to  pray  for  him, 
and  that  whosoever  should  dare  to  hope  for  his  salvation 
would  be  considered  a  heretic.  This  martyrdom  took 
lolace  about  the  year  1542.* 

The  times  of  the  Keformation  abound  in  martyrs;  and 
we  might  well  ask  whether  primitive  Christianity,  which 
came  to  an  end  when  the  reign  of  Constantine  began,  had 
so  great  a  number  of  them  as  the  renovated  Christianity 
of  the  sixteenth  century;  especially  if  we  take  into  ac- 
count the  different  length  of  the  periods.     The  impulse 
w4iich   led  the  martyrs  of  the  Netherlands,  of  France, 
England,  Hungary,  Italy,  Spain,  and  other  lands  to  give 
Tip  their  lives  calmly  and  even  joyfully,  proceeded  from 
the  depth  of  their  convictions,  the  holy  and  sovereign 
voice  of  conscience,  enlightened,  purified,  and  strength- 
ened by  the  word  of  God.     In  the  souls  of  these  lowly 
heroes  there  was  a  secret  and  mighty  testimony  to  the 
truth  of  the  Gospel  which  vividly  manifested  to  them  its 
grandeur,  impelled  them  to  sacrifice  all  for  its  sake,  and 
gave  them  courage  to  obey,  although  it  cost  them  not  only 
goods  and  worldly  greatness,  but  also  the  good  opinion, 
the  affection  and  esteem  even  of  those  whom  they  most 
tenderly  loved.     Obedience,  indeed,  was  not  always  in- 
stantaneous.   Sometimes  there  were  hindrances,  conflicts, 
hesitation,  and  delay.     There  were  also  some  weak  con- 
sciences w^hich  were  overcome.     But  wherever  the  con- 
science was  sound,  it  acquired  in  the  midst  of  difficulties 

*  Crespin,  Ades  des  Martyrs,  book  ill.  p.  157.  Llorente  says 
1540.  Dp  Castro,  p.  41,  says:  'That  event  must  have  happened  in 
1545  or  1546.'  Crespin  and  M'Crie,  p.  174,  say  1544.  In  order  to 
determine  the  date  we  must  observe  that  Enzinas  (ii.  p.  173)  writes 
the  narrative  while  he  is  himself  a  prisoner  at  Brussels,  and  that  he 
escaped  in  1545.  M.  Campan  assigns  the  date  1543,  the  year  in 
which  the  account  was  written.  This  account  follows  that  which 
relates  to  Peter  de  Lerma,  who  died  in  August,  1541.— Editok. 


CHAP.  VI.  ITS   RESULT.  125 

more  and  more  force,  and  wlien  once  its  voice  was  heard 
the  victory  was  won.  It  must  be  understood  that  we  do 
not  mean  here  a  conscience  which  a  man  has  made  for 
himself;  that  of  which  we  speak  was  the  highest  exj^res- 
sion  of  truth,  justice,  and  the  divine  will,  and  it  was  found 
to  be  the  same  in  all  regions.  The  souls  of  these  martyrs 
were  exempt  from  all  prejudices,  pure  as  a  cloudless  sky. 
They  were  conscientious  men;  and  herein  we  have  the 
complete  explanation  of  the  grand  phenomenon  pre- 
sented to  us  in  the  Eeformation.  Here  was  a  force  suf- 
ficient to  break  through  stubborn  bonds,  to  surmount 
passionate  opposition,  to  brave  torture,  and  to  go  to  the 
stake.  No  concessions  were  to  be  made,  no  agreement 
with  error.  The  noble  martyrs  of  the  first  centuries  and 
of  the  sixteenth  were  the  select  spirits  and  the  glory  of 
the  human  race. 

The  death  of  San  Romano  was  not  fruitless.  The  say- 
ing current  in  the  first  centuries  was  once  more  verified, 
— the  blood  of  the  martyrs  is  the  seed  of  the  church. 
His  faith,  his  renunciation  of  the  world,  his  courage  at 
the  stake,  his  rejoicing  at  the  near  approach  of  death, 
deeply  affected  such  of  the  spectators  as  had  a  conscience 
not  yet  seared.  The  evangelicals  of  Valladolid,  who  had 
hardly  avowed  their  convictions  except  to  their  most  inti- 
mate friends,  were  emboldened.  They  expressed  their 
sympathy  with  the  martyr,  and  zeal  and  decision  took  the 
place  of  timidity  and  lukewarmness.  No  church,  however, 
was  formed  in  Valladolid  till  some  years  afterwards. 


126  THE  REFORMATION  IN  EUROPE. 


CHAPTER  YIL 

QUEEN    JOANNA. 
(BORN  1479;  DIED  1555.) 

Among  tlie  victims  immolated  in  Spain,  in  the  Nether- 
lands, and  elsewhere,  by  the  fanaticism  of  Charles  the 
Fifth  and  his  subordinates,  there  was  one,  the  most  illus- 
trious of  all,  whose  history  has  been  long  hidden  by  a 
mysterious  veil.     This  was  his  mother.  Queen  Joanna, 
the  daughter  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.     The  veil  has 
been  partly  hfted  in  our  days  by  the  discovery  of  some 
documents  in  the  archives  of  Simancas.*     Although  the 
information  is  not  yet  complete,  and  perhaps  may  never 
be  so,  it  is,nevertheless  possible  now  to  get  some  glimpses 
of  the  mysterious  drama  which  darkened  the  life  of  this 
unfortunate  princess.     Few  histories  are  more  astonish- 
ing than  the  history  of  this  woman,  whom  we  see  by  some 
tragic  destiny  connected  with  three   executioners—her 
father,  her  husband,   and  her  son.     These   three  men, 
King  Ferdinand,  the  archduke  Philip,  and  the  emperor 
Charles  the  Fifth,  whom  she  never  ceased  to  love,  and 
whom  God  had  given  her  for  protectors,  deprived  her  of 
her  kingdoms,  cast  her  into  prison,  and  had  the  strappado 
inflicted  on  her.f     To  complete  their  infamy,  they  circu- 
lated a  report  that  she  was  mad.     She  displayed  remark- 
able intelligence,  and  in  this  respect  she  would  have  taken 
high  rank  among  princes,  far  above  her  father  and  her  hus- 
band, if  not  above  her  son.     The  latter  derived  from  her, 
certainly  not  from  his  father,  his  great  abiUties.     Some 
celebrated  physicians  having  been  summoned  by  the  Com- 

*  Calendar  of  letters,  dispatches,  and  state  papers,  relating  to 
negotiations  between  England  and  Spain,  edited  by  G.  A.  Bergen- 
roth.     London:  Longmans  &  Co.     1868. 

f  Fremia,  Dar  cuerda. 


CHAP.  vn. 


JOANNA    IMPRISONED.  127 


uneros  to  inquire  whether  the  alleged  madness  existed, 
and  having  interrogated  the  officers  and  servants  who 
were  about  her,  Cardinal— afterwards  Poi^e— Adrian,  one 
of  her  jailers,  gave  the  einj^eror  an  account  of  the  inquiry 
in  these  words:  'Almost  all  the  officers  and  servants  of 
the  queen  assert  that  she  has  been  oppressed  and  forcibly 
detained  m  this  castle  for  fourteen  years,  under  pretence 
of  madness,  while  in  fact  she  has  always  been  as  sound 
in  mind  and  as  rational  as  at  the  time  of  her  marriao-e.'* 
The  desire  to  possess  themselves  of  the  supreme  power 
incited  these  three  unworthy  princes  to  deprive  Joanna 
and  to  keep  her  in  shameful  captivity.    It  was  to  her  and 
not  to  her  father  Ferdinand,  that  the  kingdom  of  Castile 
belonged  after  the  death  of  Isabella.     It  was  to  her,  and 
not  to  her  husband  Philip,  nor  afterwards  to  her  son 
Charles,  that  the  Spains,  Naples,  Sicily,  and  other  do- 
minions belonged.     She  was    deprived   of   all  by  these 
traitorous  princes,  and  received  in  exchange  a  narrow 
prison. 

Joanna,  the  daughter  of  Ferdinand  of  Aragon  and 
Isabella  of  Castile,  was  born  in  1479,  and  was  brought 
up  in  Spain  under  the  care  of  her  mother.  Although  it 
was  not  in  those  days  the  custom  of  the  court,  as  it  was 
in  the  time  of  Philip  IL,  to  attend  the  aiUo-da-fe,  the 
whipping  and  the  torture  of  heretics,  these  exploits  of 
fanaticism  done  to  the  honor  of  Jesus  Christ  and  his 
holy  mother  were  nevertheless  at  this  epoch  the  favorite 
subject  of  conversation  at  that  devout  court.  The  prison, 
the  whip,  the  rack,  and  the  stake,  were  the  commonplaces 
of  their  intercourse.  The  compassionate  heart,  the  sound 
understanding,  and  all  the  good  instincts  of  the  young 
girl  rebelled  against  these  excesses  of  the  Eoman  faitlf; 
and  it  was  soon  discovered  that  there  was  in  her  mind 
an  opposition  to  the  favorite  notions  of  her  mother,  and 
a   deep   feeling   against   these    punishments.     It   was   a 

*  Letter  from  Cardinal   Adrian  to  the  emperor,  Sept.  4,  1520.— 
Bergenroth,  Calendar  of  Letters,  &c. 


128  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

great  grief  to  Isabella  tb  see  lier  own  daughter  wantonly 
ruining  herself;  for  was  it  not  in  her  eyes  ruin  to  doubt 
of  the'^hohness  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Inquisition? 
She,  therefore,  attempted  to  stifle  the  first  germs  of  dis- 
obedience.    She  did  not  shrink  from  extreme  measures 
to  bring  Joanna  to  a  better  mind.     The  marquis  of  De- 
nia,    chief   jailer    of    the    unhappy    prisoner,    wrote    to 
Charles  the  Fifth,  on  January  26,  1522,  as  follows:  'If 
your  Majesty  would  employ  torture  against  her,  it  would 
be  in  many  respects  rendering  service  to  God  and  at  the 
same  time  domg  a  good  work  towards  the  queen  herself. 
This  course  is  necessary  with  persons  of  her  disposition; 
and  the  queen,  your  grandmother,  punished  and  treated 
in  this  way  her  daughter  the  queen,  our  sovereign  lady.' 
When  Joanna  had  attained  the  age  of  seventeen  her 
father  and  mother  began  to  think  about  a  marriage  alli- 
ance for'her;  and  it  is  easy  to  understand  that  she  was 
eager  to  accept  the  hand  of  the  archduke  of  Bargundy, 
one  of  the  handsomest  knights  of  his  age.     The  prince 
was  to  conduct  her  to  the  Netherlands,  of  which  he  had 
been  sovereign  since  1482,  and  thus  he  would  withdraw 
her  from  the  teaching  of  her  mother.     Joanna's  readi 
ness  was  very  natural  under  the  circumstances. 

Soon  after  her  arrival  in  the  Netherlands  it  was  ob- 
served that  feelings  to  which  the  cruelty  of  the  Inquisi- 
tion had  given  birth  in  her  noble  heart  were  developing 
themselves— indignation  against  the  persecutors,  and  love 
for  the  persecuted.  It  is  known  that  in  these  parts  were 
to  be  found  some  of  the  Vaudois,  the  LoUards,  and  the 
Brethren  of  the  Common  Life,  all  alike  inspired  with  a 
true  religious  spirit.  The  fresh  information  which  Jo- 
anna now  received  strengthened  her  previous  impressions 
of  hostility  to  Eoman  superstition.  The  Catholic  Isa- 
bella, alarmed  at  the  reports  which  reached  her,  sent  to 
Brussels  the  sub-prior  of  Santa  Cruz,  Thomas  de  Ma- 
tienzo,  to  see  what  the  facts  were,  and  to  arrest  the  evil. 
The  princess,  who  tenderly  loved  her  mother,  was  cast 


CHAP.  vn.  BIRTH    OF    CHARLES    THE    FIFTH.  129 

down  on  hearing  of  lier  displeasure,  and  tears  started  to 
lier  eyes.  But  her  resolution  did  not  give  way.  The 
sub-prior  took  all  possible  pains  to  draw  from  Joanna 
some  answer  to  the  questions  which  Isabella  had  charged 
him  to  ask.  He  w^as  very  coldly  received;  and  on  As- 
sumption Day,  when  two  of  the  confessors  of  the  princess 
presented  themselves  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  her 
confession,  she  declined  their  services  in  the  very  presence 
of  her  mother's  envoy.*  Her  former  tutor,  Friar  Andrew, 
who  felt  much  anxiety  for  the  soul  of  his  pupil,  entreated 
her  to  dismiss  certain  Parisian  theologians,  who  seem  to 
have  been  more  enlightened  than  the  majority  of  the 
priests,  but  whom  Friar  Andrew  called  drunkards.  At 
the  same  time  he  begged  the  princess  to  supply  their 
place  by  taking  for  her  confessor  a  good  Spanish  monk. 
But  all  his  entreaties  were  fruitless.  Nothing  could  over- 
come the  repugnance  which  she  felt  towards  the  Eoman 
religion.  On  several  occasions  she  refused  its  rites,  but 
she  did  not  advance  nor  take  auy  active  steps.  Her 
strength  was  passive  only. 

On  February  24, 1500,  Joanna  gave  birth  to  a  son,  who 
was  to  become  the  emperor  Charles  the  Fifth.  Conspicu- 
ous amongst  the  magnificent  presents  offered  to  the  young 
prince  was  the  gift  of  the  ecclesiastics  of  Flanders,  who 
laid  before  him  the  New  Testament,  splendidly  bound, 
and  bearing  the  inscription  in  letters  of  gold— Search  the 
Scriptures. 

Isabella  was  deeply  distressed  to  see  her  daughter  thus 
drifting  away  from  Spanish  orthodoxy.  It  was  not  a 
complete  rebellion;  Joanna  did  not  openly  profess  all 
the  doctrines  called  in  Spain  heretical.  But  the  queen 
had  ordered  hundreds  of  her  subjects  to  be  burnt  for 
shghter  opposition  than  that  of  the  princess.  Would 
Isabella's  devotion  to  the  Virgin  go  so  far  as  to  sacrifice 
to  it  her  daughter?  Even  had  she  desired  it,  it  would 
not  have  been  easy;  for  Joanna,  as  the  wife  of  a  foreign 
*  Eeports  of  Friar  Thomas  de  Matienzo,  August,  1198. 
voii.    vui. — G* 


130  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

prince,  was  emancipated  from  her  mother's  control.  Be- 
sides, it  may  well  be  believed  that  Isabella  would  not 
have  committed  such  a  crime.  Still,  the  question  arises, 
would  she  allow  a  heretic  to  ascend  the  throne  of  Castile  ? 
Would  she  expose  the  Inquisition,  an  institution  so  dear 
to  her,  to  the  risk  of  being  suppressed  by  the  princess 
who  was  to  succeed  her  ?  Never.  Her  whole  being  re- 
volted against  such  a  thought.  The  priestly  party  re- 
joiced to  see  these  scruples  of  the  queen,  and  endeavored 
to  increase  them.  King  Ferdinand  himself,  Joanna's 
father,  but  not  a  tender-hearted  father,  felt  that  it  was 
for  his  own  interest  to  embitter  more  and  more  the 
feeling  of  her  mother. 

As  early  as  1502  Isabella's  plan  was  formed.  She 
would  keep  the  heretic  Joanna  from  the  throne  which 
belonged  to  her  after  her  own  death.  On  the  meeting 
of  the  Cortes,  at  Toledo,  in  1502,  and  at  Madrid  and 
Alcala  de  Henares,  in  1503,  the  queen  caused  to  be  laid 
before  them  a  project  of  law  by  virtue  of  which  the  gov- 
ernment of  Castile  should  belong  after  her  death  to  Fer- 
dinand, in  case  of  Joanna's  absence,  or  of  her  unwilling- 
ness or  inability  personally  to  exercise  the  rights  which 
belonged  to  her.  This  resolution  was  voted  by  the 
Cortes,  and  was  inserted  by  Isabella  in  her  will,  in  which 
she  set  forth  the  conditions  which  she  had  at  first  laid 
down.  The  pope  confirmed  the  arrangement.  Thus  was 
Joanna  to  be  set  aside  from  succession  to  the  throne 
which  belonged  to  her  on  account  of  her  opposition  to 
the  Inquisition  and  to  other  Koman  practices.  But  Isa- 
bella took  care  not  to  state  this,  because  she  perceived 
that  such  an  avowal  would  be  dangerous.  The  priest- 
hood and  the  holy  office  were  almost  universally  detested, 
and,  therefore,  it  was  necessary  to  avoid  asserting  that 
they  were  the  cause  of  the  exclusion  of  Joanna,  for  this 
would  have  rallied  to  her  cause  the  majority  of  the  na- 
tion. Some  pretext  must,  however,  be  found.  It  should 
be  reported  that  she  was  mad.     This  is  nothing  but  the 


CHAP.  vn.  TREACHERY    OF    PHILIP    AND    FERDINAND.  llU 

truth,  tliouglit  the  priests.  Is  it  j)ossible  that  any  one 
not  mad  would  reject  Rome  and  her  decrees,  and  put  in 
their  place  some  other  senseless  doctrines? 

In  1504  Isabella  died.  Ferdinand  publicly  announced 
to  the  people,  assembled  in  front  of  the  palace  of  Medina 
del  Campo,  that  although  the  crown  belonged  to  his 
daughter  he  should  continue  to  govern  during  his  life- 
time. Joanna  and  Philij),  her  husband,  were  still  in  the 
Netherlands.  It  appears  that  Joanna  bore  with  meek- 
ness this  robbery  of  the  crown  by  her  father;  but  it  was 
otherwise  with  her  husband.  Philip  energetically  pro- 
tested against  this  act  of  spoliation.  'Ferdinand,'  he 
said,  '  has  put  into  circulation  a  false  report  of  the  mad- 
ness of  his  daughter  and  other  absurdities  of  the  like 
kind,  solely  with  a  view  to  furnish  himself  with  a  pretext 
for  seizing  her  crown.'*  It  has  generally  been  stated 
that  it  was  Philip's  mother  who  had  caused  the  madness 
of  his  widow.  But  this  report,  it  is  evident,  was  already 
in  circulation  at  a  time  when  she  had,  without  contradic- 
tion, the  full  possession  of  her  reason.  We  have  seen 
from  what  source  the  report  came,  and  the  interest  which 
her  father  had  in  causing  it  to  be  believed. 

In  1506  Philip,  accompanied  by  Joanna,  arrived  in 
Spain  for  the  purpose  of  assuming  himself  the  power 
which  his  father-in-law  had  usurped.  The  majority  of 
the  people  soon  declared  themselves  on  the  side  of  Jo-- 
anna;  and  Ferdinand,  in  a  fit  of  anger  was  on  the  point 
of  encountering  his  son-in-law  with  capa  y  ."-'pada,  intend- 
ing to  plunge  his  sword  into  his  bosom.  But  he  observed 
ere  long  that  a  party  was  forming,  and  was  becoming 
more  and  more  numerous,  at  the  head  of  which  was  the 
constable  of  Castile,  whose  object  was  to  set  aside  both 
Philip  and  Ferdinand,  and  to  place  the  legitimate  queen 
on  the  throne.  Ferdinand  was  perplexed,  finding  that 
he  had  two  rivals,  his  son-in-law  and  his  daughter.  It 
was  clear  to  him  that  Joanna,  as  Infanta  and  lawful  heir- 

*  Instructions  of  the  arclidnke  Philip  to  John  Heidin. 


132  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

ess,  would  easily  win  all  the  hearts  of  the  people,  and 
that  Philip,  as  a  foreigner  and  usurper,  would  find  it 
hard  to  gain  acceptance.  He  resolved,  therefore,  to  unite 
with  Philip  against  his  own  daughter.  He  gave  him  an 
appointment  to  meet  him  at  Villafafila,  on  June  26  (1506). 
The  king  determined  to  assume  an  appearance  of  amia- 
bihty.  He  took  with  him  only  a  small  number  of  atten- 
dants, dressed  himself  plainly,  mounted  an  ass,  and  thus 
arrived  in  the  presence  of  his  son-in-law  with  the  air  of  a 
gallant  country  gentleman,  an  amiable  smile  upon  his  lips, 
and  saying  that  he  came  'with  love  in  his  heart  and  peace 
in  his  hands.'  Philip  received  him  attended  by  a  con- 
siderable number  of  grandees  of  the  Netherlands  and 
of  Spain,  besides  a  large  body  of  men-at-arms.  Philip 
himseK,  who  was  surnamed  the  Handsome,  was  in  the 
pride  of  his  youth  and  strength.  Ferdinand  having  dis- 
mounted fi'om  his  ass  and  saluted  his  son-in-law  begged 
him  to  follow  him  alone  into  the  church.  All  the  mem- 
bers of  their  suite  were  forbidden  to  accompany  the  two 
princes,  and  guards  were  stationed  at  the  entrance 
to  prevent  any  one  from  penetrating  into  the  church. 
There,  at  the  foot  of  the  altar,  these  two  traitorous  men 
were  about  to  conspke  the  ruin,  the  spoliation,  and  we 
might  almost  say  the  death  of  theii*  innocent  victim, 
daughter  of  one  of  them  and  wife  of  the  other.  The 
interview  began.  The  sentinels  were  able  occasionally 
to  catch  glimpses  of  the  two  princes,  and  even  to  hear 
their  voices,  but  they  could  not  understand  what  they 
said.  Ferdinand  spoke  much  and  with  animation ;  Philip 
made  only  short  answers  and  at  times  seemed  to  be  em- 
barrassed. The  father-in-law  pointed  out  to  his  son-in- 
law  that  Joanna  was  on  the  point  of  being  placed  on  the 
throne  by  the  people,  and  that  both  of  them  would  thus 
be  deprived  of  it;  that  they  ought  to  pledge  themselves 
to  combine  all  their  efibrts  to  exclude  her,  and  that  they 
would  assign  as  their  motive  that  she  was  incapacitated 
for  reigning  by  reason  of  '  her  malady,'  which  propriety 


ciL^p.  vu.  THE    SECRET    PROTEST.  133 

did  not  2)ermit  them  to  name.  It  is  evident  that  the  ref- 
erence was  to  the  alleged  madness.  Whether  Philip, 
who  lived  with  Joanna  and  knew  her  real  state,  had  also 
protested  against  this  false  accusation,  gave  way  at 
once,  we  can  not  tell.  However  this  may  be,  Ferdinand, 
who  for  a  long  time  had  not  seen  his  daughter,  succeeded 
in  x^ersuading  his  son-in-law  to  adopt  this  pretext.  It 
likewise  appears  that  there  was  already  some  talk  about 
imprisoning  the  queen.*  While  Ferdinand  thus  sacri- 
ficed his  daughter,  he  felt  no  scruple  about  deceiving  his 
son-in-law.  An  agreement  was  concluded  between  the 
two  conspirators  that  the  government  of  Castile  should 
belong  to  Philip;  and  in  the  instrument  signed  the  same 
day  it  was  alleged  that  Joanna  refused  to  accept  it  her- 
self. Meanwhile  the  courtiers  were  awaiting  the  two 
princes;  and  the  guards  having  reported  the  visible  ani- 
mation and  eloquence  of  the  father-in-law,  it  was  expected 
that  he  would  come  away  triumphant.  Great,  therefore, 
was  the  astonishment  when  it  became  known  that  he  had 
yielded  every  thing  to  his  son-in-law.  Thus  the  story  of 
the  madness  of  Joanna,  first  invented  in  the  interest  of 
Eome,  was  confirmed  by  her  father,  by  her  husband,  and 
afterwards  by  her  son  Charles  the  Fifth,  in  their  own  in- 
terest, and  with  a  view  to  despoil  her  of  the  cro\vn  of 
Spain,  of  Naples,  Sicily  and  her  other  dominions. 

But  what  is  to  be  thought  of  Ferdinand's  concession? 
It  was  a  mere  piece  of  actiug.  His  ass,  his  modest  suite, 
his  plain  unarmed  arrival,  had  been  nothing  but  a  com- 
edy, the  object  of  which  was  to  put  him  in  a  position  to 
allege  that  he  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  his  son-in- 
law,  and  that  the  latter  had  compelled  him  to  sign  the 
agreement.  He  immediately  prepared  a  secret  protest, 
in  which  he  declared  that  Joanna  was  kept  prisoner  by 
Philip  on  false  pretences,  and  that  he  considered  it  his 
duty  to  deliver  her  and  to  place  her  on  the  throne.     He 

*  Instrucion  del  rey  don  Fernando.  Granvella's  State  Papers, 
July  29,  1506. 


134  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

tlien  set  out  for  Naples,  delegating  as  his  representative 
with  Phihp  his  well-beloved  Master  Louis  Ferrer,  who 
enjoyed  his  entire  confidence,  desiring  him  to  look  after 
his  interests.  He  had  hardly  set  out  when,  after  an  ill- 
ness of  three  or  four  days,  Philip  died.  The  current 
rumor  was  that  he  had  been  poisoned.  Some  persons 
declared  that  they  knew  he  had  received  a  dose  of  poison 
in  his  food  (bocado).  But  the  scandal  of  a  trial  was 
dreaded,  and  the  matter  was  hushed  up.  The  guilty 
Ferdinand  remained  master  of  the  situation.  Joanna 
had  been  placed  in  confinement  by  her  husband  immedi- 
ately after  the  interview  of  Yillafafila.  After  the  death  of 
Philip,  Ferrer  took  possession  of  her.  Several  princes, 
particularly  Henry  VII.  of  England,  aspired  to  the  hand 
of  this  widow,  heiress  of  several  kingdoms;  but  Ferdi- 
nand hastened  to  vrrite  in  all  directions  that  to  'his 
great  vexation '  his  daughter  could  not  possibly  think  of 
a  second  marriage.  This  gradually  gave  wider  currency 
to  the  fable  of  her  madness. 

The  queen  was  then  at  Burgos,  and  it  was  determined 
to  remove  her  thence  to  Tordesillas,  where  they  intended 
to  keep  her  in  confinement.  Philip  had  died  at  Burgos, 
and  his  body  was  to  be  transferred  to  Granada,  to  be 
there  interred  in  the  sepulchi-e  of  the  kings.  This  in- 
volved a  journey  fi'om  the  north  to  the  middle  of  Spain, 
and  Tordesillas  lay  on  the  road.  The  scheme  was  to 
have  the  queen  set  out  at  the  same  time  as  the  body 
of  her  husband.  One  and  the  same  escort  would  thus 
serve  for  both.  It  has  been  supposed  that  there  might 
be  financial  reasons  for  this  arrangement.  In  our  days, 
it  has  been  said,  no  one  would  ever  think  of  such  econ- 
omy. But  at  that  time  the  want  of  money  was  in- 
cessantly obtrudmg  itself,  and  people  might  be  well 
pleased  to  save  a  thousand  scudos."^     This  conjecture  is 

*  See  the  interesting  narrative  of  these  events  entitled  The  Em- 
peror Charles  the  Fifth  and  his  mother  Joanna,  in  Professor  Sybel's 
Historische  Zeitschrift,  vol.  xx.  p.  244.     Munich:  1868. 


CHAP.  vn.  JOANNA    AT    TORDESILLAS.  135 

admissible;  but  there  were  other  reasons.  The  journey 
was  made  slowly.  On  two  or  three  occasions  the  queen 
was  removed  from  one  place  to  another  bj'  night.  But 
it  is  of  little  moment  w^hether  the  journey  from  Burgos 
to  Tordesillas  was  made  by  night  or  by  day.  In  any 
case  it  was  a  strange  spectacle,  the  grand  funeral  car, 
wath  its  dismal  but  splendid  accompaniments,  and  after 
these  the  carriages  of  the  captive  queen,  about  whom  the 
most  extraordinary  reports  were  already  in  circulation. 
It  has  been  stated  that  the  death  of  Philip  had  cost 
Joanna  the  loss  of  her  reason;  it  has  been  said  that  she 
had  so  much  affection  for  her  husband  that  she  wished 
to  have  his  body  always  near  her,  as  if  it  were  still  liv- 
ing; that  she  was  jealous  even  of  her  dead  husband,  and 
W'ould  not  allow  her  women  to  approach  his  corpse.*  It 
was  rumored  at  the  time  that  the  queen,  watching  for 
the  moment  of  his  return  to  life,  refused  to  be  separated 
from  the  lifeless  body;  and  this  very  journey  was  referred 
to  as  an  irrefragable  proof  of  her  madness.  But  these 
allegations  are  belied  by  facts.  As  the  tomb  at  Granada 
was  not  yet  ready,  the  body  of  Philip  remained  for  sev- 
eral years  in  the  convent  of  St.  Clara  at  Tordesillas,  and 
the  queen  did  not  once  go  to  see  it  nor  did  she  even 
express  a  wish  to  do  so.  She  used  to  speak  of  Philip  as 
any  faithful  wife  would  speak  of  her  deceased  husband. 
Her  excessive  tenderness  for  Philip,  who  had  behaved 
infamously  towards  her,  her  resolution  never  to  be  sepa- 
rated from  his  corpse — these  are  fables  of  modern  his- 
tory, invented  by  those  who  were  determined  to  deprive 
her  of  her  rights  and  to  thrust  themselves  into  her  place. 
Joanna  arrived  at  Tordesillas  under  the  guardianship 
of  Ferrer,  the  man  who,  it  was  believed,  had  poisoned 
her  husband.  The  palace  was  a  plain  house,  situated  in 
a  barren  country;  the  climate  was  scorching  in  summer 
and  very  severe  in  winter.  Joanna  was  confined  here  in 
a  narrow  chamber,  without  windows,  and  lighted  only 
*  Robertson,  History  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  book  i. 


136  THE    REFORMATION     IX    EUROPE.  ,   book  xiv. 

by  a  candle;  she  was  not  allowed  to  walk,  even  for  a  few 
minutes,  in  a  corridor  which  looked  out  upon  the  river. 
She  was  thus  refused  a  liberty  accorded  even  to  mur- 
derers. She  was  there,  without  money,  attended  by  two 
female  keepers,  and  unable  to  communicate  with  the 
outer  world. 

The  mother  of  Charles  V.  continued  to  show  in  the 
prison  of  Tordesillas  her  dislike  to  the  Roman  ceremo- 
nies. She  refused  to  hear  mass;  and  the  main  business 
of  her  keepers  was  to  get  her  to  attend  it.  The  cruel 
marquis  of  Denia,  count  of  Lerma,  who  succeeded  Fer- 
rer, endeavored  to  compel  the  queen  to  practices  which 
she  abhorred.  'There  is  not  a  day  passes,'  he  wrote,  'on 
which  we  are  not  taken  up  with  the  affair  of  the  mass.'* 
At  length  the  queen  consented  to  attend  mass,  at  the 
end  of  the  corridor,  either  from  fear  of  the  scourge,  the 
pain  of  which  she  knew,  or  perhaps  in  order  not  to  sun- 
der herself  from  the  religion  of  Spain,  of  which  she  con- 
stantly hoped  to  be  acknowledged  as  queen.  But  when 
they  brought  her  the  pax,  the  paten  which  the  priest 
offers  to  great  persons  to  kiss,  she  refused  it,  and  com- 
manded it  to  be  presented  to  the  Infanta  her  daughter, 
whom  tliey  had  not  yet  taken  away  from  her. 

At  Christmas,  1521,  matins  were  being  sung  in  the 
chapel  which  had  been  fitted  up  at  the  end  of  the  cor- 
ridor. The  Infanta  alone  was  present.  Suddenly  Jo- 
anna appeared,  wretchedly  attired  for  a  queen.  She  did 
not  attend  the  mass  herself,  and  even  wished  to  prevent 
her  daughter  from  attending  it.  She  interrupted  the 
service,  ordered  with  a  voice  that  re-echoed  from  the 
walls  that  the  altar  should  be  taken  away  and  every 
thing  else  that  was  used  in  the  religious  ceremonies,  and 
then  laying  hold  of  her  daughter  she  dragged  her  away 
from  the  place.  Nothing  could  at  this  time  bend  her; 
she  resolutely  refused  to  attend  mass  or  any  other  Catho- 
lic services.  In  vain  did  the  marquis  of  Denia  entreat 
*  Letter  of  the  marquis  of  Deuia  of  July  3,  1518. 


CHAP.  ^^I,  IlEIl    HARSH    TRF^AT.MENT.  137 

her  to  conform  to  the  Roman  practices;  she  would  not 
hear  of  such  a  thing.  'In  truth,'  wrote  the  marquis  to 
Charles  V.,  'if  your  majesty  would  apjDly  the  torture 
{premla),  it  would  be  doing  service  to  God  and  to  her 
highness.'  * 

The  mother  of  Cbarles  Y.  was  plunged  into  the  deepest 
melancholy  by  the  treatment  to  which  she  was  subjected. 
Her  days  were  a  constant  succession  of  sorrows.  Her 
passage  through  life  was  from  one  suffering  to  another. 
All  her  desire  was  to  get  out  of  that  horrible  prison; 
and  in  striving  to  attain  this  object  she  displayed  much 
good  sense,  earnestness,  and  perseverance.  She  begged 
the  marquis  of  Denia  to  allow  her  to  quit  Tordesillas,  at 
least  for  a  time.  She  wished  to  go  to  Valladolid.  She 
alleged  as  a  reason  the  bad  au'  she  breathed  and  the 
acute  sufferings  it  caused  her.  Her  health  required  a 
change  of  air,  and  she  must  at  least  undertake  a  journey. 
Her  deep  feeling  moved  her  barbarous  jailer  himself. 
For  a  moment  pity  touched  that  heart  of  stone.  'Her 
language  is  so  touching,'  wrote  Denia  to  the  em2)eror, 
'  that  it  becomes  difficult  for  the  marchioness  and  myself 
to  withstand  her  appeals.  It  is  impossible  for  me  to  let 
any  one  go  near  her,  for  not  a  man  in  the  w^orld  coidd 
resist  her  persuasion.  Her  complaints  awaken  in  me  deep 
compassion,  and  her  utterances  might  move  stones.' f 
This  is  not  how  Denia  would  have  written  to  Charles  if 
he  had  been  speaking  of  a  mad  woman.  Moreover  he 
requested  him  to  destroy  his  letters.  At  times  she  re- 
mained silent;  and  we  know  that  the  grief  which  does 
not  utter  itself  is  only  the  more  fatal  to  the  sufferer.  At 
other  times  her  distress  broke  forth.  One  day  (x\pril, 
1525)  she  contrived  to  find  access  to  the  corridor  and 
filled  it  with  her  sighs  and  moanings,  shedding  the  while 
floods  of  tears.  Denia  gave  orders  immediately  that  she 
should  be  taken  into  her  narrow  chamber,  so  that  she 

*  The  marquis  of  Deuia  to  the  emperor,  January  25,  1522. 
t   'Mover  pi edras.' 


138  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xiv. 

might  not  be  heard.*  At  the  same  time  he  wrote  to 
Charles  V.:  'I  have  always  thought  that  in  her  high- 
ness's  state  of  indisposition,  nothing  would  do  her  more 
good  than  the  rack;  and  after  this  that  some  good  and 
loyal  servant  of  your  majesty  should  speak  to  her.  It  is 
necessary  to  see  whether  she  will  not  make  any  progress 
in  the  things  which  your  majesty  desires.'  By  these 
things  he  means  confession,  the  mass,  and  other  Roman 
rites. 

In  1530,  despairing  of  seeing  the  queen  confess,  'I 
can  not  beheve,'  he  wrote,  '  that  so  fortunate  a  thing  can 
happen.     However,  I  will  use  all  needful  endeavors.' 

The  officers  of  Charles  V.,  and  the  monks  who  had 
incessantly  labored  for  the  conversion  of  Joanna  to  Ro- 
manism, multiplied  their  efforts  as  her  death  approached. 
She  withstood  their  pressing  entreaties  to  receive  the 
rites,  the  sjmbols  of  the  papacy,  and  people  heard  the 
cries  which  she  uttered  while  they  put  her  to  torture. 
She  would  have  neither  confession  nor  extreme  unction. 

Had  Joanna  become  acquainted  with  the  Reformation 
and  the  writings  of  the  Reformers,  and  with  the  doc- 
trines which  they  professed?  This  has  been  doubted; 
but  it  seems  improbable  that  she  should  have  been  igno- 
rant of  them.  Joanna  was  a  Lutheran,  says  one  of  the 
learned  writers  who  have  devoted  most  attention  to  this 
subject.f  This  statement  is  perhaps  too  definite.  But 
the  evangelical  doctrines  were  penetrating  everywhere; 
and  they  must  have  reached  the  prison  of  Joanna,  It 
has  been  asserted  that  Luther  at  this  time  had  more 
numerous  adherents  in  Spain  than  in  Germany  itself. J 
The  keepers  of  the  prison  j)erhaps  prevented  evangelical 
works  from  reaching  the  queen.     There  is,  however,  a 

*  Letter  of  the  marquis  of  Denia"  of  May  25,  1525. 

t  'Johanna  war  eine  Lutheranerin.' — Sybel,  TListorische  ZeUschrift, 
XX.  p.  262. 

X  Ibid,  on  the  authority  of  the  instructions  for  the  duke  of  Alva 
of  April  12,  13,  and  14,  1521  (Ai'chives  of  Simaucas). 


CHAP.  vn.  DEATH    OF    JO  ANNA.  139 

light  wliicli  no  hand  of  man  can  intercept.  The  theolo- 
gian de  Soto,  celebrated  for  his  acquirements,  as  well  as 
for  his  piety,  came  to  her  on  the  morning  of  her  death; 
and  he  appears  to  have  thought  her  a  Christian,  but  not 
a  Eoman  Catholic.  He  said:  'Blessed  he  the  Lord,  her 
highness  told  me  things  which  have  consoled  7ne.'  Here  is 
the  Christian.  He  adds:  'Nevertheless,  she  is  not  disposed 
to  the  sacrament  of  the  Eucharist.''  Here  is  the  enhghtened 
woman  w^ho  rejects  the  rites  of  Eome.  'She  committed 
her  soul  to  God,'  said  the  princess  Joanna,  granddaugh- 
ter of  the  queen,  'and  gave  thanks  to  Him  that  at  length 
He  delivered  her  from  all  her  sorrows.'  Her  last  words 
were:  'Jesus  Christ  crucified,  he  with  me.'*  She  breathed 
her  last  on  April  12,  1555,  between  five  and  six  o'clock 
in  the  morning. 

Thus  died  the  mother  of  Charles  V.  at  the  age  of 
seventy-six  years.  She  had  been  at  various  times  kept 
in  prison  by  her  husband,  Philip  of  Austria;  for  ten  j^ears 
by  her  father,  Ferdinand  the  Catholic;  and  for  thirty- 
nine  years  by  her  son,  the  emperor  Charles  V.  She  is  a 
unique  example  of  the  greatest  misfortunes,  and  her 
dark  destiny  surpasses  all  the  stories  of  ancient  times. 
The  heiress  of  so  many  famous  kingdoms,  treated  as  the 
most  wretched  of  women,  was  in  her  last  year  strictly 
confined  in  her  dungeon,  and  lay  in  the  midst  of  filth 
which  was  never  removed.  Covered  as  she  was  with 
tumors,  in  anguish  and  solitude,  can  we  wonder  that 
strange  and  terrifying  images  were  sometimes  produced 
in  her  brain  by  her  isolation,  melancholy,  and  fear?  But 
while  she  was  the  victim  of  the  gloomiest  fanaticism  ever 
met  with  in  the  world,  she  w\as  consoled  in  the  midst  of 
all  these  horrors,  as  her  latest  words  prove,  by  her  God 
and  Father  in  heaven. 

The  time  has  come  for  posterity  to  render  to  her  mem- 
ory the  compassion  and  the  honor  which  are  her  due. 

*  Sandoval,  bishop  of  Pampeluna,  History  of  Charles  F.— Valla- 
dolid,  1604. 


BOOK  XV. 

ENGLAND. 


CHAPTEK   I. 

THE    THREE    PARTIES    WHICH    DIVIDED    ENGLAND. 
(1536—1540.) 

There  were  in  1536  three  distinct  parties  in  England, 
the  papists,  the  evangehcals,  and  the  Anghcan  Cathohcs, 
who  were  halting  between  the  two  extremes.  It  was  a 
question  which  of  the  three  would  gain  the  upper  hand. 

The  Reformation  in  England  was  born  of  the  power 
of  the  "Word  of  God,  and  did  not  encounter  there  such 
obstacles  as  were  raised  against  it  in  France  by  a  power- 
ful clergy  and  by  princes  hostile  to  evangelical  faith  and 
morality.  The  English  prelates,  weakened  by  various 
circumstances,  were  unable  to  withstand  an  energetic 
attack;  and  the  sovereign  was  'the  mad  Harry,'  as  Lu- 
ther had  called  him.*  His  whims  opened  the  doors  to 
religious  freedom,  of  which  the  Reformation  was  to  take 
advantage.  Thus  England,  which  had  remained  in  a  state 
of  rudeness  and  ignorance  much  longer  than  France,  was 
early  enlightened  by  the  Reformation;  and  the  nation 
awakened  by  the  Gospel  gave  birth  in  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury to  such  master  minds  as  France,  though  more  highly 
civilised,  failed  to  produce  so  earl}'.  Shakespeare  was 
born  in  15G3,  one  year  before  the  death  of  Calvin.  The 
Reformation  placed  England  a  century  aheiid  of  the  rest 
of  Europe.  Tlie  fnui]  triumph,  however,  of  the  Reforma- 
tion was   not   reached  without  many  contlicts;   and  the 

*  '  Der  tolle  Heiuze. ' — Luther,  Contra  Uenricum  regem  Anyike. 


<^^^^^-  ^-  BUVni    OF    EDWARD    VI.  141 

two  adversaries  more  tlian  once  engaged  hand  to  hand, 
before  one  overthrew  the  other. 

About  the  middle  of  October,  1537,  an  event  occurred 
which  was  of  great  importance  for  the  triumph  of  the 
Gospel.  There  was  at  that  time  great  rejoicing  in  the 
palace  of  the  Tudors  and  in  all  England,  for  Queen 
Jane  (Seymour),  on  October  12,  presented  to  Henry 
VIII.  the  son  which  he  had  so  much  desired.  Letters 
written  beforehand,  in  the  name  of  the  Queen,  announced 
it  in  every  place,  and  congratulations  arrived  from  all 
quarters.  This  birth  was  called  'the  most  joyful  news 
which  for  many  years  had  been  announced  in  England.' 
Bishop  Latimer  wrote:  'Here  is  no  less  joying  and  re- 
joicing in  these  parts  for  the  birth  of  oiu^  prin^'ce,  whom 
we  hungered  so  long,  than  there  was,  I  trow,  inter  viciiws 
at  the  birth  of  St.  John  Baptist.'  *  (Luke  i.  58.)  Prin- 
ceps  nafus  ad  imperium  !  exclaimed  the  politicians.  '  God 
grant  him  long  life  and  abundant  honors ! '  they  wrote 
from  the  Continent.  Henry  was  anxious  that  people 
should  believe  in  this  futui'e.  'Our  prince,'  Cromwell 
sent  word  to  the  ambassadors  of  England,  'our  Lord 
be  thanked,  is  in  good  health,  and  sucketh  like  a  child  of 
his  puissance,  which  you  my  lord  William  can  declare.'  f 
It  was  all  the  more  important  to  declare  this,  because 
the  very  contrary  was  asserted.  It  was  even  reported 
by  some  that  the  child  was  dead.  As  Henry  feared  that 
some  attempt  might  be  made  on  his  son's  life,  he  for- 
bade that  any  one  should  approach  the  cradle  without 
an  order  signed  by  his  own  hand.  Every  thing  brought 
into  the  child's  room  was  to  be  perfumed,  and  measures 
of  precaution  against  poison  were  taken.  The  infant 
was  named  Edward;  Archbishop  Cranmer  baptized  him, 
and  was  one  of  his  godfathers.  The  king  created  him  at 
the  age  of  six  Prince  of  Wales  and  Duke  of  Cornwall. 
Sir  Edward  Seymour,  his  uncle  by  the  mother's  side, 
*  Latimer,  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  385.  (Parker  Society. ) 
t  Siaie  Papers,  vol.  i.  pp.  570,  571;  vii.  p.  715;  viii.  p.  1. 


142  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

was  created  earl  of  Hertford.  It  was  alleged  that  a 
spell  had  been  thrown  upon  the  king  to  prevent  his  hav- 
ing a  male  child;  and  behold,  he  had  now  an  heir  in  spite 
of  the  spell.  His  dynasty  was  strengthened.  Henry 
VIII.  became  more  powerful  at  home,  more  respected 
abroad. 

This  great  rejoicing  was  followed  by  a  great  mourning. 
The  queen  took  cold;  the  women  in  attendance  were 
indiscreet  in  their  management;*  the  queen  was  seized 
with  acute  pains.  She  was  very  ill  during  the  night  of 
October  23,  and  died  on  the  following  day. 

What  would  Henry  do  ?  He  had  not  a  tender  heart. 
Far  from  rejecting  the  thought  of  a  fresh  marriage,  he 
gave  an  order,  as  we  find  in  a  letter  written  on  the  very 
day  of  the  queen's  death,  requiring  his  ambassadors,  the 
bishop  of  Winchester  and  Lord  William  Howard,  to 
seek  another  wife  for  him.  Cromwell  pointed  out  to 
them  two  among  others,  Margaret,  daughter  of  Francis 
I.,  afterwards  duchess  of  Savoy,  and  Mary  of  Guise, 
widow  of  the  duke  of  Longueville,  who  was  the  mother 
of  Mary  Stuart.  The  secretary  of  state,  even  before  the 
body  of  the  deceased  queen  was  quite  cold,  wrote :  '  In 
the  en  searching  out  of  which  matter,  his  majesty  desir- 
eth  you  both  to  exhibit  that  circumspection  and  diligence 
that  may  answer  to  His  Grace's  expectation  conceived 
of  you.' t 

Voila  rextreme  deuil  dont  son  ame  est  atteiute  ! 

Other  agents  besides  these  took  part  in  the  search. 
Hutton,J  the  envoy  in  the  Netherlands,  offered  several 
si)0uses  to  the  king.     He  might  make  his  choice.     There 

*  '  Which  STififred  her  to  take  greate  cold  and  to  eate  things  that 
her  fantazie  iu  sj'knes  called  for.' — Stale  Papers,  viii.  p.  1.  The 
story  that  the  ctesarian  operation  had  been  performed  and  that  the 
mother  was  sacrificed  to  the  child  appears  to  have  been  invented  by 
the  Roman  party. 

t  State  Papers,  viii.  p.  2.  J  Ibid.,  pp.  5,  6. 


CHAP.  I.  SWITZERLAND    AM)    ENGLAND.  143 

was  a  daughter  of  the  Sire  cle  Brederocle,  fourteen  years  of 
age;  the  widow  of  Count  Egrnont,  who  was  forty,  but  did 
not  look  so  old;  the  jDrincess  of  Cleves,  but  of  her  there 
was  not  much  to  be  said  in  praise  either  of  her  mind  or 
her  beauty;  the  young  widow  of  the  duke  of  Milan, 
Christina  of  Denmark,  niece  of  the  emperor,  who  was 
said  to  be  very  beautiful,  of  agreeable  conversation  and 
dignified  in  person.  The  king  resolved  on  this  last  alli- 
ance, which  would  reconcile  him  with  the  emperor.  For 
some  time  nothing  was  thought  of  but  the  making  of 
marriages  in  this  direction.  The  princess  Mary  was  to 
marry  Louis  of  Portugal,  Elizabeth  a  son  of  the  king 
of  the  Romans,  and  Edward  was  to  be  betrothed  to  a 
daughter  of  the  emperor. 

The  bii'th  of  the  young  prince  had,  however,  another 
kind  of  significance.  The  hopes  of  the  partisans  of  the 
Catholic  Mary  disappeared,  and  the  friends  of  the  Refor- 
mation rejoiced  at  the  thought  that  the  young  j)i'ii^ce 
was  godson  of  the  archbishop.  Many  circumstances  con- 
tributed to  their  encouragement.  They  witnessed  the 
formation  of  unlooked-for  ties  between  the  evangehcals 
of  England  and  those  of  Switzerland;  and  the  pure  Gos- 
pel as  professed  by  the  latter  began  to  exercise  a  real 
influence  over  England.  Edward,  during  his  very  short 
reign,  was  to  fulfil  the  best  hopes  to  which  his  birth  had 
given  rise,  and  the  triumph  to  which  his  reign  seemed 
destined  was  already  visibly  in  preparation. 

Simon  Grynaeus,  the  friend  of  Erasmus  and  Melanch- 
thon,  and  professor  at  the  university  of  Basel  had,  as 
early  as  1531,  held  intercourse  with  Henry  VIII.  and 
Cranmer.*  Afterwards  Cranmer  and  Bullinger,  succes- 
sor of  Zwinglius  at  Zurich,  had  also  become  acquainted 
with  each  other;  and,  as  early  as  1536,  some  young  Eng- 
lishmen of  good  family  had  betaken  themselves  to  Zurich, 
that  they  might  drink  at  the  full  fountain  of  Christian 

*  See  his  letter  to  Henry  VIIL,  Original  Letters  relative  to  the  Eikj- 
lish  Reformation,  ii.  p.  554  (Parker  Society). 


144  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

knowledge  and  life  whicli  sprang  forth  there.  Some  of 
them  lived  in  the  house  of  Pellican,  others  with  Bullinger 
himself.  These  young  men  were  John  Butler,  who  had 
a  rich  patrimony  in  England — a  sagacious  man  and  a 
Christian  who  persevered  in  prayer;  Nicholas  Partridge, 
fi'om  Kent,  a  man  of  active  and  devoted  character;  Bar- 
tholomew Traheron,  who  had  already  (1527  and  1528) 
declared  at  Oxford  for  the  Reformation,  and  had  been 
persecuted  by  Doctor  London ;  Nicholas  Eliot,  who  had 
studied  law  in  England,  and  who  afterwards  held  some 
government  office;  and  others  besides.*  Bulhnger  was 
strongly  attached  to  these  young  Englishmen.  He  di- 
rected their  studies  and,  in  addition  to  his  public  teach- 
ing, he  explained  to  them  in  his  own  house  the  proj)het 
Isaiah. 

There  was  much  talk  at  Zurich  at  this  time  about  a 
young  French  theologian,  Calvin  by  name,  who  was  set- 
tled at  Geneva,  and  had  pubhshed  a  profound  and  elo- 
quent exposition  of  Christian  doctrines.  The  young 
Enghshmen  eagerly  longed  to  make  his  acquaintance. 
Butler,  Partridge,  Eliot,  and  Traheron  set  out  for  Geneva 
in  November,  1537,  bearing  letters  of  introduction  from 
Bullinger  to  the  reformer.  The  latter  received  them  in 
the  most  kindly  manner.  It  was  more  than  common 
courtesy,  they  wrote  to  Bulhnger.  f  They  were  delighted 
with  his  appearance  and  with  his  conversation,  at  once 
so  simple  and  so  fruitful.  They  felt  a  charm  which  drew 
them  to  his  presence  again  and  again.  The  master  taught 
well,  and  the  disciples  listened  well.  Calvin  w^as  at  the 
time  in  great  trouble.  Caroli  was  causing  him  much  an- 
noyance, and  persecution  had  just  broken  out  at  Nismes.  J 
The  four  Englishmen,  being  called  elsewhere,  took  their 
departure  deeply  saddened  by  the  painful  separation.     A 

*  Original  Letters,  &c.,  pp.  621,  316,  608,  225,  226. 
t  Ibid.,  p.  623. 

X  Letter  from  Geneva  to  the  ministers  of  Zurich,  November  13, 
1537. -Cal v.,  0pp.,  x.  p.  129. 


CHAP.  I.  ENGLISH    LETTER    TO    CALVIN,  145 

letter  written  by  tliem  shortly  afterwards  is  the  first  com- 
munication addressed  by  England  to  the  reformer  of 
Geneva.  It  runs  as  follows: — 'We  wish  you  the  true  joy 
in  Christ.  May  as  much  happiness  be  appointed  to  us 
fi-om  henceforth  as  our  going  away  from  you  has  occa- 
sioned us  sorrow!  For  although  our  absence,  as  we 
hope,  will  not  be  of  very  long  continuance,  yet  we  can 
not  but  grieve  at  being  deprived  even  for  a  few  hours  of 
so  much  suavity  of  disposition  and  delightful  conversa- 
tion. And  this  also  distresses  us  in  no  small  measui'e, 
lest  there  should  be  any  persons  who  may  regard  us  as 
resembling  flies,  which  swarm  everywhere  in  the  summer, 
but  disappear  on  the  approach  of  winter.  You  may  be 
assured  that,  if  we  had  been  able  to  assist  you  in  any 
way,  no  pleasure  should  have  called  us  away  from  you, 
nor  should  any  peril  have  withdrawn  us.  This  distress, 
indeed,  which  the  disordered  tempers  of  certain  individ- 
uals have  brought  upon  you,  is  far  beyond  our  power  to 
alleviate.  But  you  have  one,  Christ  Jesus,  who  can  easily 
dispel  by  the  beams  of  his  consolation  whatever  cloud 
may  arise  upon  your  mind.  He  will  restore  to  you  a  joy- 
ful tranquillity ;  he  will  scatter  and  put  to  flight  your  ene- 
mies; he  will  make  you  gloriously  to  triumph  over  your 
conquered  adversaries;  and  we  will  entreat  him,  as  ear- 
nestly as  we  can,  to  do  this  as  speedily  as  possible.  We 
have  written  these  few  lines  at  present,  most  amiable  and 
learned  Master  Calvin,  that  you  may  receive  a  memorial 
of  our  regard  towards  you.  Salute  in  our  names  that 
individual  of  a  truly  heroic  spirit  and  singular  learning 
and  godhness.  Master  Farel.  Salute,  too,  our  sincere 
friends  Master  Olivetan  and  your  brother  Fontaine. 
Our  countrymen  send  abundant  salutations.  Farewell, 
very  dear  friend.'* 

England  at  this  time  did  justice  to  the  Genevese  re- 
former. 

Much  admiration  was  likewise  felt  for  BulHnger.     We 
*   Original  Letters  relative  to  the  English  Reformation,  ii.  p.  621. 


146  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

confess  ourselves  to  be  entirety  yours,  wi'ote  to  liim  the 
four  Eiiglisliraen,  'as  long  as  we  can  be  our  own.'  The 
works  of  the  Zurich  doctor  were  much  read  in  England, 
and  diffused  there  the  spirit  of  the  Gospel.  Nicolas  Ehot 
wi'ote  to  him: — 'And  how  great  weight  all  persons  attrib- 
ute to  your  commentaries,  how  greedily  they  embrace 
and  admire  them  (to  pass  over  numberless  other  argu- 
ments), the  booksellers  are  most  ample  witnesses  whom 
by  the  sale  of  your  writings  alone,  from  being  more  des- 
titute than  Irus  and  Codrus,  you  see  suddenly  become 
as  rich  as  Crcesus.*  May  God,  therefore,  give  you  the 
disposition  to  pubHsh  all  your  wi'itings  as  speedily  as 
possible,  whereby  you  will  not  only  fill  the  coffers  of  the 
booksellers,  but  will  gain  over  very  many  souls  to  Christ, 
and  adorn  his  church  with  most  precious  jewels.'  f 

At  the  news  that  the  mighty  king  of  England  had 
separated  from  the  pope,  the  Swiss  theologians  were 
filled  with  ^ope,  and  they  vied  with  each  other  in  speed- 
ing his  progress  towards  the  truth.  BulHnger  composed 
two  works  in  Latin  which  he  dedicated  to  Henry  VIII. ; 
the  first  of  them  on  The  Authority,  the  Certitude,  the  Sta- 
bility and  the  Absolute  Perfection  of  Holy  Scripture ;  the 
second  on  The  Institution  and  the  Function  of  Bishops. 
He  forwarded  copies  of  these  works  to  Partridge  and 
Eliot  for  presentation  to  the  king,  to  Cranmer,  and  to 
Cromwell.  The  two  young  Englishmen  went  first  to  the 
archbishop  and  delivered  to  him  the  volumes  intended 
for  the  king  and  for  himself.  The  archbishop  consented 
to  present  the  book  to  the  prince,  but  not  till  after  he 
had  read  it  himself,  and  on  condition  that  Eliot  and 
Partridge  should  be  present,  that  they  might  answer 
any  questions  asked  by  the  king.  Then  going  to  Crom- 
well, they  gave  him  the  copy  intended  for  him ;  and  the 
vicegerent,  more  jDrompt  than  the  archbishop,  showed  it 

*  Iras,  a  beggar  of  Ithaca;  Codras,  an  inferior  poet  of  the  time  of 
Domitian. 

t   Original  Letters,  &c.,  ii.  p.  620. 


CHAP.  I.  WORKS    OF    BULLINGER.  1J:7 

the  same  day  to  Henry  VIII.,  to  whom  Cranmer  tlicn 
hastened  to  present  his  own  cop}^  The  king-  expressed 
a  wish  that  the  work  should  be  translated  into  English. 
'Yoiir  books  are  wonderfully  well  received,'  wrote  Eliot 
to  Bullinger,  'not  only  by  our  king,  but  equally  so  by 
the  lord  Cromwell,  who  is  keeper  of  the  king's  privy  seal 
and  vicar-general  of* the  church  of  England.'* 

Other  Continental  divines  who  held  the  same  view^s  as 
the  Swiss  hkewise  dedicated  some  theological  writings 
both  to  the  king  and  to  Cranmer.  Capito,  who  was  at 
the  time  at  Strasburg,  dedicated  to  Henry  VIII.  a  book 
in  which  he  treated,  among  other  subjects,  of  the  mass 
{de  missa,  &c.).  The  king,  as  usual,  handed  it  to  two 
persons  belonging  to  the  two  opposing  parties,  in  order 
to  get  their  opinions.  He  then  examined  their  verdict, 
and  announced  his  own.  Cranmer  wrote  to  Capito  that 
the  king  'could  by  no  means  digest'  his  piece  on  the 
mass,f  although  at  the  same  time  he  approved  some  of 
the  other  pieces.  Bucer,  a  colleague  of  Capito,  having 
written  a  commentary  on  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans, 
dedicated  it  to  Cranmer,  and  wrote  to  him  as  follows: — 
'It  is  not  enough  to  have  shaken  off  the  yoke  of  the 
pope,  and  to  be  unwilling  to  take  upon  us  the  yoke  of 
Christ ;  but  if  God  be  for  us  w^ho  can  be  against  us  ?  and 
Christianity  is  a  w^arfare.'  J 

While  the  Swiss  and  the  Strasburgers  were  seeking  to 
enlighten  England,  the  Eoman  party  on  the  Continent 
and  the  Catholic  party  in  England  itself  were  striving  to 
keep  her  in  darkness.  The  pope,  in  sorrow  and  in  anger, 
saw  England  lost  to  Rome.  Nevertheless  the  CathoHc 
rising  in  the  northern  counties  allowed  him  still  to  cher- 
ish hope.  The  king  of  France  and  the  emperor,  both  near 
neighbors  of  England,  could  if  necessary  strike  with  the 
sword.     The  pope  must  therefore  stir  up  to  action  not 

*  Original  Letters,  &c.,  ii.  pp.  611,  618. 

t  Cranmer  to  Capito,  Original  Letters,  p.  16. 

X  Bucer  to  Cranmer,  Ihid. ,  p.  525. 


148  THE    REFORMATION     IX    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

only  tlie  English  Catliolics,  but  also  tlie  courts  of  Paris 
and  Brussels.  Whom  should  he  select  for  the  mission? 
Reginald  Pole,  an  Enghshmau,  a  zealous  Eoman  Catho- 
lic, and  a  kinsman  of  Henry  VIII.,  seemed  to  be  the  man 
made  for  the  occasion.  It  was  he  who  had  lately  writ- 
ten these  words — '  There  was  never  a  greater  matter  en- 
treated, of  more  importance  to  the  wealth  of  the  realm 
and  the  whole  church  than  this  [the  re-establishment  of 
papal  authority].  And  this  same  that  you  go  about  to 
take  away,  the  authority  of  one  head  in  the  church,  was 
a  more  principal  and  groundle  cause  of  the  loss  of  the 
Orient,  to  be  in  infidels'  hands,  and  all  true  religion  de- 
generate, than  ever  was  the  Turk's  sword,  as  most  wisest 
men  have  judged.  For  if  they  had  agreed  all  with  the 
Occidental  Church,  they  had  never  come  to  that  misery; 
and  like  misery  if  God  have  not  mercy  on  us  to  return 
to  the  church,  is  most  to  be  feared  in  our  realm.  .  .  . 
Your  sweet  liberty  you  have  got,  since  you  were  delivered 
from  the  obedience  papal,  speaketh  for  itself.  Whereof 
the  rest  of  the  realm  hath  such  part  that  you  be  without 
envy  of  other  countries,  that  no  nation  wisheth  the  same 
to  have  such  liberty  granted  them.'  *  This  last  assertion 
was  doubtful. 

Pole  was  at  this  time  at  Padua,  where  he  had  studied, 
and  where  he  was  resident  by  permission  of  the  king. 
He  avoided  going  to  Rome  lest  he  should  offend  Henry. 
But  he  received  one  day  an  invitation  from  Paul  III., 
who  summoned  him  to  the  Vatican  to  take  part  in  a 
consultation  about  the  general  council.  To  comply  with 
this  summons  would  be  to  pass  the  Rubicon;  it  would 
make  Henry  VTII.  his  irreconcilable  enemy,  and  would 
expose  to  great  danger  not  only  himself  but  all  his 
family.  Pole  therefore  hesitated.  The  advice,  however, 
of  the  pious  Contarini,  the  command  of  the  pope,  and 
his  own  enthusiasm  for  the  cause,  brought  him  to  a 
decision.     On  his  arrival    at  Rome  he  gave  himself  up 

*  Strj'pe,  Eccles.  Mem.,  vol.  i.  part  2,  Appendix,  Isxxiii. 


^^^-  ^-  rOLE  DECLARKI)  A  REBEL.  149 

entirely;  and  when  Christmas  was  drawing  near,  on 
December  20,  1536,  the  pope  created  him  cardinal^  to- 
gether with  del  Monte,  afterwards  Juhiis  IK.;  Caraffa, 
afterwards  Paul  IV.;  Sadoleto,  Borgia,  Cajetan,  and  four 
others.*  These  proceedings  were  very  seriously  criti- 
cised in  England.  For  the  vain  glory  of  a  red  hat,t  said 
TonstaU  and  Stokesley,  Pole  is,  in  fact,  an  instrument  of 
the  pope  to  set  forth  his  malice,  to  depose  the  king  from 
his  kingdom,  and  to  stir  his  subjects  against  him.  There 
was,  however,  something  more  in  his  case  than  a  cardi- 
nal's hat;  there  was,  we  must  acknowledge,  a  faith 
doubtless  fanatical  but  sincere  in  the  papacy.  Not  long 
afterwards  the  pope  nominated  him  the  new  cardinal 
legate  beyond  the  Alps;  the  object  of  this  measure  being 
per  dar  fermento,X  to  excite  men's  minds.  He  was  to 
induce  the  king  of  France  and  the  emperor  to  enter  into 
the  views  of  the  Koman  court,  to  inflame  the  Cathohcs 
of  England,  and,  if  he  should  be  unable  to  go  there 
himself,  to  take  up  his  residence  in  the  Netherlands, 
and  thence  conspire  for  the  ruin  of  Protestantism  in 
England. 

At  the  beginning  of  Lent,  1537,  Pole,  attended  by  a 
numerous  suite,  set  out  from  Rome.  The  pope,  who 
w^as  not  thoroughly  sure  of  his  new  legate,  had  appointed 
as  his  adviser  the  bishop  of  Yerona,  who  was  to  make 
up  for  any  deficiency  of  experience  on  the  part  of  the 
legate,  and  to  put  him  on  his  guard  against  pride.  Henry 
VIII.,  on  learning  the  nature  of  his  young  cousin's  mis- 
sion, was  exceedingly  angry.  He  declared  Pole  a  rebel, 
set  a  price  on  his  head,  and  promised  fifty  thousand 
crowns  to  any  one  who  should  kill  him.  Cromwell,  fol- 
lowing his  master's  example,  exclaimed,  'I  will  make  him 
eat  his  own  heart.' §  This  was  only  a  figure  of  speech, 
but  it  was  rather  a  strong  one.     No  sooner  had  Henry 

*  State  Papers,  vii.  p.  669.     Wallop  to  Viscount  Lisle. 

t  Strype,  Eccles.  Mem.  i.  p.  461.  f  BeccateUi. 

§  Strype,  Eccles.  Mem.  i.  p.  477. 


150  THE    REFORMATION     IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

Vm.  heard  of  tlie  arrival  of  Pole  in  France  than  he 
demanded  that  Francis  I.  should  deliver  him  up,  as  a 
subject  in  rebellion  against  his  king.  Pole  had  not  been 
long  at  Paris  before  he  heard  of  this  demand.  It  aroused 
in  his  heart  more  pride  than  fear.  It  revealed  to  him 
his  own  importance;  and  turning  to  his  attendants  he 
said,  'This  news  makes  me  glad;  I  know  now  that  I 
am  a  cardinal.'  Francis  I.  did  not  concede  the  demand 
of  the  angry  Tudor;  but  he  did  consider  the  mission 
of  Pole  as  one  of  those  attacks  on  the  power  of  kings 
in  which  the  papacy  from  time  to  time  indulged.  "When 
Pole,  therefore,  made  his  appearance  at  the  palace  he 
was  refused  admission.  While  still  only  at  the  door, 
and  even  before  he  had  had  time  to  knock,  he  himself 
tells  us,  he  was  sent  away.*  '  I  am  ready  to  weep,'  he 
added,  '  to  find  that  a  king  does  not  receive  a  legate  of 
Eome.'  Francis  I.  having  sent  him  an  order  to  leave 
France,  he  fled  to  Cambray,  which  at  that  time  formed 
part  of  the  Netherlands. 

No  sooner  was  he  there  than,  under  great  excitement 
about  what  had  occurred  to  him  at  Paris,  he  wrote  to 
Cromwell,  complaining  bitterly  that  Henry  VIII.,  in  order 
to  get  him  into  his  power,  did  not  scruple  to  violate  both 
God's  law  and  man's,  and  even  'to  disturb  all  commerce 
between  country  and  country.'  'I  was  ashamed  to  hear 
that  ...  a  prince  of  honor  should  desire  of  another 
prince  of  like  honor,  Betray  thine  own  ambassador,  be- 
tray the  legate,  and  give  him  into  my  ambassador's  hands 
to  be  brought  to  me.'  f  The  like,  he  says,  was  never 
heard  of  in  Christendom.  Pole  had  more  hope  of  the 
emperor  than  of  Francis  I.;  but  he  was  soon  undeceived. 
He  was  not  permitted  to  go  out  of  the  town;  and  a 
courier  entrusted  with  his  despatches  was  arrested  by 

*  'Qnnm  ...  ad  fores  pene  ejiis  aulre  pervenissem,  nee 
tamen  intromissus  sum,  secI  autequam  pulsare  possem,  exclusus 
fuerim.'— Pole's  Epp.  ii.  p.  85. 

t  Strype,  Ecdes.  Mem.,  i.  Appendix,  No.  Ixxxiv. 


CH,u'.  I.  FAILURE    OV    HIS    MISSION.  151 

the  Imperialistn  at  Valenciennes  and  sent  back  to  Lim. 
He  now  resolved  ou  taking  a  step  towards  opening  com- 
munication with  the  EngUsh  government;  and  as  he  did 
not  venture  to  present  himself  to  the  ambassadors  of 
Henry  VIII.  in  France,  he  sent  to  them  the  bishop  of 
Verona.  But  this  prelate,  likewise,  was  not  received, 
and  he  was  only  allowed  to  speak  to  one  of  the  secre- 
taries. He  endeavored  to  convince  him  of  the  perfect 
innocence  of  Pole  and  of  his  mission.  'The  cardinal- 
legate,'  he  said,  'is  solely  charged  by  the  pope  to  treat 
of  the  safety  of  Christendom.'  This  was  true  in  the  sense 
intended  by  Kome;  but  it  is  well  known  what  this  safety, 
in  her  view,  required. 

Fresh  movements  in  the  north  of  England  tended  to 
increase  the  anger  of  Henry  VIII.  It  was  not  enough 
that  Pole  had  been  driven  from  France.  The  king  now 
wrote  himself  to  Hutton,  .his  envoy  at  Brussels — 'You 
shall  deliver  unto  the  regent  our  letters  for  the  stay 
of  his  entry  into  the  emperor's  dominions;  .  .  .  you 
shaU  press  them  .  .  .  neither  to  admit  him  to  her 
presence,  nor  to  suffer  unto  him  to  have  any  other  en- 
tertainment than  beseemeth  the  traitor  and  rebel  of  their 
friend  and  ally.  .  .  You  shall  in  any  wise  cause  good 
secret  and  substantial  espial  to  be  made  upon  him  from 
place  to  place  where  he  shall  be.'*  Pole,  on  his  part, 
spoke  as  a  Roman  legate.  He  summoned  the  queen  to 
prove  her  submission  to  the  apostoHc  see,  and  to  grant 
him  an  audience;  and  he  made  use  of  serious  menaces. 
'If  traitors,  consj^irators,  rebels,  and  other  offenders/ 
said  the  English  ambassador,  '  might  under  the  shadow 
of  legacie  have  sure  access  into  all  places,  and  thereby 
to  trouble  and  espj  all  things,  that  were  overmuch  dan- 
gerous.'f  Here  was  no  question  of  rebellion,  Pole  sent 
word  to  the  regent  by  the  bishop  of  Verona,  but  of  the 
Reformation;  and  he  was  sent  to  refute  the  errors  which 

*  State  Papers,  vii.  p.  681.     King  Henry  VIII.  to  Huttou. 
t  Ibid.,  p.  693. 


152  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

it  was  spreading  in  England.  Her  opinion  was  that  he 
should  return,  'for  that  she  had  no  commission  of  the 
emperor  to  intermeddle  in  any  point  of  his  legacy.'* 

Hereupon  Pole  went  from  Cambray  to  Liege;  but  in 
consequence  of  the  advice  of  the  bishop  of  Liege,  he  only 
ventured  to  go  there  in  disguise. f  He  was  received  into 
the  bishop's  palace,  but  his  stay  there  was  'not  without 
great  fear.'  J  He  set  out  again  on  August  22,  and  went 
to  Rome.  Never  had  any  mission  of  a  Bom  an  pontiff 
so  entirely  failed.  The  ambitious  projects  of  the  pope 
against  the  Reformation  in  England  had  proved  abor- 
tive. But  one  of  the  secrets  of  Boman  policy  is  to  put 
a  good  face  on  a  bad  case.  The  less  successful  Pole  had 
been  the  more  necessary  it  was  to  assume  an  air  of  satis- 
faction with  him  and  his  embassy.  In  any  case,  was  it 
not  a  victory  for  him  to  have  returned  safe  and  sound 
after  having  to  do  with  Francis  L,  Henry  VIII.,  and 
Charles  V.?  It  was  November  when  he  reached  Bome; 
and  he  was  received  as  generals  used  to  be  received  by 
the  ancient  Bomans  after  great  victories.  They  carried 
him,  so  to  speak,  on  their  arms;  every  one  heaped  upon 
him  demonstrations  of  respect  and  joy;  and  his  secretary, 
on  the  last  day  of  the  year,  1537,  wrote  to  the  Catholics 
of  England,  to  describe  to  them  tJie  great  triumph  that  was 
made  at  Borne  for  the  safe  arrival  of  his  master.^  Bome 
may  beat  or  be  beaten,  she  alwaj^s  triumphs. 

This  mission  of  Beginald  Pole  had  fatal  consequences. 
In  the  following  year,  his  brothers.  Lord  Montague,  the 
marquis  of  Exeter,  and  Sir  Edward  Nevil,  were  arrested 
and  committed  to  the  Tower.  Some  time  afterwards  his 
mother,  Margaret,  countess  of  Salisbury,  the  last  of  the 
Plantagenets,  a  woman  of  remarkable  spirit,  was  likewise 
arrested.     They  were  charged  with  aiming  at  the  depo- 

*  State  Papers,  vii.  p.  700. 

t  'Dissimulato  vestitu.' — Pole,  Ejjp.  ii.  p.  49. 

t  State  Papers,  vii.  p.  702. 

§  State  Papers,  viii.  p.  9. 


CHAP.  I.  GERMAN    EJTV^OYS    IN    ENGI^ND.  153 

sition  of  Henry  and  at  placing  Reginald  on  tlie  throne. 
'  I  do  perceive,'  it  was  said,  '  it  should  be  for  my  Lord 
Montague's  brother,  which  is  beyond  the  sea  with  the 
bishop  of  Rome,  and  is  an  arrant  traitor  to  the  king's 
highness.'  *  They  were  condemned  and  executed  in  Jan- 
uary, 1539.  The  countess  was  not  executed  till  a  later 
time. 

Paul  III.  had  been  mistaken  in  selecting  the  cousin  of 
the  king  to  stir  up  Catholic  Europe  against  him.  But 
some  other  legate  might  have  a  chance  of  success.  Henry 
felt  the  necessity  of  securing  allies  upon  the  Continent. 
Cranmer  promptly  availed  himself  of  this  feeling  to  per- 
suade Henry  to  unite  with  the  Protestants  of  Germany. 
The  elector  of  Saxony,  the  landgrave  of  Hesse,  and  the 
other  Protestant  princes,  finding  that  the  king  had  reso- 
lutely broken  with  the  pope,  had  suppressed  the  monas- 
teries and  begun  other  reforms,  consented  to  send  a  dep- 
utation. On  May  12,  Francis  Burkhardt,  vice-chancellor 
of  Saxony,  George  von  Boyneburg,  doctor  of  law,  and 
Frederick  Myconius,  superintendent  of  the  church  of 
Gotha — a  diplomatist,  a  jurisconsult,  and  a  theologian — 
set  out  for  London.  The  princes  wished  to  be  worthily 
represented,  and  the  envoys  were  to  live  in  magnificent 
style  and  keep  a  liberal  table. f  The  king  received  them 
with  much  good-will.  He  thanked  them  that,  laying 
aside  their  own  affairs,  they  had  undertaken  so  laborious 
a  journey;  and  he  especially  spoke  of  Melanchthon  in  the 
most  loving  terms.  J  But  the  delegates,  whilst  they  were 
so  honorably  treated  by  their  owti  princes  and  by  the 
king  of  England,  were  much  less  so  by  inferior  agents. 

*  Robert  Warner,  November  21,  1538.  Original  Letters  illustrative 
of  Enqlish  History  (Ellis),  ii.  p.  97. 

t  'Splendide  vixerant  legati  et  liberalem  mensam  exliibueraut.' — 
Seckendorf,  book  iii.  sec.  16. 

X    '  Singularem    erga    me    benevolentiam Sermonea 

mihi  tuos  amantissimos  perferri.' — Melauclithon  to  Heury  VHI., 
Corp.  lief.,  iii.  p.  671. 

VOL.     YUI. — 7* 


154  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

They  were  hardly  settled  in  the  house  assigned  to  them 
than  they  were  attacked  by  the  inhabitants,  '  a  multitude 
of  rats  daily  and  nightly  running  in  their  chambers.'"^ 
In  addition  to  this  annoyance,  the  kitchen  was  adjacent  to 
the  parlor,  in  which  they  were  to  dine,  so  that  the  house 
was  full  of  smells,  and  all  who  came  in  were  offended. 

But  certain  bishops  were  to  give  them  more  trouble 
than  the  rats.  Cranmer  received  them  as  friends  and 
brethren,  and  endeavored  to  take  advantage  of  their  pres- 
ence to  promote  the  triumph  of  the  Gospel  in  England; 
but  Tonstall,  Stokesley,  and  others  left  no  stone  unturned 
to  render  their  mission  abortive.  The  discussion  took 
place  in  the  archbishop's  palace  at  Lambeth,  and  they 
did  their  best  to  protract  it,  obstinately  defending  the 
doctrines  and  the  customs  of  the  Middle  Ages.  They 
were  willing,  indeed,  to  separate  from  Rome;  but  this 
was  in  order  to  unite  with  the  Greek  church,  not  with 
the  evangelicals.  Each  of  the  two  conflicting  parties 
endeavored  to  gain  over  to  itself  those  English  doctors 
who  were  still  wavering.  One  day,  Richard  Sampson, 
bishop  of  Chichester,  who  usually  went  with  the  Scho- 
lastic party,  having  come  to  Lambeth  at  an  early  hour, 
Cranmer  took  him  aside  and  so  forcibly  iu*ged  on  him 
the  necessity  of  abandoning  tradition  that  the  bishop, 
a  weak  man,  was  convinced.  But  Stokesley,  who  had 
doubtless  noticed  something  in  the  course  of  the  dis- 
cussion, in  his  turn  took  Sampson  aside  into  the  gallery, 
just  when  the  meeting  was  breaking  up,  and  spoke  to 
him  very  earnestly  in  behalf  of  the  i^ractices  of  the  church. 
These  customs  are  essential,  said  Stokesley,  for  they  are 
found  in  the  Greek  church.  The  poor  bishop  of  Chiches- 
ter, driven  in  one  direction  by  the  bishop  of  London  and 
in  the  opposite  by  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  was 
much  embarrassed,  and  did  not  know  which  w\ay  to  turn. 
His  decision  was  for  the  last  speaker.  The  semi-Roman 
doctors  at   this  period,  who  sacrificed  to  the  king  the 

*  Cranmer  to  Cromwell,  Letters,  p.  379. 


CHAP.  I.  PROLONGED    DISCUSSIOXS.  155 

Roman  rite,  felt  it  incumbent  upon  tliem  to  cross  all 
Europe  for  the  purpose  of  finding  in  the  Turkish  empire 
the  Greek  rite,  which  was  for  them  the  Gospel.  Eng- 
land must  be  dressed  in  a  Grecian  garb.  But  Cranmer 
would  not  hear  of  it;  and  he  presented  to  his  country- 
men the  wedding  garment  of  which  the  Saviour  speaks.* 
The  summer  was  now  drawing  to  an  end.  The  Ger- 
man delegates  had  been  in  London  three  or  four  months 
without  having  made  any  progress.  Wearied  with  fruit- 
less discussions,  they  began  to  think  of  their  departure. 
But  before  setting  out,  about  the  middle  of  August,  they 
forwarded  to  the  king  a  document  in  which  they  argued 
fi'om  Holy  Scriptui'e,  from  the  testimony  of  the  most 
ancient  of  the  Fathers,  and  from  the  practice  of  the  jirim- 
itive  church,  against  the  withdrawal  of  the  cup,  private 
masses,  and  the  celibacy  of  priests,  three  errors  which 
they  looked  upon  as  having  essentially  contributed  to 
the  deformation  of  Christendom.  When  Cranmer  heard 
of  their  intention  to  leave  England,  he  was  much  affected. 
Their  departure  dissipated  all  his  hopes.  Must  he  then 
renounce  the  hope  of  seeing  the  Word  of  God  prevail  in 
England  as  it  was  prevailing  in  evangelical  Germany? 
He  summoned  them  to  Lambeth,  and  entreated  them 
earnestly  and  with  much  kindliness  f  for  the  king's  sake 
to  remain.  They  replied  '  that  at  the  king's  request  they 
would  be  very  well  content  to  tarr}'  during  his  pleasure, 
not  only  a  month  or  two,  but  a  year  or  two,  if  they  were 
at  their  own  liberty.  But  forasmuch  they  had  been  so 
long  from  their  princes,  and  had  not  all  this  season  any 
letters  from  them,  it  was  not  to  be  doubted  but  that  they 
were  dail}^  looked  for  at  home,  and  therefore  they  durst 
not  tarry.'  However,  after  renewed  entreaties,  they  said, 
*  We  will  consult  together.'  They  discussed  with  one 
another  the  question  whether  they  ought  to  leave  Eng- 
land just  at  the  time  when  she  was  perhaps  on  the  point 

*  Strype,  Memorials,  i.  pp.  501,  sqq.     Cranmer,  LrHers,  &.c. 
t  'So  gentilly  as  I  could.'— Craumer,  Letters,  p.  377. 


156  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

of  siding  Tvitli  the  truth.  Shall  we  refuse  to  sacrifice  our 
private  conyenieuce  to  interests  so  great?  They  adopted 
the  least  conveDient  but  most  useful  course.  We  will 
tarry,  they  said,  for  a  month,  '  upon  hope  that  their  tar- 
rying should  grow  into  some  good  success  concerning 
the  points  of  their  commission,'  and  'trusting  that  the 
king's  majesty  would  write  unto  their  princes  for  their 
excuse  in  thus  long  tarrying.'  The  evangelicals  of  Ger- 
many believed  it  to  be  their  duty  to  tolerate  certain  sec- 
ondary differences,  but  frankly  to  renounce  those  errors 
and  abuses  which  were  contrary  to  the  essential  doc- 
trines of  the  Gospel,  and  to  unite  in  the  great  truths  of 
the  faith.  This  was  precisely  what  the  Catholic  party 
and  the  king  himself  had  no  intention  of  doing.  When 
Cranmer  urged  the  bishops  to  apply  themselves  to  the 
task  of  answering  the  Germans,  they  replied  'that  the 
king's  grace  hath  taken  upon  himself  to  answer  the  said 
orators  in  'that  behalf  .  .  .  and  therefore  they  will 
not  meddle  with  the  abuses,  lest  they  should  write  therein 
contrary  to  that  the  king  shall  write.'  *  It  was,  indeed, 
neither  pleasant  nor  safe  to  contradict  Henry  VIII.  But 
in  this  case  the  king's  opinion  was  only  a  convenient  veil, 
behind  which  the  bishops  sought  to  conceal  their  ill-will 
and  their  e\il  doctrines.  Their  reply  was  nothing  but 
an  evasion.  The  book  was  written,  not  by  the  kiug,  but 
by  one  of  themselves,  Tonstall,  bishop  of  Durham. f  He 
ran  no  risk  of  contradicting  himself.  In  spite  of  this 
ill-will,  the  Germans  remained  not  only  one  month  but 
two.  Their  conduct,  like  that  of  Cranmer,  was  upright, 
devoted,  noble,  and  Christian;  while  the  bishops  of  Lon- 
don and  Durham  and  their  friends,  clever  men  no  doubt, 
were  souls  of  a  lower  cast,  who  strove  to  escape  by  chi- 

*  Cranmer,  Letters,  p.  379. 

t  The  document  drawn  up  by  the  German  doctors,  and  the  answer 
of  the  king,  prepared  by  Tonstall,  are  to  be  found  in  the  Cotton  MSS. 
Cleop.  E.  They  were  printed  hy  Burnet  ^i.  p.  491;  and  by  Strype, 
in  Appendices  to  their  histories. 


CHAP.  I.  DEPAUTrRE    OF    THE    CEHMANS.  157 

canery  from  the  free  discussion  j^i'oposed  to  them,  and 
passed  off  their  knavery  as  prudence. 

The  German  doctors  had  now  nothing  more  to  do. 
They  had  offered  the  hand  and  it  had  been  rejected. 
The  vessel  which  was  to  convey  them  was  waiting.  They 
were  exhausted  with  fatigue;  and  one  of  them,  Myconius, 
whom  the  EugUsh  chmate  appeared  not  to  suit,  was  very 
ill.  They  set  out  at  the  beginning  of  October,  and  gave 
an  account  of  their  mission  to  their  sovereigns  and  to 
Melanchthon.  The  latter  thought  that,  considering  the 
affection  which  the  king  displayed  towards  him,  he  might, 
if  he  intervened  at  this  time,  do  something  to  incline  the 
balance  the  right  way.  He  therefore  wrote  to  Henry 
VIII.  a  remarkable  letter,  in  which,  after  expressing  his 
warm  gratitude  for  the  king's  good-will,  he  added: — 'I 
commend  to  you,  Sire,  the  cause  of  the  Christian  religion. 
Your  majesty  knows  that  the  principal  duty  of  sovereigns 
is  to  protect  and  propagate  the  heavenly  doctrine,*  and 
for  this  reason  God  gives  them  the  same  name  as  his  own, 
saying  to  them.  Ye  are  gods  (Ps.  Ixxxii.  6).  My  earnest 
desire  is  to  see  a  true  agreement,  so  far  as  regards  the 
doctrine  of  piety,  established  between  all  the  churches 
which  condemn  Roman  tyranny,  an  agreement  which 
should  cause  the  glory  of  God  to  shine  forth,  should  in- 
duce the  other  nations  to  unite  with  us  and  maintain 
peace  in  the  churches.'  Melanchthon  was  right  as  to  the 
last  point;  but  was  he  right  as  to  the  office  he  assigned 
to  kings  ?  In  his  view  it  was  a  heroic  action  to  take  up 
arms  for  the  church.f  But  w^hat  church  was  it  necessary 
to  protect  and  extend  sword  in  hand?  Catholic  princes, 
assuredly,  drew  the  sword  against  the  Protestants  rather 
than  the  Protestants  against  the  Catholics.  The  most 
heroic  kings,  by  this  rule,  would  be  Philip  II.  and  Louis 

*  'Prrecipunm  hoc  offiomm  esse  snmmonim  principura  propag'are 
et  tueri  crelestem  doctrinam.'  — Corp.  Ref.,  iii.  p.  671. 

t  'Illud  priBcipue  est  heroicam  pro  ecclesia  contra  tyraimos  aruia 
gerere.' — Ibid. 


158  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

XIV.  Melanclitlion's  principle  leads  by  a  straight  road 
to  the  Inquisition.  To  express  our  whole  thought  on 
the  matter, — what  descendant  of  the  Huguenots  could 
possibly  acknowledge  as  true,  as  divine,  a  principle  by 
virtue  of  which  his  forefathers,  men  of  whom  the  world 
was  not  worthy,  were  stripped  of  every  thing,  afflicted, 
tormented,  scattered  in  the  deserts,  mountains,  and  caves 
of  the  earth,  cast  into  prison,  tortured,  banished,  and 
put  to  death  ?  Conscience,  which  is  the  voice  of  God,  is 
higher  than  all  the  voices  of  men. 


CHAPTER    11. 


HENRY  VIII.,  SUPREME  HEAD  OF  THE  ENGLISH  CHURCH ^A 

MARTYR. 

(1538.) 

The  Romish  party  in  England  did  not  confine  itself  to 
preventing  the  union  of  Henry  with  the  Protestants  of 
Germany;  but  contended  at  all  points  against  evangelical 
reformation,  and  strove  to  gain  over  the  king  by  a  display 
of  enthusiastic  devotion  to  his  person  and  his  ecclesiasti- 
cal supremacy.  This  was  especially  the  policy  of  Gar- 
diner. Endowed  with  great  acuteness  of  intellect,  he  had 
studied  the  king's  character,  and  he  put  forth  all  his 
powers  to  secure  his  adoj^tion  of  his  own  ^iews.  Henry 
did  not  esteem  his  character,  but  highly  appreciated  his 
talents,  and  on  this  account  employed  him.  Now  Gar- 
diner was  the  mainstay  of  the  Scholastic  doctrines  and 
the  most  inflexible  opponent  of  the  Reformation.  He 
was  for  three  years  ambassador  in  France,  and  during 
that  mission  he  had  disjolayed  great  j^omj)  and  spent  a 
sum  equivalent,  in  our  present  reckoning,  to  about  sixty 
thousand  pounds.  He  had  visited  the  court  of  the  em- 
peror, and  had  had  interviews  with  the  Roman  legate. 


CH.iP.  11.  RETURN    OF    GAKDIXER.  159 

One  clay,  at  Ratisbon,  an  Italian  named  Liidovico,  a  ser- 
vant of  the  legate,  while  talking  with  one  of  the  atten- 
dants of  Sir  Henry  Knevet,  who  was  a  member  of  the 
English  embassy,  had  confided  to  him  the  statement  that 
Gardiner  had  secretly  been  reconciled  with  the  pope,  and 
had  entered  into  correspondence  with  him.  Knevet,  ex- 
ceedingly anxious  to  know  what  to  think  of  it,  had  had  a 
conference  with  Ludovico,  and  had  come  away  convinced 
of  the  reahty  of  the  fact.  No  sooner  did  Gardiner  get 
wind  of  these  things,  then  he  betook  himseK  to  Granvella, 
chancellor  of  the  empire,  and  sharpty  complained  to  him 
of  the  calumnies  of  Ludovico.  The  chancellor  ordered 
the  Italian  to  be  put  in  prison ;  but  in  spite  of  this  meas- 
ure many  continued  to  believe  that  he  had  spoken  truth. 
We  are  inclined  to  think  that  Ludovico  said  more  than 
he  knew.  The  story,  however,  indicates  from  which  quar- 
ter the  wind  was  blowing  in  the  sphere  in  which  Gardiner 
moved.  He  had  set  out  for  Paris  on  October  1,  1535; 
and  on  September  28,  1538,  there  was  to  be  seen  enter- 
ing London  a  brilhant  and  numerous  band,  mules  and 
chariots  hung  with  draperies  on  which  were  embroidered 
the  arms  of  the  master,  lackeys,  gentlemen  dressed  in 
velvet,  with  many  ushers  and  soldiers.  This  was  Gar- 
diner and  his  suite.* 

The  three  years'  absence  of  this  formidable  adversary 
of  the  Gospel  had  been  marked  by  a  slackening  of  the 
persecution,  and  by  a  more  active  propagation  of  the 
Holy  Scriptures.  His  return  was  to  be  distinguished  by 
a  vigorous  renewal  of  the  struggle  against  the  Gospel. 
This  was  the  main  business  of  Gardiner.  To  this  he  con- 
secrated all  the  resources  of  the  most  acute  understand- 
ing and  the  most  persistent  character.  He  began  imme- 
diately to  lay  snares  round  the  king,  whom  in  this  respect 

*  Some  historians  have  supposed  that  Gardiner's  embassj''  had 
lasted  only  two  years.  The  dates  we  give  are  taken  from  a  paper 
written  by  the  bishop, — The  Account  of  his  expenses.  His  suite  is 
described  by  Wriothesley.—<Sta^e  papers,  viii.  p.  51. 


160  THE    REF'ORMATIOX    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

it  was  not  very  lia,rd  to  entrap.  Two  difficulties,  how- 
ever, arose.  At  first  Henry  VIII.,  by  the  influence  of  the 
deceased  queen,  had  been  somewhat  softened  towards 
the  Reformation.  Then  the  rumors  of  the  reconciliation 
of  Gardiner  with  the  jDope  might  have  alienated  the  king 
from  him.  The  crafty  man  proceeded  cleverly  and  killed 
two  birds  with  one  stone.  'The  j^ope,'  he  said  to  the 
king,  'is  doing  all  he  can  to  ruin  you.'  Hemy,  provoked 
at  the  mission  of  Pole,  had  no  doubt  of  that.  'You 
ought  then.  Sire,'  continued  the  bishop,  'to  do  all  that 
is  possible  to  conciliate  the  Continental  powers,  and  to 
place  yourself  in  security  from  the  treacherous  designs  of 
Rome.*  Now  the  surest  means  of  conciliating  Francis 
I.,  Charles  V.,  and  other  potentates,  is  to  proceed  rigor- 
ously against  heretics,  especially  against  the  sacramen- 
tarians.'  Henry  agreed  to  the  means  proposed  with  the 
more  readiness  because  he  had  always  been  a  fanatic  for 
the  corporal  presence,  and  because  the  Lutherans,  in  his 
view,  could  not  take  offence  at  seeing  him  burn  some  of 
the  sacramentarians. 

A  beginning  was  made  with  the  Anabaptists.  The  mad 
and  atrocious  things  perpetrated  at  Munster  were  still 
everywhere  talked  of,  and  these  wretched  people  were 
persecuted  in  all  European  countries.  Some  of  them  had 
taken  refuge  in  England.  In  October,  1538,  the  king 
appointed  a  commission  to  examine  certain  peoj)le  'lately 
come  into  the  kingdom,  who  are  keeping  themselves  in 
concealment  in  various  nooks  and  corners.'  The  com- 
mission was  authorized  to  proceed,  even  sujDposing  this 
should  be  in  contravention  of  any  statutes  of  the  realm.f 

Four  Anabaptists  bore  the  fagots  at  Paul's  church,  and 
two   others,  a  man   and  a  woman,   originally  from  the 

*  '  Adversns  poutificis  molimina  atque  teehnas.'— Gerdesius,  Ann., 
iv.  p.  284. 

t  '  Aliqnibus  statutis  in  parliamontis  nostris  in  contrariam  editis, 
cffiterisque  contrai"iis  non  obstantibus  quibuscumque.'  (Royal  Com- 
mission of  October  1,  1538. )— Wilkius,  iii.  p.  836. 


CHAP.  n.  BISHOP    SAMPSON.  161 

Netherlands,  were  burnt  in  Smitliiielcl.  Cranmer  and 
Bonner  sat  on  this  commission,  side  by  side  with  S cokes- 
ley  and  SampsoD.  This  fact  shows  what  astonishing 
error  prevailed  at  the  time  in  the  minds  of  men.  Gar- 
diner wanted  to  go  further;  and  while  associating,  when 
persecution  was  in  hand,  with  such  men  as  Cranmer,  he 
bad  secret  conferences  with  Stokesley,  bishop  of  Lon- 
don, Ton  stall  of  Durham,  Sampson  of  Chichester,  and 
others,  who  were  devoted  to  the  doctrines  of  the  Mid- 
dle Ages.  They  talked  over  the  means  of  resisting  the 
reforms  of  Cranmer  and  Cromwell,  and  of  restoring 
Catholicism. 

Bishop  Sampson,  one  of  Gardiner's  allies,  was  a  staunch 
friend  of  ancient  superstitions,  and  attached  especial  im- 
portance to  the  requirement  that  God  should  not  be 
addressed  in  a  language  understood  by  the  common  peo- 
ple. 'In  all  places,'  he  said,  'both  with  the  Latins  and 
the  Greeks,  the  ministers  of  the  church  sung  or  said  their 
offices  or  prayers  in  the  Latin  or  Greek  grammatical 
tongue,  and  not  in  the  vulgar.  That  the  people  prayed 
apart  in  such  tongues  as  they  would  ....  and  he 
wished  that  all  the  ministers  were  so  well  learned  that 
they  understood  their  offices,  service  or  prayers  which 
they  said  in  the  Latin  tongue.'*  In  his  view,  it  was  not 
lawful  to  speak  to  God  except  grammatically. 

Sampson,  a  weak  and  narrow-minded  man,  was  swayed 
by  prejudices  and  ruled  by  stronger  men;  and  he  had 
introduced  in  his  diocese  customs  contrar}^  to  the  orders 
of  the  king.  Weak  minds  are  often  in  the  van  when 
important  movements  are  beginning;  the  strong  ones 
are  in  the  rear  and  urge  them  on.  This  was  the  case 
with  Sampson  and  Gardiner.  Cromwell,  who  had  a  keen 
and  penetrating  intellect,  and  whose  glance  easily  searched 
the  depths  of  men's  hearts  and  pierced  to  the  core  of  facts, 
perceived  that  some  project  was  hatching  against  the 
Reformation;  and  as  he  did  not  dare  to  attack  the  real 

*  Strype,  Eccles.  Mem.,  i.  p.  500. 


162  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

leaders,  he  liad  Sampson  arrested  and  committed  to  the 
Tower.  The  bishop  was  not  strong-minded  and  trembled 
for  a  sHght  cause;  it  may,  therefore,  be  imagined  how  it 
was  with  him  when  he  found  himself  in  the  state  prison. 
He  fell  into  great  trouble  and  extraordinary  dejection  of 
mind.*  His  imagination  was  filled  with  fatal  presenti- 
ments, and  his  soul  was  assailed  by  great  terrors.  To 
have  displeased  the  king  and  Cromwell,  what  a  crime! 
One  might  have  thought  that  he  would  die  of  it,  says  a 
historian.  He  saw  himself  already  on  the  scaffold  of 
Bishop)  Fisher  and  Sir  Thomas  More.  At  this  time  the 
powerful  minister  summoned  him  to  his  presence.  Samp- 
son admitted  the  formation  of  an  alliance  between  Gar- 
diner, Stokesley,  Tonstall  and  himself  to  maintain  the 
old  religion,  its  traditions  and  rites,  and  to  resist  any 
innovation.  He  avowed  the  fact  that  his  colleagues  and 
himself  stood  pledged  to  put  forth  all  their  efforts  for 
the  restoration  of  degenerated  Catholicism.  In  their 
opinion,  nothing  which  the  Greeks  had  preserved  ought 
to  be  rejected  in  England.  One  day  when  Bishop  Samp- 
son was  passing  over  the  Thames  in  a  barge,  in  company 
with  the  bishop  of  Durham,  to  Lambeth  Palace,  the  latter 
produced  an  old  Greek  book  which  he  used  to  carry  in 
his  pocket,  and  showed  Sampson  several  places  in  that 
book  wherein  matters  that  were  then  in  controversy  were 
ordained  by  the  Greek  Church. f  These  bishops,  who 
spoke  so  courageously  to  each  other,  did  not  speak  so 
with  the  king.  They  feigned  complete  accordance  with 
him;  and  for  him  they  had  nothing  but  flatteries.  Cran- 
mer  was  not  strong,  but  at  least  he  was  never  a  hypo- 
crite. Sampson,  however,  exhibited  so  much  penitence 
and  promised  so  much  submission  that  he  was  liberated. 
But  Cromwell  now  knew  what  to  think  of  the  matter. 
A  conspiracy  was  threatening  the  work  which  he  had 
been  at  so  much  pains  to  accomplish.     He  observed  that 

*  Strype,  Eccles.  Mem.,  i.  p.  504. 

t  Strype,  Eccles.  Mem.,  1.  jjp.  500  sqq. 


OH.VP.  n.  JOHN   NICnOLSOX.  163 

tlie  arclilushop's  inflnence  was  decliniog  at  court,  and  he 
began  to  have  secret  forebodings  of  calamity  in  which 
he  would  be  himself  involved. 

Gardiner,  in  fact,  energetically  urged  the  king  to  re- 
establish all  the  ancient  usages.  Thus,  although  but  a 
little  while  before  orders  had  been  given  to  place  bibles 
in  the  churches,  and  to  preach  against  pilgrimages,  tapers, 
kissing  of  relics,  and  other  like  practices,*  it  was  now 
forbidden  to  translate,  publish,  and  circulate  any  religious 
works  without  the  king's  permission;  and  injunctions 
were  issued  for  the  use  of  holy  water,  for  ^processions,  for 
kneeling  down  and  crawling  before  the  cross,  and  for 
lighting  of  tapers  before  the  Gorjjus  Christi.  Discus- 
sions about  this  sacrament  of  the  Eucharist  were  j^rohib- 
ited.f  It  was  Gardiner's  wish  to  seal  these  ordinances 
with  the  blood  of  martyrs.  He  had  begun  by  striking 
in  anima  vili;  the  persecution  of  the  Dutch  sacramenta- 
rians  was  merely  the  exordium;  it  was  needful  now  to 
proceed  to  the  very  action  itself,  to  strike  a  blow  at  an 
evangelical  and  esteemed  Englishman,  and  to  invest  his 
death  with  a  certain  importance. 

There  w^as  at  this  time  in  London,  a  minister  named 
John  Nicholson,  who  had  studied  at  the  university  of 
Cambridge,  had  been  converted  by  means  of  his  conver- 
sations with  Bilney,  and  had  afterwards  been  the  friend 
of  Tyndale  and  Frith,  and  by  his  intercourse  with  them 
had  been  strengthened  in  the  faith.  He  was  a  conscien- 
tious man,  who  did  not  suppose  that  it  was  enough  to 
hold  a  doctrine  comformable  with  the  Word  of  God,  but, 
conscious  of  the  great  value  of  the  truth,  was  ready  to 
lay  down  his  life  for  it,  even  if  there  were  nothing  at 
stake  but  a  point  looked  upon  as  secondary.  Faithful- 
ness or  unfaithfulness  to  one's  convictions — this  was  in 
his  view  the  decisive  test  of  the  morahty  or  immorahty 
of  a  man.     In  the  age   of  the   Eeformation  there  were 

*  Stryj)e,  Eccha.  Mem.,  i.  p.  496. 
t  Strype,  Wilkius,  ifcc. 


164  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

greater  preachers  and  greater  theologians  than  Nichol- 
son; but  there  was  not  one  more  deserving  of  honor. 
Having  translated  from  the  Latin  and  the  Greek  works 
which  might  give  offence,  and  having  professed  his  faith, 
he  had  been  obliged  to  cross  the  sea,  and  he  became 
chaplain  to  the  English  house  at  Antwerp.  Here  it  was 
that  he  became  acquainted  with  Tyndale  and  Frith. 
Being  accused  of  heresy  by  one  Barlow,  he  was  taken 
to  London,  by  order  of  Sir  Thomas  More,  then  chan- 
cellor, and  was  kept  prisoner  at  Oxford,  in  the  house  of 
Ai'chbishop  Warham,  where  he  was  deprived  of  every 
thing,  especially  of  books.  On  the  occasion  of  his  ap- 
pearance, in  1532,  before  the  archbishop  and  other  prel- 
ates, Nicholson  steadfastly  maintained  that  all  that  is 
necessary  to  salvation  is  to  be  found  in  the  Holy  Script- 
ure. '  This,'  he  said,  '  is  the  question  which  is  the  head 
and  whole  ^content  of  all  others  objected  against  me. 
This  is  both  the  helm  and  stern  of  both  together.'* 
There  were  forty-five  points,  and  to  these  he  made  an- 
swer article  by  article. f  Shortly  afterwards,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  death  of  Warham  and  of  Cranmer's  appoint- 
ment to  the  vacant  see,  the  Antwerp  chaplain  was  set  at 
liberty.  He  determined  to  remain  in  London,  took,  it 
seems,  from  prudential  considerations,  the  name  of  Lam- 
bert, and  devoted  himself  to  the  labors  of  a  teacher,  but 
at  the  same  time  adhered  to  the  resolution  to  avail  him- 
self of  every  opportunity  of  maintaining  the  truth. 

Being  informed  one  day  that  Doctor  Taylor  was  to 
preach  at  St.  Peter's  Church,  Cornhill,  he  went  to  hear 
him,  not  only  because  of  his  well-known  gifts,  but  also 
because  he  was  not  far  from  the  Gospel.  He  was  later 
appointed  bishop  of  Lincoln  under  pious  King  Edward, 
and  was  deprived  of  that  office  imder  the  fanatical  Mary. 
Taylor  preached  that  day  on  the  real  presence  of  Christ 

*  Fox,  V.  p.  193. 

t  The  forty-five  points  and  the  answers  to  tliem  are  given  in  Fox, 
Acts,  V.  pp.  181-225. 


CHAP.  n.  HIS    WORK    ON    THE    LORDS    SUPPER.  1()5 

in  the  bread  and  the  wme.  Nicholson  also  believed, 
indeed,  in  the  presence  of  the  Lord  in  the  Supper,  but 
this  presence,  he  beUeved,  was  in  the  hearts  of  the  faith- 
ful. After  the  service  he  went  to  see  Taylor,  and  with 
modesty  and  kindliness  urged  various  arguments  against 
the  doctrines  which  he  had  been  setting  forth.  '  I  have 
not  time  just  now,'  said  the  doctor,  'to  discuss  the  point 
with  you,  as  other  matters  demand  my  attention;  but 
oblige  me  by  putting  your  thoughts  in  writing  and  call 
again  when  I  am  more  at  leisure.'  Lambert  applied  him- 
self to  the  task  of  writing,  and  against  the  doctrine  of  the 
presence  in  the  bread  he  adduced  ten  arguments,  which 
were,  says  Fox,  very  powerful.  It  does  not  appear  that 
Taylor  replied  to  them.  He  was  an  upright  man,  who 
gave  impartial  consideration  to  these  questions,  and  by 
Nicholson's  reasoning  he  seems  to  have  been  somewhat 
shaken.  As  Taylor  was  anxious  to  be  enlightened  him- 
self and  to*  try  to  satisfy  his  friendly  opponent,  he  com- 
municated the  document  to  Barnes.  The  latter,  a  truly 
evangelical  Christian,  was  nevertheless  of  opinion  that  to 
put  forward  the  doctrine  of  this  little  work  would  seri- 
ously injure  the  cause  of  the  Reformation.  He  therefore 
advised  Taylor  to  speak  to  Archbishop  Cranmer  on  the 
subject.  Cranmer,  who  was  of  the  same  opinion,  invited 
Nicholson  to  a  conference,  at  which  Barnes,  Taylor,  and 
Latimer  were  also  present.  These  four  divines  had  not 
at  this  time  abandoned  the  view  which  the  ex-chaplain 
of  Antwerp  opposed:  and  considering  the  fresh  revival 
of  sacramental  Catholicism,  they  were  not  inchned  to 
do  so.  They  strove  therefore  to  change  the  opinion  of 
the  pious  minister,  but  in  vain.  Finding  that  they 
unanimously  condemned  his  views,  he  exclaimed:  'Well 
then,  I  appeal  to  the  king.'  This  was  a  foolish  and  fatal 
appeal. 

Gardiner  did  not  lose  a  minute,  but  promptly  took  the 
business  in  hand,  because  he  saw  in  it  an  opj^ortunify  of 
striking  a  heavy  blow;   and,    what  was  an   inestimable 


IGG  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

aclvuntage,  he  would  have  on  his  side,  he  thought,  Cran- 
mer  and  the  other  three  evangelical  divioes.  He  there- 
fore '  went  straight  to  the  king,'*  and  requesting  a  private 
audience,  addressed  him  in  the  most  flattering  terms. 
Then,  as  if  the  interests  of  the  king  were  dearer  to  him 
than  to  the  king  himself,  he  respectfully  pointed  out  that 
he  had  everywhere  excited  by  various  recent  proceedings 
suspicion  and  hatred;  but  that  at  this  moment  a  way  was 
open  for  pacifjdng  men's  minds,  '  if  only  in  this  matter  of 
John  Lambert,  he  would  manifest  unto  the  people  how 
strictly  he  w^ould  resist  heretics;  and  by  this  uew  rumor 
he  would  bring  to  pass  not  only  to  extinguish  all  other 
former  rumors,  and  as  it  w^ere  with  one  nail  to  drive  out 
another,  but  also  should  discharge  himself  of  all  suspi- 
cion, in  that  he  now  began  to  be  reported  to  be  a  favorer 
of  new  sects  and  opinions.' f 

The  vanity  as  well  as  the  interests  of  Henry  VIII.  dic- 
tated to  him  the  same  course  as  Gardiner  advised.  He 
determined  to  avail  himself  of  this  opportunity  to  make 
an  ostentatious  display  of  his  own  knowdedge  and  zeal. 
He  would  make  arrangements  of  an  imposing  character; 
it  would  not  be  enough  to  hold  a  mere  conversation,  but 
there  must  be  a  grand  show.  He  therefore  ordered  in- 
vitations to  be  sent  to  a  great  number  of  nobles  and 
bishops  to  attend  the  solemn  trial  at  which  he  would 
appear  as  head  of  the  church.  He  was  not  content  with 
the  title  alone,  he  would  show  that  he  acted  the  part. 
One  of  the  principal  characteristics  of  Henry  VIII.  was 
a  fondness  for  showing  off  what  he  conceived  himself  to 
be  or  what  he  supposed  himself  to  know,  without  ever 
suspecting  that  display  is  often  the  ruin  of  those  who 
wish  to  seem  more  than  they  are. J 

Meanwhile  Lambert,  confined  at  Lambeth,  wrote  an 
apology  for  his  faith  which  he  dedicated  to  the  king,  and 

*  Fox,  V.  p.  228. 
t  Fox,  V.  p.  228. 
t  Fox,  Burnet,  Godwin. 


CHAP.  n.  LAMBERT    BEFORE    THE    KING.  167 

in  which  he  solidly  established  the  doctrine  which  he  had 
professed.*  He  rejoiced  that  his  request  to  be  heard 
before  Henry  VIII.  had  been  granted.  He  desired  that 
his  trial  might  be  blessed,  and  he  indulged  in  the  j^leas- 
ing  illusion  that  the  king,  once  set  in  the  presence  of  the 
truth,  must  needs  be  enlightened  and  would  publicly  pro- 
claim it.  These  pleasant  fancies  gave  him  coiu'age,  and 
he  lived  on  hope. 

On  the  appointed  da}^  Friday,  November  16,  1538,  the 
assembly  was  constituted  in  Westminster  Hall.  The 
king,  in  his  robes  of  state,  sat  upon  the  throne.  On  his 
right  were  the  bishoiDS,  judges,  and  jui'iscon suits;  on  his 
left  the  lords  temporal  of  the  realm  and  the  officers  of 
the  royal  house.  The  guards,  attired  in  white,  w^ere  near 
their  master,  and  a  crowd  of  spectators  filled  the  haU. 
The  prisoner  was  placed  at  the  bar.  Doctor  Day  f  spoke 
to  the  following  effect:  That  the  king  iu  this  session  would 
have  all  states,  degrees,  bishops,  and  all  others  to  be 
admonished  of  his  will  and  pleasure,  that  no  man  should 
conceive  any  sinister  opinion  of  him,  as  that  now  the 
authority  and  name  of  the  bishop  of  Kome  being  utterly 
abolished,  he  would  also  extinguish  all  religion,  or  give 
liberty  unto  heretics  to  perturb  and  trouble,  without  pun- 
ishment, the  churches  of  England,  whereof  he  is  the  head. 
And  moreover  that  they  should  not  think  that  they  were 
assembled  at  that  present  to  make  any  disputation  uj^on 
the  heretical  doctrine;  but  only  for  this  purpose,  that  by 
the  industry  of  him  and  other  bishops  the  heresies  of  this 
man  here  present  (meaning  Lambert),  and  the  heresies 
of  all  such  like,  should  be  refuted  or  openly  condemned 
in  the  presence  of  them  all.  Henry's  part  then  began. 
His  look  w^as  sternly  fixed  on  Lambert,  who  stood  facing 

*  This  apology,  entitled  A  Treatise  of  John  Lambert  upon  the  sacra- 
ment, addressed  to  the  king,  is  given  in  Fox,  v.  pp.  237-250. 

t  *Fox  saith  it  was  Day,  bishop  of  Chichester;  but  in  that  he  was 
mistaken,  for  he  was  not  yet  bishop.'  It  was  in  fact  Bishop  Samp- 
son.-r-Strype,  Mem.  of  Cranmer,  ch.  xviii.     (Translator's  note.) 


168  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

him ;  his  features  were  contracted,  his  brows  were  knit.* 
His  whole  aspect  was  adapted  to  inspire  terror,  and  indi- 
cated a  violence  of  anger  unbecoming  in  a  judge,  and  still 
more  so  in  a  sovereign.     He  rose,  stood  leaning  on  a 
white  cushion,  and  looking  Lambert  full  m  the  face,  he 
said  to  him  in  a  disdainful  tone:  'Ho!  good  fellow,  what 
is   thy  name?'     The    accused,    humbly  kneehng   down, 
replied:  'My  name  is  John  Nicholson,  although  of  many 
I  be  called  Lambert.'     '  What ! '  said  the  king,  '  have  you 
two  names  ?     I  would  not  trust  you,  having  two  names, 
although  you  were  my  brother.'     'O  most  noble  prince,' 
repUed  the  accused,  '  your  bishops  forced  me  of  necessity 
to  change  my  name.'     Thereupon  the  king,  interrupting 
him,   commanded   him   to  declare  what    he    thought  as 
touching  the  sacrament  of  the  altar.     '  Sire,'  said  Lam- 
bert, '  first  of  all  I  give  God  thanks  that  you  do  not  dis- 
dain to  hear,  me.     Many  good  men,  in  many  places,  are 
put  to  death,  without  your  knowledge.     But  now,  foras- 
much as  that  high  and  eternal  King  of  kmgs  hath  inspired 
and  stirred  up  the  king's  mind  to  understand  the  causes 
of  his  subjects,  specially  whom  God  of  his  divine  good- 
ness hath  so  abundantly  endued  with  so  great  gifts  of 
judgment  and  knowledge,  I  do  not  mistrust  but  that  God 
will  bring  some  great  thing  to  pass  through  him,  to  the 
setting  forth  of  the  glory  of  his  name.'    Henry,  wbo  could 
not  bear  to  be  praised  by  a  heretic,  rudely  interrupted 
Lambert,  and  said  to  him  in  an  angry  tone:  'I  came  not 
hither  to  hear  mine  own  praises  thus  painted  out  in  my 
presence;  but  briefly  go  to  the  matter,  without  any  more 
circumstance.'     There  was   so   much   harshness    in   the 
king's  voice  that  Lambert  was   agitated  and  confused. 
He  had  dreamed  of  something  very  different.     He  bad 
conceived  a  sovereign  just  and  elevated  above  the  reach 
of  clerical  passions,  whose  noble  understanding  would  be 
struck  with  the  beauty  of  the  Gospel.     But  he  saw  a  pas- 

*  'The  king's  look,  liis  cruel  countenance,  and  bis  brows  bent 
unto  severity,'  &c.— Fox,  v.  p.  229. 


CHAP.  n.  HIS    ADDRESS.  IT)!) 

sionate  man,  a  servant  of  tlio  priests.  In  astonishment 
and  confusion  he  kept  silence  for  a  few  minutes,  question- 
ing within  himself  what  he  ought  to  do  in  the  extremity 
to  which  he  was  reduced. 

Lambert  was  especially  attached  to  the  great  verities 
of  the  Christian  religion,  and  during  his  trial  he  made 
tmreserved  confession  of  them.  '  Our  Savioui*  would  not 
have  us  greatly  esteem  oar  merits,'  said  he,  'when  we 
have  done  what  is  commanded  by  God,  but  rather  reckon 
ourselves  to  be  but  servants  unprofitable  to  God  .  .  . 
not  regarding  our  merit,  but  his  grace  and  benefit.  Woe 
be  to  the  life  of  men,  said  St.  Augustine,  be  they  ever 
so  holy,  if  Thou  shalt  examine  them,  setting  thy  mercy 
aside.  .  .  .  Again  he  says,  Doth  any  man  give  what 
he  oweth  not  unto  Thee,  that  Thou  should'st  be  in  his 
debt?  and  hath  any  man  aught  that  is  not  Thine?  .  .  . 
All  my  hope  is  in  the  Lord's  death.  His  death  is  my 
merit,  my  refuge,  my  health,  and  my  resurrection.  And 
thus,'  adds  Lambert,  '  we  should  serve  God  with  hearty 
love  as  children,  and  not  for  need  or  dread,  as  unloving 
thralls  and  servants.'* 

But  the  king  wanted  to  localize  the  attack  and  to  Hmit 
the  examination  of  Lambert  to  the  subject  of  the  sacra- 
ment. Finding  that  the  accused  stood  silent,  the  king 
said  to  him  in  a  hasty  manner  with  anger  and  vehe- 
mency:f  '  Why  standest  thou  still  ?  Answer  as  touch- 
ing the  sacrament  of  the  altar,  whether  dost  thou  say 
that  it  is  the  body  of  Christ  or  wilt  deny  it?'  After 
uttering  these  words,  the  king  lifted  up  his  cap  adorned 
with  pearls  and  feathers,  probably  as  a  token  of  reverence 
for  the  subject  under  discussion.  *I  answer  with  St. 
Augustine,*  said  Lambert,  '  that  it  is  the  body  of  Christ 
after  a  certain  manner,' |  The  king  replied:  'Answer 
me  neither  out  of  St.  Augustine,  nor  by  the  authority  of 
any  other;  but  tell  me  plainly  whether  thou  sayost  it  is 

*  Fox,  Acts,  V.  pp.  188,  189.  f  Ibid.,  p.  230. 

X  '  Quodam  inodo. ' 


170  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

the  body  of  Clirist  or  no.'  Lambert  felt  what  niight  be 
the  consequences  of  his  answer,  but  without  hesitation 
he  said:  'Then  I  deny  it  to  be  the  body  of  Christ.' 
*Mark  well! '  exclaimed  the  king;  'for  now  thou  shalt  be 
condemned  even  by  Chi'ist's  own  word,  Hoc  est  corpus 
meum.' 

The  king  then  turning  to  Cranmer  commanded  him  to 
refute  the  opinion  of  the  accused.  The  archbishop  spoke 
with  modesty,  calling  Lambert  'brother,'  and  although 
refuting  his  arguments  he  told  him  that  if  he  proved  his 
opinion  from  Holy  Scripture,  he  (Cranmer)  would  will- 
ingly embrace  it.  Gardiner,  finding  that  Cranmer  was 
too  weak,  began  to  speak.  Tonstall  and  Stokesley  fol- 
lowed. Lambert  had  put  forward  ten  arguments,  and 
ten  doctors  were  appointed  to  deal  with  them,  each  doc- 
tor to  impugn  one  of  them.  Of  the  whole  disputation 
the  passage  yrhich  made  the  deepest  impression  on  the 
assembly  was  Stokesley's  argument.  'It  is  the  doctrine 
of  the  philosophers,' he  said,  'that  a  substance  can  not 
be  changed  but  into  a  substance.'  Then,  by  the  example 
of  water  boiling  on  the  fire,  he  affirmed  the  substance  of 
the  water  to  pass  into  the  substance  of  the  air.*  On  hear- 
ing this  argument,  the  aspect  of  the  bishops,  hitherto 
somewhat  uneasy,  suddenly  changed.  They  were  trans- 
ported with  joy,  and  considered  this  transmutation  of 
the  elements  as  giving  them  the  victory,  and  they  cast 
their  looks  over  the  whole  assembly  with  an  air  of  tri- 
umph. Loud  shouts  of  applause  for  some  time  inter- 
rupted the  sitting.  When  silence  was  at  length  restored, 
Lambert  replied  that  the  moistness  of  the  water,  its  real 
essence,  remained  even  after  this  transformation;  that 
nothing  was  changed  but  the  form ;  while  in  their  system 
of  the  corpus  domini  the  substance  itself  was  changed; 
and  that  it  is  impossible  that  the  qualities  and  accidents 
of  things  should  remain  in  their  own  nature  apart  from 
their   own  subject.     But   Lambert  was  not    allowed   to 

*  Fox,  Acts,  V.  pp.  232,  233. 


CHAP.  n.  CONDEMNATIOX    OF    LAMBERT.  171 

finish  his  refutation.  The  king  and  the  bishops,  indig- 
nant that  he  ventured  to  impugn  an  argument  which  had 
transported  them  with  admiration,  gave  vent  to  their 
rage  against  him,*  so  that  he  was  forced  to  silence,  and 
had  to  endure  patiently  all  their  insults. 

The  sitting  had  lasted  from  noon  till  five  o'clock  in  the 
evening.  It  had  been  a  real  martyrdom  for  Lambert. 
Loaded  with  rebukes  and  insults,  intimidated  by  the 
solemnity  of  the  proceedings  and  by  the  authority  of  the 
persons  with  whom  he  had  to  do,  alarmed  by  the  pres- 
ence of  the  king  and  by  the  terrible  threats  which  were 
uttered  against  him,  his  body  too,  which  was  weak  before, 
giving  way  under  the  fatigue  of  a  sitting  of  five  hours, 
during  which,  standing  all  the  time,  he  had  been  com- 
pelled to  fight  a  fierce  battle,  convinced  that  the  clearest 
and  most  irresistible  demonstrations  would  be  smoth- 
ered amidst  the  outcries  of  the  bystanders,  he  called  to 
mind  these  words  of  Scripture,  'Be  still,'  and  was  silent. 
This  self-restraint  was  regarded  as  defeat.  AVhere  is  the 
knowledge  so  much  boasted  of?  they  said;  where  is  his 
power  of  argumentation?  The  assembly  had  looked  for 
great  bursts  of  eloquence,  but  the  accused  was  silent. 
The  palm  of  victory  was  awarded  to  the  king  and  the 
bishops  by  noisy  and  universal  shouts  of  applause. 

It  was  now  night.  The  servants  of  the  royal  house 
appeared  in  the  hall  and  lighted  the  torches.  Henry 
began  to  find  his  part  as  head  of  the  church  somewhat 
wearisome.  He  determined  to  bring  the  business  to  a 
conclusion,  and  by  his  severity  to  give  to  the  pope  and  to 
Christendom  a  brilliant  proof  of  his  orthodoxy.  'What 
sayest  thou  now,'  he  said  to  Lambert,  'after  all  these 
great  labors  which  thou  hast  taken  upon  thee,  and  all 
the  reasons  and  instructions  of  these  learned  men?  Art 
thou  not  yet  satisfied?  Wilt  thou  live  or  die?  What 
sayest  thou  ?  Thou  hast  yet  free  choice.'  Lambert  an- 
swered, 'I  commend  my  soul  into  the  hands  of  God,  but 

*  Fox. 


172  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

my  body  I  wliolly  yield  and  submit  unto  your  clemency.' 
Then  said  the  king,  '  lu  that  case  you  must  die,  for  I  will 
not  be  a  patron  unto  heretics.'  Unhappy  Lambert !  He 
had  committed  himself  to  the  mercy  of  a  prince  who 
never  spared  a  man  who  offended  him,  were  it  even  his 
closest  friend.  The  monarch  turned  to  his  \dcar-general 
and  said,  '  Cromwell,  read  the  sentence  of  condemnation.' 
This  was  a  cruel  task  to  impose  upon  a  man  universally 
considered  to  be  the  friend  of  the  evangelicals.  But 
Cromw^ell  felt  the  ground  already  trembling  under  his 
feet.  He  took  the  sentence  and  read  it.  Lambert  was 
condemned  to  be  burnt. 

Four  days  afterwards,  on  Tuesday,  November  20,  the 
evangelist  was  taken  out  of  the  prison  at  eight  o'clock  in 
the  morning  and  brought  to  Cromwell's  house.  Crom- 
well summoned  him  to  his  room  and  announced  that  the 
hour  of  his  death  was  come.  The  tidings  gi'eatly  con- 
soled andr  gladdened  Lambert.  It  is  stated  that  Crom- 
well added  some  words  by  way  of  excuse  for  the  part 
which  he  had  taken  in  his  condemnation,  and  sent  him 
into  the  room  where  the  gentlemen  of  his  household  were 
at  breakfast.  He  sat  down  and  at  their  m^dtation  par- 
took of  the  meal  with  them,  with  all  the  composm-e  of  a 
Christian.  Immediately  after  breakfast  he  was  taken  to 
Smithfield,  and  was  there  placed  on  the  pile,  which  was 
not  raised  high.  His  legs  only  were  burnt,  and  nothing 
remained  but  the  stumps.  He  was,  however,  still  alive; 
and  two  of  the  soldiers,  observing  that  his  whole  body 
could  not  be  consumed,  thrust  into  him  their  halberts, 
one  on  each  side,  and  raised  him  above  the  fire.  The 
martyr,  stretching  towards  the  people  his  hands  now 
burning,  said,  '  None  but  Christ !  None  but  Christ ! '  At 
this  moment  the  soldiers  withdrew  their  weapons  and  let 
the  pious  Lambert  drop  into  the  fire,  which  speedily  con- 
sumed him.* 

Henry  VIII.,  however,  was  not  satisfied.     The  hope 

*  Fox,  Godwin,  Crespin,  CoUyer,  Burnet,  &c. 


CHAP.  n.  FLATTERIES.  173 

which  he  had  entertained  of  inducing  Lambert  to  recant 
had  been  disappointed.  The  Anglo-CathoHc  party  made 
up  for  this  by  everywhere  extolling  his  learning  and  his 
eloquence.  They  praised  his  sayings  to  the  skies — every 
one  of  them  w^as  an  oracle;  he  was  in  very  deed  the 
defender  of  the  faith.  There  w^as  one,  not  belonging 
to  that  party,  who  wrote  to  Sir  Thomas  Wyatt,  then  for- 
eign minister  to  the  king,  as  follows: — *It  was  marvellous 
to  see  the  gravity  and  the  majestic  air  wdth  which  his 
majesty  discharged  the  functions  of  Supreme  head  of  the 
Anglican  Church;  the  mildness  wdth  which  he  tried  to 
convert  that  unhappy  man;  the  force  of  reasoning  with 
which  he  opposed  him.  Would  that  the  princes  and 
potentates  of  Christendom  could  have  been  present  at 
the  spectacle;  they  would  certainly  have  admired  the 
wisdom  and  the  judgment  of  his  majesty,  and  would 
have  said  that  the  king  u  the  most  excellent  prince  in  the 
Christian  world.'  * 

This  writer  was  Cromwell  himself.  He  suppressed  at 
this  time  all  the  best  aspirations  of  his  nature,  beheving 
that,  as  is  generally  thought,  if  one  means  to  retain  the 
favor  of  princes,  it  is  necessary  to  adapt  one's  self  to  all 
their  wishes.  A  mournful  fall,  which  was  not  to  be  the 
only  one  of  the  kind!  It  has  been  said,  *  Every  flatterer, 
whoever  he  may  be,  is  always  a  treacherous  and  hateful 
creature.'  f 

*  Biblioth.  Anglaise,  i,  p.  158.     Gerdesius,  Ann.,  iv.  p.  286. 
t  Bossuet. 


174  THE  REFORMATION  IN  EUROPE. 


CHAPTER  HI. 

THE     SIX     ARTICLES. 
(1538—1540.) 

While  tlie  Ajiglo-Catliolic  party  were  recoYering  their 
former  influence  over  Henry's  mind,  some  members  of 
tlie  Roman  Catholic  party  were  laboring  to  re-establish 
the  influence  of  the  j)ope.  They  supposed  that  they  had 
found  a  clue  by  means  of  which  the  king  might  be  brought 
back  to  the  obedience  of  Rome.  Henry  who,  while  busy 
in  preparing  fires  for  the  martyrs,  did  not  forget  the 
marriage*  altar,  was  very  desirous  of  obtaining  the  hand 
of  Christina,  duchess  of  Milan.  Now,  it  was  this  princess, 
a  niece  of  Charles  V.,  of  whom  it  was  thought  possible  to 
make  use  for  gaining  over  the  king  to  the  pope.  She 
was  now  at  the  court  of  Brussels,  with  her  aunt  Queen 
Mary;  and  it  is  related  that  to  the  first  offer  of  Henry 
YIII.  she  had  replied  with  a  smile, — 'I  have  but  one 
head;  if  I  had  two,  one  of  them  should  be  at  the  ser\'ice 
of  his  majesty.'  If  she  did  not  say  this,  as  some  friends 
of  Henry  VIII.  have  maintained,  something  Hke  it  was 
doubtless  said  by  one  of  the  courtiers.  However  this 
may  be,  the  king  did  not  meet  with  a  refusal.  Francis 
I.,  alarmed  at  the  prospect  of  an  alliance  between  Henry 
YIII.  and  Charles  V.,  sent  word  to  Henry  that  the  em- 
peror was  deceiving  him.  The  king  did  not  believe  it. 
The  queen  regent  of  the  Netherlands  endeavored  to  bring 
about  this  union;  Spanish  commissioners  arrived  to  con- 
duct the  negotiation,  and  Hutton  de  Wriothesley,  the 
English  envoy  at  Brussels,  devoted  himself  zealously  to 
the  business.     One  of  the  principal  officers  of  the  court, 


CHAP.  m.  MARRIAGE    NEGOTIATIONS.  175 

taking  suj^per  with  the  latter,  in  June,  1538,  inquired  of 
him  for  news  about  the  negotiation.  Hutton  expressed 
his  surprise  '  that  the  emperor  had  been  so  slack  therein.' 
His  companion  remarked  that  the  only  difficulty  in  the 
matter  was  that  the  king  his  (Hutton's)  master  had 
'married  the  lady  Katherine,  to  whom  the  duchess  is 
near  kinswoman,'  so  that  the  marriage  could  not  be  sol- 
emnized without  a  dispensation  from  the  pope.* 

The  emperor  spoke  more  clearly  still.  Wyatt  was  in- 
structed to  tell  the  king  that  the  hand  of  the  duchess  of 
Milan  would  be  given  to  him,  with  a  dowry  of  one  hun- 
dred thousand  crowns,  and  an  annuity  of  fifteen  thou- 
sand, secured  on  the  duchy;  and  that  for  the  gift  of  this 
beautiful  and  accomplished  young  widow  all  they  required 
of  him  was  that  he  should  he  reconciled  with  the  bishop  of 
Bome.f  This  was  fixing  a  high  jDrice  on  the  hand  of 
Christina.  The  princess,  considering  perhaps  that  it  was 
a  glorious  task  to  bring  back  Henry  VIII.  to  the  bosom 
of  the  papacy,  declared  her  readiness  to  obey  the  emper- 
or. The  pope,  on  his  part,  was  willing  to  grant  the  nec- 
essary dispensation;  but  the  king  must  first  make  his  sub- 
mission. For  a  prince  of  such  fiery  passions  this  was 
a  great  temptation.  The  chancellor  Wriothesley,  who 
was  negotiating  the  affair,  was  himself  undecided  about 
it.  At  one  time  he  eagerly  advocated  it,  and  at  another 
time  he  wrote  (January  21,  1539):  'If  this  marriage  may 
not  be  had  with  such  honor  and  friendship  as  is  requisite, 
that  his  Grace  may  also  fix  his  most  noble  stomach  in 
some  other  place'.  %  The  treaty  was  finally  broken  off, 
the  thread  snapped,  to  the  great  regret  of  the  Eoman 
party.  One  circumstance  might  influence  the  king's  de- 
cision. Before  the  negotiations  had  been  closed,  in  De- 
cember, 1538,  the  pope  published  the  bull  of  1535,  in 

*  State  Papers,  viii.  p.  32. 

t   '  If  your  Majesty  will  hearken  to  the  reconciling  with  the  bishop 
of  Eome.'— Wyatt's  Report  to  the  king.     State  Papers,  viii.  p.  37. 
t  State  Papers,  viii.  pp.  127,  156. 


176  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

wMcli  he  excommunicated  Heniy  VIII.  Had  the  pontiff 
no  hope  of  good  from  the  matrimonial  intrigue,  or  did 
he  intend  to  catch  the  king  by  fear? 

Henry  understood  that  it  was  not  enough  to  oppose 
the  king  of  England  to  the  pope.  The  Word  of  God 
was  for  him  the  rival  of  Kome.  During  these  years, 
1538  and  1539,  in  which  so  many  measures  were  taken 
against  the  evangelical  doctrine  and  its  teachers,  the 
Bible,  strange  to  say,  was  printed  and  circulated.  This 
publication  has  one  singular  characteristic;  it  was  made 
by  the  intervention  of  Henry  VIII.  and  Francis  L,  the 
two  greatest  enemies  of  the  faith  of  the  Holy  Scriptui'es 
among  all  the  sovereigns  of  the  world. 

The  emperor  and  the  king  of  France  occasionally  co- 
quetted with  the  king  of  England,  whom  each  of  them 
was  anxious  to  win  over  to  his  own  side.  Francis,  know- 
ing how  sensitive  Henry  was  on  the  subject  of  marriage, 
offered  Kim  his  son  Henry  of  Orleans  for  the  princess 
Mary.  Cromwell,  who  was  now  giving  way  to  the  Anglo- 
Catbohc  party  on  many  points  essential  to  reform,  was 
all  the  more  desirous  of  holding  by  those  which  his  mas- 
ter would  really  permit.  Amongst  these  was  the  trans- 
lation of  the  Bible.  He  saw  in  the  offer  made  by  Francis 
J.  an  opening  of  which  he  might  avail  himself.  An  edition 
of  the  Bible,  extending  to  2,500  copies,  published  the 
year  before  by  the  eminent  printer  Kichard  Grafton  in 
conjunction  with  ^^^litchurch,  was  now  exhausted.  Crom- 
well determined  to  issue  a  new  one;  and  as  printing  was 
better  executed  at  Paris  than  in  London,  the  French  paper 
also  being  superior,  he  begged  the  king  to  request  permis- 
sion of  Francis  I.  to  have  the  edition  printed  at  Paris. 
Francis  addressed  a  royal  letter  to  his  beloved  Grafton 
and  Whitchurch,  saying  that  having  received  credible 
testimonies  to  the  effect  that  his  very  dear  brother,  the 
king  of  the  EngUsh,  whose  subjects  they  were,  had  granted 
full  and  lawful  liberty  to  print,  both  in  Latin  and  in  Eng- 
hsh,  the  Holy  Bible,  and  of  importing  it  into  his  kingdom, 


CHAP.  ni.  THE    BIBLE    PRINTED    AT    PARIS.  177 

be  gave  them  himseK  liis  authorization  so  to  do.*  Fran- 
cis comforted  himself  with  the  thought  that  his  own  sub- 
jects spoke  neither  Enghsh  nor  Latin;  and,  besides,  this 
book  so  much  di-eaded  would  be  immediately  exported 
from  France. 

Grafton  and  the  pious  and  learned  Coverdale  arrived 
at  Paris,  at  the  end  of  spring,  1538,  to  undertake  this 
new  edition  of  Tyndale's  translation.  They  lodged  in 
the  house  of  the  printer  Francis  Regnault,  who  had 
for  some  time  printed  missals  for  England.  As  the  sale 
of  these  had  very  much  fallen  off,  Regnault  changed  his 
course,  and  determined  to  print  the  Bible.  The  two 
Englishmen  selected  a  fine  type  and  the  best  pajDer  to  be 
had  in  France.  But  these  were  expensive,  and  as  early 
as  June  23  they  were  obliged  to  apply  to  Cromwell  to 
fm-nish  them  with  the  means  for  carrying  on  /ii.s  edition 
of  the  Bible. f  They  were  moreover  beset  with  other 
difficulties.  They  could  not  make  their  appearance  out 
of  doors  in  Paris  without  being  exposed  to  threats;  and 
they  were  in  daily  expectation  that  their  work  would  be 
interrui)ted.  Frances  I.,  their  reputed  protector,  was 
gone  to  Nice.  By  December  13,  after  six  months'  labor, 
their  fears  had  become  so  serious  that  when  Bonner,  who 
had  succeeded  Gardiner  as  English  ambassador  in  France, 
was  setting  out  from  Paris  on  his  way  to  London,  they 
begged  him  to  take  with  him  the  portion  already  printed 
and  deliver  it  to  Cromwell.  The  hypocritical  Bonner, 
not  satisfied  with  all  the  benefices  he  now  held,  was 
gi-asping  at  the  bishopric  of  Hereford,  which  he  called  a 
great  good  fortune,  and  which  he  succeeded  in  getting. 
He  was  at  this  time  bent  on  cm-rying  favor  with  Crom- 

*  'Franciscus,  &c.  .  .  .  quod  .  .  .  sacram  Bibliam  tarn 
Latine  quam  Britannice  sive  Anglice  impriniendi  .  .  .  et  in 
suum  regnum  ai^portandi  et  transferendi  libertatem  .  .  .  con- 
cesserit.  .  .  .  '—Burnet,  i.  Records,  p.  286.  Strype,  Memorials 
of  Cranmer,  Appendix,  No.  xxx. 

t  State  Papers,  i.  p.  5/5.     Anderson,  English  Bible,  ii.  p.  27, 
VOL.    viii. — 8* 


178  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

well,  on  Tvliose  influence  the  election  depended,  and 
therefore,  hiding  his  face  under  a  gi'acious  mask,  which 
he  was  ere  long  impudently  to  throw  off,  he  had  most 
eagerly  complied  with  the  request.* 

Four  days  later,  December  17,  the  officers  of  the  In- 
quisition entered  the  printing-office  and  presented  a  doc- 
ument signed  by  Le  Tellier,  summoning  Eegnault  and 
all  whom  it  concerned  to  aj^pear  and  make  answer  touch- 
ing the  printing  of  the  Bible.  He  was  at  the  same  time 
enjoined  to  suspend  the  work,  and  forbidden  to  take 
away  what  was  already  printed.  Are  we  to  suppose  that 
the  Inquisition  did  not  trouble  itself  about  the  royal 
letters  of  Francis  L,  or  that  the  prince  had  changed  his 
mind?  Either  of  these  snj)positions  might  be  enter- 
tained. In  consequence  of  the  dispatch  of  the  packet  to 
London,  there  were  but  a  few  sheets  to  be  seized,  and 
these  were  condemned  to  be  burnt  in  the  Place  Maubert. 
But  the  officer  was  even  more  greedy  of  gain  than  fanat- 
ical; and  gold  being  offered  him  by  the  Englishmen  for 
recovery  of  their  property,  almost  all  the  sheets  were 
restored  to  them.  His  com^^liance  is  perhaps  partly  to 
be  explained  by  the  consideration  that  this  was  not  a 
common  case.  The  proprietors  of  the  sheets  seized  were 
the  Lord  Cromwell,  first  secretary  of  state,  and  the  king 
of  England.  The  matter  did  not  rest  here;  the  bold 
Cromwell  was  not  to  be  baffled.  Agents  sent  by  him  to 
Paris  got  possession  of  the  presses,  the  t^^ies,  and  even 
the  j)rinteri<,  and  took  the  whole  away  with  them  to  Lon- 
don. In  two  months  from  the  time  of  their  arrival  the 
printing  was  completed.  On  the  last  page  appeared  the 
statement:  The  ivhole  Bible  finished  in  1539;  and  the 
grateful  editors  added,  A  domino  factum  est  isttid.'\'  The 
violent  proceeding  of  the  Inquisition  turned  to  a  gi'eat 

*  See  Bonner's  letter  to  Cromwell  of  September  2,  1538;  Fox, 
Acts,  v.  p.  150;  and  another  of  later  date,  p.  152, 

t  A  few  copies  of  this  Bible  are  still  to  be  found  in  various  libra- 
ries.— Anderson,  English  Bible,  ii.  p.  31. 


CHAP.  ni.  ATTEMPTED    COMPROMISE.  179 

gain  for  England.  Many  French  printers  and  a  large 
stock  of  type  had  been  imported;  and  henceforward 
many  and  more  beautiful  editions  of  the  Bible  were 
printed  in  England.  'The  wicked  diggeth  a  pit  and 
falleth  into  it.' 

Tw^o  parties  therefore  existed  in  England,  and  these 
frequently  concerned  themselves  more  with  the  points 
on  which  they  differed  than  with  the  great  facts  of  their 
religion.  In  one  pulpit  a  preacher  would  call  for  refor- 
mation of  the  abuses  of  Eome;  in  a  neighboring  church, 
another  preacher  would  advocate  their  maintenance  at 
any  cost.  One  monk  of  York  preached  against  purga- 
tory, while  some  of  his  colleagues  defended  the  doctrine. 
All  this  gave  rise  to  most  exciting  discussion  amongst 
the  hearers.  In  addition  to  the  two  chief  parties,  there 
were  the  profane,  animated  by  a  spirit  of  unbelief  and 
without  reverence  for  sacred  things.  While  pious  men 
were  peacefully  assembled  for  the  reading  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  these  mockers  sat  in  pubUc-houses  over  their 
pots  of  beer,  uttering  their  sarcasms  against  every  body, 
and  especially  against  the  priests.  If  they  spoke  of 
those  who  gave  only  the  wafer,  and  not  the  wine,  they 
would  say : — '  That  is  because  he  has  drunk  the  whole  of 
it;  the  bottle  is  empty.'  At  times  they  undertook  even 
to  discuss,  as  in  old  times  was  done  at  Byzantium,  the 
most  difficult  jooints  in  theology,  and  this  was  still  worse. 
The  king,  anxious  to  play  his  part  as  head  of  the  church, 
was  desirous  of  bringing  about  a  union  of  the  two  chief 
X^arties,  and  had  no  doubt  that  the  party  of  the  profane 
would  then  disappear.  His  favorite  notion,  like  that  of 
princes  in  general,  was  to  have  but  one  single  religious 
opinion  in  his  kingdom.  Freedom  was  a  restraint  to 
him.  He  therefore  began,  as  the  emperor  Constantino 
had  done,  by  attemj)ting  to  gain  his  end  by  means  of  a 
system  of  indifference  and  of  subjection  to  his  will.  In 
a  royal  proclamation  he  required  that  the  party  of  refor- 
mation and  the  party  of  tradition  should  'draw  in  one 


180  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

yoke,'  *  like  a  pair  of  good  oxen  at  the  plough.  He  did 
Dot  omit,  however,  to  read  the  priests  a  lesson.  He 
rebuked  them  for  busying  themselves  far  more  with  the 
distribution  of  the  consecrated  wafer  and  with  the  sprink- 
ling of  their  flocks  with  holy  water  than  with  teaching 
them  what  these  acts  meant.  Indifference,  however,  was 
of  course  unattainable,  for  it  implies  that  each  party 
should  consider  unimportant  the  very  doctrines  on  which 
it  sets  the  highest  value.  Henry,  nevertheless,  boldly 
made  the  attempt. 

When  the  parliament  met  on  April  28,  1539,  the  lord 
chancellor  announced  that  the  king  was  very  anxious  to 
see  all  his  subjects  holding  one  and  the  same  opinion  in 
rehgion,  and  required  that  a  committee  should  be  nom- 
inated to  examine  the  various  opinions,  and  to  draw  up 
articles  of  agreement  to  w^hich  every  one  might  give  his 
consent.  On  May  5  nine  commissioners  were  named, 
five  of  whom  were  Anglo-Catholics,  and  at  theii-  head 
was  Lee,  archbishop  of  York.  A  project  was  jn-esented 
'for  extirpating  heresies  among  the  people.'  A  catalogue 
of  heresies  was  to  be  drawn  up  and  read  at  all  the  ser- 
vices. The  commissioners  held  discussion  for  one  day, 
but  neither  of  the  two  parties  would  make  any  conces- 
sion. As  the  vicegerent  Cromwell  and  the  archbishop 
of  Canterbury  were  in  the  ranks  of  the  reformation  party, 
the  majority  was  unable  to  gain  the  ascendency,  and  the 
commission  arrived  at  no  decision. 

The  king  was  very  much  dissatisfied  with  this  result. 
He  had  been  w^illing  to  leave  the  work  of  conciliation  in 
the  hands  of  the  bishops,  and  now  the  bishops  did  not 
agree.  His  patience,  of  which  he  had  no  large  stock, 
was  exhausted.  The  Anglo-Catholic  party  took  advan- 
tage of  his  dissatisfaction,  and  hinted  to  him  that  if  he 
really  aimed  at  unity  he  would  have  to  take  the  matter 
into  his  own  hands,  and  settle  the  doctrine  to  which  all 
must  assent.  Why  should  he  allow  his  subjects  the  lib- 
*  Eoyal  Proclamatiou.     Eolls,  Henry. 


CHAP.  m.  THE    SIX    ARTICLES.  181 

erty  of  thinking  for  themselves  ?  Was  he  not  in  England 
master  and  ruler  of  every  thing  ? 

Another  circumstance,  of  an  entirely  different  kind, 
acted  powerfully,  about  this  time,  upon  the  king's  mind. 
The  pope  had  just  entered  into  an  alliance  with  the 
emperor  and  the  king  of  France.  A  fact  of  such  impor- 
tance could  not  fail  to  make  a  great  noise  in  England. 
*  Methinks,'  said  one  of  the  foreign  diplomatists  now  in 
England,  '  that  if  the  pope  sent  an  interdict  and  excom- 
munications, with  an  injunction  that  no  merchant  should 
trade  in  any  way  with  the  English,  the  nation  would, 
without  further  trouble,  bestir  itself  and  compel  the  king 
to  return  to  the  church.'*  Henry,  in  alarm,  ado^Dted 
two  measui-es  of  defence  against  this  triple  alliance.  He 
gave  orders  for  the  fortification  of  the  ports,  examination 
of  the  condition  of  various  landing-places,  and  reviewing 
of  the  troops;  and  at  the  same  time,  instead  of  endeavor- 
ing after  a  union  of  the  two  parties,  he  determined  to 
throw  himself  entirely  on  the  Scholastic  and  Catholic 
side.  He  hoped  thereby  to  satisfy  the  majority  of  his 
subjects,  who  still  adhered  to  the  Roman  church,  and 
perhaps  also  to  appease  the  powers.  '  The  king  is  deter- 
mined on  grounds  of  pohcy,'  it  was  said,  '  that  these  arti- 
cles should  pass.'  f 

Six  articles  were  therefore  drawn  up  of  a  reactionary 
character,  and  the  duke  of  Norfolk  was  selected  to  bring 
them  forward.  He  did  not  pride  himself  on  scriptural 
knowledge.  '  I  have  never  read  the  Holy  Scriptures  and 
I  never  will  read  them,'  he  said;  '  all  that  I  want  is  that 
every  thing  should  be  as  it  was  of  old.'  But  if  Norfolk 
were  not  a  great  theologian,  he  was  the  most  powerful 
and  the  most  Catholic  lord  of  the  Privy  Council  and  of 
the  kingdom.  On  the  IGth  of  May  the  duke  rose  in  the 
upper  house  and  spoke  to  the   following  effect: — 'The 

*  CastiUon,  Feb.  2,  1530.     Kanke,  v.  p.  159. 

t  'The  king's  mind  so  fully  addicted,  upon  politic  respects.' — • 
Fox,  V.  p.  264. 


182  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

commission  which  you  had  named  has  done  nothing,  and 
this  we  had  clearly  foreseen.  We  come,  therefore,  to 
present  to  you  six  articles,  which,  after  your  examina- 
tion and  apj^roval,  are  to  become  binding.  They  are  the 
following:  1st,  if  any  one  allege  that  after  consecration 
there  remains  any  other  substance  in  the  sacrament  of 
the  altar  than  the  natural  body  of  Christ  conceived  of 
the  Virgin  Mary,  he  shall  be  adjudged  a  heretic  and 
suffer  death  by  burning,  and  shall  forfeit  to  the  king 
all  his  lands  and  goods,  as  in  the  case  of  high  treason; 
2d,  if  any  one  teach  that  the  sacrament  is  to  be  given 
to  laymen  under  both  kinds;  or  3d,  that  any  man  who 
has  taken  holy  orders  may  nevertheless  marry;  4th,  that 
man  or  woman  who  has  vowed  chastity  may  marry;  5th, 
that  private  masses  are  not  lawful  and  should  not  be 
used;  or  6th,  that  auricular  confession  is  not  accord- 
ing to  the  law  of  God,  any  such  person  shall  be  ad- 
judged to  suffer  death,  and  forfeit  lands  and  goods  as 
a  felon.'  * 

Cromwell  had  been  obliged  to  sanction,  and  perhaps 
even  to  prepare,  this  document.  When  once  the  king 
energetically  announced  his  will  the  minister  bowed  his 
head,  knowing  well  that  if  he  raised  it  in  opposition  he 
would  certainly  lose  it.  Nevertheless,  that  he  might  to 
some  extent  be  justified  in  his  own  sight,  he  had  resolved 
that  the  weapon  should  be  two-edged,  and  had  added  an 
article  purporting  that  any  priest  giving  himself  up  to 
uncleanness  should  for  the  first  offence  be  deprived  of  his 
benefices,  his  goods,  and  his  liberty,  and  for  the  second 
should  he  punished  with  death  like  the  others. 

These  articles  which  have  been  called  the  whip  ivith  six 
strings  and  the  bloody  statute,-^  were  submitted  to  the  par- 
liament. But  none  of  the  lords  temporal,  or  of  the  com- 
mons, aware  that  the  king  was  fully  resolved,  ventured 

*  Lord  Herbert  of  Cherbury,  Life  and  Reign  of  King  Henry  VIIL, 
p.  510. 
1  Ibid. 


OHAP.  in.  CRANMERS    OPPOSITION.  183 

to  assail  them.  One  man,  however,  rose,  and  this  was 
Cranmer.  '  Like  a  constant  patron  of  God's  cause,'  says 
the  chronicler,  'he  took  upon  him  the  earnest  defence 
of  the  truth  oppressed  in  the  parliament;  three  days 
together  disputing  against  those  six  wicked  articles ; 
bringing  forth  such  allegations  and  authorities  as  might 
easily  have  helped  the  cause,  yiiai  pars  major  vicisset,  ut 
scepe  olet,  meUorem.'  *  Cranmer  spoke  temperately,  with 
resj)ect  for  the  sovereign,  but  also  with  fidelity  and  cour- 
age. 'It  is  not  my  own  cause  that  I  defend,'  he  said,  'it 
is  that  of  God  Almighty.' 

The  archbishop  of  Canterbury  was  not,  however,  alone. 
The  bishops  who  belonged  to  the  evangehcal  party,  those 
of  Worcester,  Rochester,  St.  David's,  Ely,  and  Salisbury, 
likewise  spoke  against  the  articles.f  But  the  king  in- 
sisted, and  the  act  passed.  These  articles,  said  Cranmer 
at  a  later  time,  were  'in  some  things  so  enforced  by  the 
evil  counsel  of  certain  papists  against  the  truth  and  com- 
mon judgment  both  of  divines  and  lawyers,  that  if  the 
king's  Majesty  himself  had  not  come  personally  into  the 
parhament  house,  those  laws  had  never  passed.' J  Cran- 
mer never  signed  nor  consented  to  the  Six  Artie] es.§ 

The  parliament  at  the  same  time  conferred  on  the 
king  unlimited  powers.  A  bill  was  carried  piu'j)orting 
that  some  having  by  their  disobedience  shown  that  they 
did  not  well  understand  what  a  king  can  do  by  vii'tue  of 
his  royal  power,  it  was  decreed  that  every  proclamation 
of  his  majesty,  even  when  inflicting  fines  and  penalties, 
should  have  the  same  force  as  an  act  of  parliament. 
Truth  had  already  been  sacrificed,  and  liberty  was  to  be 
the  next  victim. 

*  Fox,  Ads,  V.  p.  265.  Lord  Herbert  says  the  same,— 'Cranmer 
for  three  days  together  in  the  open  assembly  opposed  these  articles 
boldly.'— iy/eo/Z/enri/  VIIL,  p,  512. 

t  Strype's  Memorials  of  Cranmer,  ii.  jd.  743. 

X  Ibid.,  Appendix,  No.  40, 

§  Defence  against  Gardiner,  p.  285. 


184  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

Latimer,  bishop  of  Worcester,  did  more  than  Cranmer. 
On  Julj  1,  eight  days  after  the  close  of  the  session,  he 
resigned  his  bishopric,  and  his  heart  leaped  for  joy  as  he 
laid  aside  his  episcoj)al  vestments.  '  Now  I  am  rid  of  a 
heavy  burden,'  he  said,  '  and  never  did  my  shoulders  feel 
so  light.'  One  of  his  former  colleagues  having  expressed 
his  surprise,  he  rejDlied:  'I  am  resolved  to  be  guided 
only  by  the  Book  of  God,  and  sooner  than  depart  one 
jot  from  that,  let  me  be  trampled  under  the  feet  of  wild 
horses ! '  He  now  withdrew  into  the  country,  intending 
to  lead  there  a  quiet  life.  He  took  care  of  his  flowers 
and  gathered  his  fruit.  Having  had  a  fall  from  a  tree, 
he  found  it  necessary  to  return  to  London  for  the  pur- 
pose of  procuring  surgical  attendance.  A\Tien  the  gov- 
ernment was  informed  of  this,  orders  were  given  to 
arrest  and  commit  him  to  the  Tower,  and  there  he  re- 
mained till  the  king's  death.  Shaxton,  bishop  of  Salis- 
bui'y,  likewise  resigned  his  see,  on  what  grounds  we  do 
not  know.  Under  Queen  Mary  he  became  a  violent 
persecutor.  Many  evangelical  Christians  quitted  Eng- 
land, and  among  them  especially  to  be  noted  are  Hooper, 
Rogers,  and  John  Butler.*  Cranmer  remained  in  his 
archiepiscopal  palace  at  Lambeth;  but  he  sent  away  his 
wife  and  children  to  his  wife's  relations  in  Germany. 

This  want  of  fidelity  on  Cranmer's  part  is  only  expli- 
cable on  the  ground  of  the  efibrts  made  by  Henry  VIII. 
to  retain  him.  On  the  day  of  the  prorogation  of  parlia- 
ment, June  28,  1539,  Henry,  fearing  lest  the  archbishop, 
disheartened  and  distrusted,  should  offer  to  him  his  res- 
ignation, sent  for  him,  and,  receiving  him  with  all  the 
graciousness  of  manner  which  he  knew  so  well  how  to 
assume  when  he  wished,  said:  'I  have  heard  with  what 
force  and  learning  you  ojDposed  the  Six  Articles.  Pray 
state  your  arguments  in  writing,  and  dehver  the  state- 
ment to  me.'  Nor  was  this  all  that  Henry  did.  Desir- 
ous that  all  men,  and  particularly  the  adherents  of  Anglo- 
*  Strype,  Eccles.  Mem.,  i.,  p.  5^5. 


CHAP.  in.  THE    KING    AND    THE    PRIMATE.  185 

Catholicism  should  know  the  esteem  which  he  felt  for 
the  primate,  he  commanded  the  leader  of  this  party,  the 
duke  of  Norfolk,  his  brother-in-law,  the  duke  of  Suffolk, 
Norfolk's  rival.  Lord  Cromwell,  and  several  other  lords 
to  dine  the  next  day  with  the  archbishop  at  Lambeth. 
You  will  assure  him,  he  said,  of  my  sincere  affection, 
and  you  will  add  that  although  his  arguments  did  not 
convince  the  parliament,  they  displayed  much  wisdom 
and  learning. 

The  company,  according  to  the  king's  request,  arrived 
at  the  archbishop's  palace,  and  Cranmer  gave  his  guests 
an  honorable  reception.  The  latter  executed  the  king's 
commission,  adding  that  he  must  not  be  disheartened 
although  the  parliament  had  come  to  a  decision  contrary 
to  his  opinion.  Cranmer  replied  that  'he  was  obliged  to 
his  majesty  for  his  good  affection,  and  to  the  lords  for 
the  pains  they  have  taken.'  Then  he  added  resolutely: 
*  I  have  hope  in  God  that  hereafter  my  allegations  and 
authorities  will  take  place,  to  the  glory  of  God  and  com- 
modity of  the  realm.'  They  sat  down  to  table.  Every 
guest  apparently  did  his  best  to  make  himself  agreeable 
to  the  primate.  '  My  lord  of  Canterbury,'  said  Cromwell, 
'you  are  most  happy  of  all  men;  for  you  may  do  and 
speak  what  you  list,  and,  say  what  all  men  can  against 
you,  the  king  will  never  believe  one  word  to  detriment 
or  hindrance.'  The  meal,  however,  did  not  pass  alto- 
gether so  smoothly.  The  king  had  brought  together,  in 
Cromwell  and  Norfolk,  the  most  heterogeneous  elements; 
and  the  feast  of  peace  was  disturbed  by  a  sudden  explo- 
sion. Cromwell,  continuing  his  i)raises,  instituted  a  par- 
allel between  Cardinal  Wolsey  and  the  archbishop  of 
Canterbmy.  'The  cardinal,'  he  said,  'lost  his  fi'iends  by 
his  haughtiness  and  pride;  while  you  gain  over  your  ene- 
mies by  3^our  kindliness  and  your  meekness.'  'You  must 
be  well  aware  of  that,  my  lord  Cromwell,'  said  the  duke 
of  Norfolk,  'for  the  cardinal  was  your  mader.'  Crom- 
well, stung  by  these  words,  acknowledged  the  obhgations 


186  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

under  which  he  lay  to  the  cardinal,  but  added;  'I  was 
never  so  far  in  love  with  him  as  to  have  waited  npon 
him  to  Rome  if  he  had  been  chosen  pope,  as  I  under- 
stand, my  lord  duke,  that  you  would  have  done.'  Nor- 
folk denied  this.  But  Cromwell  persisted  in  his  asser- 
tion, and  even  specified  a  considerable  sum  which  the 
duke  was  to  receive  for  his  services  as  admii'al  to  the 
new  pope,  and  for  conducting  him  to  Rome.  The  duke, 
no  longer  restraining  himself,  swore  with  great  oaths 
that  Cromwell  was  a  liar.  The  two  speakers,  forget- 
ting that  they  were  attending  a  feast  of  peace,  became 
more  and  more  excited  and  did  not  spare  hard  words. 
Cranmer  interposed  to  pacify  them.  But  from  this  time 
these  two  powerful  ministers  of  the  Idng  swore  deadly 
hatred  to  each  other.  One  or  other  of  them  must  needs 
fall.* 

The  king's  course  with  respect  to  Cranmer  is  not  so 
strange  as  it  appears.  Without  Cranmer,  he  would  have 
been  under  the  necessity  of  choosing  another  primate, 
and  what  a  task  would  that  have  been.  Gardiner,  in- 
deed, was  quite  ready  to  take  the  post;  but  the  king, 
although  he  sometimes  listened  to  him,  placed  no  confi- 
dence in  him.  Not  only  did  it  seem  to  Henry  difficult 
to  find  any  other  man  than  Cranmer;  but  there  was  a 
further  difficulty  of  appointing  an  archbishop  in  due 
form.  Could  it  be  done  by  the  aid  of  the  pope  ?  Im- 
possible. Without  the  pope?  This  too  was  very  diffi- 
cult. The  priesthood  would  not  concede  such  a  powder 
to  the  king,  nor  was  it  probable  that  they  would  accept 
his  choice.  The  king  foresaw  troubles  and  conflicts  with- 
out end.  The  best  course  was  to  keep  the  present  pri- 
mate, and  this  was  the  course  adopted.  Herein  lay  the 
security  of  the  archbishop  in  the  midst  of  the  misfortunes 
and  scenes  of  blood  around  him.  He  had  made  a  decla- 
ration of  his  faith,  and  he  did  not  withdraw  from  it.     He 

*  Fox,  Acts,  V.  pp.  2G5,  398.  Strype,  Mem.  of  Graniner,  p.  74. 
Burnet,  Hist,  lief.,  i.  p.  481. 


CHAP.  m.  CRANMEr's    TIME-SERVING.  187 

hoped  for  better  things,  according  to  the  advances  which 
were  made  him.  He  beUeved  that  by  keeping  his  post 
he  might  prevent  many  calamities.  The  Six  Articles 
were  a  storm  which  must  be  allowed  to  blow  over;  and, 
in  accordance  with  his  character,  he  bowed  his  head 
while  the  wind  blew  in  that  direction. 

The  bloody  statute  was  the  cause  of  profound  sorrow 
among  the  evangelical  Christians.  Some  of  them,  more 
hasty  than  others,  making  use  of  the  strong  language  of 
the  time,  asserted  that  the  Six  Articles  had  been  written, 
not  with  Gardiner's  ink,  as  people  said,  'but  with  the 
blood  of  a  dragon,  or  rather  the  claws  of  the  Devil'* 
They  have  been  spoken  of,  even  by  Roman  Catholics  of 
our  own  age,  as  '  the  enactments  of  this  severe  and  bar- 
barous statute.' f  But  the  Catholics  of  that  age  rejoiced 
in  them,  and  believed  that  it  was  all  over  with  the  Ref- 
ormation. Commissioners  were  immediately  named  to 
execute  this  cruel  law,  and  there  was  always  a  bishop 
among  them.  These  commissioners,  who  sat  in  London, 
in  Mercer's  Chapel,  formerly  a  dwelling  house  and  the 
place  of  Becket's  birth, J  even  exaggerated  the  harshness 
of  the  Six  Articles.  Fifteen  days  had  not  elapsed  before 
five  hundred  persons  were  imprisoned,  some  for  having 
read  the  Bible,  others  for  their  posture  at  church.  The 
greatest  zeal  was  displayed  by  Norfolk  among  the  lords 
temporal,  and  by  Stokesley,  Gardiner,  and  Tonstall 
among  the  lords  spiritual.  Their  aim  was  to  get  a 
Book  of  Ceremonies,  a  strange  farrago  of  Romish  super- 
stitions, adopted  as  the  rule  of  worship. 

The  violent  thunder-clap  which  had  suddenly  pealed 
over  England,  and  occasioned  so  much  trouble,  was  no- 
where on  the  Continent  more  unexpected,  nowhere  ex- 
cited a  greater  commotion  than  at  Wittenberg.  Bucer 
on  one  side,  and  several  refugees  arriving  at  Hamburg 

*  Fox,  Ads,  V.  p.  359. 

t  Lingard,  Hifit.  of  England,  v.  p.  131. 

X  Anderson,  English  Bible,  ii.  p.  63. 


188  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  BOOK  xv. 

on  the  other,  had  made  known  this  barbarous  statute 
to  the  reformers,  and  had  entreated  the  Protestants  of 
Germany  to  interpose  with  Henry  in  behalf  of  their  fel- 
low-rehgionists.  Luther,  Melanchthon,  Jonas,  and  Pom- 
eranus  met  together,  and  were  unanimous  in  their  indig- 
nation. 'The  king,'  they  said,  'know^s  perfectly  well  that 
oiu'  doctrine  concerning  the  sacrament,  the  marriage  of 
priests,  and  other  analogous  subjects,  is  true.  How  many 
books  he  has  read  on  the  subject !  How  many  reports 
have  been  made  to  him  by  the  most  competeut  judges! 
He  has  even  had  a  book  translated,  in  w^hich  the  whole 
matter  is  explained,  and  he  makes  use  of  this  book  every 
day  in  his  prayers.  Has  he  not  heard  and  approved 
Latimer,  Cranmer,  and  other  pious  di^^nes?  He  has 
even  censured  the  king  of  France  for  condemning  this 
doctrine.  And  now  he  condemns  it  himself  more  harshly 
than  the  king  or  the  pope.  He  makes  laws  like  Nebu- 
chadnez'zar,  and  declares  that  he  will  put  to  death  any 
one  who  does  not  observe  them.  Great  sovereigns  of 
our  day  are  taking  it  into  their  heads  to  fashion  for 
themselves  religions  which  may  turn  to  their  own  advan- 
tage, like  Antiochus  Epiphanes  of  old.  I  have  power, 
says  the  king  of  England,  to  require  that  any  one  of  my 
courtiers  shall  not  marry  so  long  as  he  intends  to  remain 
at  court;  for  the  same  reason  I  have  also  power  to  for- 
bid the  marriage  of  priests.  We  are  now  entreated  to 
address  remonstrances  to  this  prince.  The  Scriptui'es 
certainly  teach  us  to  endeavor  to  bring  back  the  weak; 
but  it  requires  that  the  proud  who  compound  with  their 
conscience  should  be  left  to  go  in  their  own  way.  It  is 
clear  that  the  king  of  England  makes  terms  with  con- 
science. He  has  already  been  warned,  and  has  paid  no 
attention;  there  is,  therefore,  no  hoi:)e  that  he  will  listen 
to  reason  if  he  be  warned  anew.  Consider,  besides,  what 
kind  of  men  those  are  in  whose  hands  he  places  himself. 
Look  at  Gardiner,  who  while  exposing  before  all  the 
nation    his    scandalous   connections    {liaisons)    dares   to 


CHAP.  m.  EXCITEMENT    IN    GERMANY.  189 

assert  that  it  is  contrary  to  the  law  of  God  for  a  min- 
ister of  God  to  have  a  lawful  wife.'  * 

Thus  did  the  theologians  of  Wittenberg  talk  of  the 
matter.  Calvin  thought  with  them,  and  he  wrote,  almost 
on  the  same  day,  that  the  king  of  England  had  distinctly 
shown  his  disposition  by  the  impious  edict  which  he  had 
published.f  The  doctors  of  Wittenberg  referred  to  the 
Elector;  and  the  latter,  to  whom  Henry  VIII.  had  com- 
municated the  Six  Articles,  requested  them  to  make  one 
more  attempt  to  influence  the  king.  Melanchthon  there- 
fore wrote  to  him;  and  after  an  exordium  in  which  he 
endeavored  to  prepare  the  mind  of  Henry,  he  said,  'What 
affects  and  afflicts  me  is  not  only  the  danger  of  those  who 
hold  the  same  faith  as  we  do;  but  it  is  to  see  vou  makinir 
yourself  the  instrument  of  the  impiety  and  cruelty  of 
others;  that  the  doctrine  of  Christ  is  set  aside  in  your 
kingdom,  superstitious  rites  perpetuated,  and  debauch- 
ery sanctioned;  in  a  word,  to  see  that  the  Koman  anti- 
christ is  rejoicing  in  his  heart  because  you  take  up  arms 
on  his  side  and  against  us,  and  is  hoping,  by  means  of 
your  bishops,  easily  to  recover  what  by  wise  counsel  has 
been  taken  from  him.'  Melanchthon  then  combats  the 
several  articles  and  refutes  the  sophisms  of  the  Catholic 
party  on  the  subject.  'Illustrious  king,'  he  continued, 
'  I  am  grieved  at  heart  that  you,  while  condemning  the 
tyranny  of  the  bishop  of  Rome,  should  undertake  the 
defence  of  institutions  which  are  the  very  sinews  of  his 
power.  You  are  threatening  the  members  of  Jesus  Christ 
with  the  most  atrocious  punishments,  and  you  are  putting 
out  the  light  of  evangelical  truth  which  was  beginning  to 
shine  in  your  churches.     Sire,  this  is  not  the  way  to  put 

*  'Vintoniensis  fiihret  im  Lande  umlier  zwei  unriichtige  Weiber 
mit  sich  in  Maimskleidern. '  For  this  opinion  of  the  four  theolo- 
gians see  the  letter  to  the  Elector  signed  by  them.  — Corp.  Ref.,  iii. 
p.  796. 

t  Letter  to  Farel,  from  Strasburg,  October  27,  1539,  Calv.  0pp., 
X.  p.  425. 


190  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  BOOK  xv. 

away  antichrist,  this  is  establishing  him,  .  .  this  is 
confirmation  of  his  iclolatr^^  his  errors,  his  cruelty,  and 
his  debaucheries. 

'I  implore  you,  therefore,  to  alter  the  decree  of  your 
bishops.  Let  the  prayers  offered  up  to  God  by  so  many 
pious  souls  throughout  the  world,  for  the  true  reformation 
of  the  Church,  for  the  suxDpression  of  impious  rites,  and 
for  the  propagation  of  the  Gosj^el,  move  you.  Do  justice 
to  those  pious  men  who  are  now  in  prison  for  the  Lord's 
sake.  If  you  do  this,  your  great  clemency  will  be  praised 
by  posterity  as  long  as  learning  exists.  Behold  how 
Jesus  Christ  wandered  about  from  place  to  place.  He 
was  hungry,  he  was  thirsty,  naked  and  bound;  he  com- 
plained of  the  raging  of  the  priests,  of  the  unjust  cruelty 
of  kings;  he  commands  that  the  members  of  his  body 
should  not  be  torn  in  pieces,  and  that  his  Gospel  should 
be  honored.  It  is  the  duty  of  a  pious  king  to  receive  this 
Gospel  afid  to  w^atch  over  it.  By  doing  so,  you  will  be 
rendering  to  God  acceptable  worship.'  * 

Had  these  eloquent  exhortations  any  influence  on  Henry 
Vm.?  On  a  former  occasion  he  had  shown  himself  rather 
provoked  than  pleased  by  letters  of  the  reformer.f  How- 
ever, after  the  loud  peal  of  thunder  which  had  alarmed 
evangelical  Christians  in  every  part  of  Europe,  the  hori- 
zon cleared  a  little,  and  the  future  looked  less  threatening. 

There  was  one  point  on  which  Henry  did  incline  rather 
to  Cranmer's  side;  this  was  auricular  confession.  Per- 
haps he  dreaded  it  on  political  grounds.  Now  the  bishops 
were  urgent  for  its  universal  adoption,  and  Tonstall  wrote 
to  the  king  on  the  subject.  Henry  rejected  his  demand 
and  called  him  a  self-willed  man.  He  seemed  thus  to 
draw  towards  reconciliation  with  his  primate.     Nor  was 

*  *  Circumit  Cbristns  esuriens,  sitiens,  ntidns,  vinctus,  conquerens 
de  pontificiim  rabie.  .  .  .  Hunc  agnoscere,  excipere,  fovere  pii 
regis  est  officium.'— Henrico  VllL,  regi  Angliae,  Corp.  Bef.,  iii.  p. 
819. 

t  Ibid.,  p.  800. 


CHAP.  ni.  THE    MOCK    SEA-FIGHT.  191 

this  all.  A  bill  had  j)assecl  withdrawing  heretics  from 
the  jiu'isdiction  of  the  bishops,  and  subjecting  them  to 
the  secular  courts.  The  chancellor,  supported  by  Cran- 
mer,  Cromwell,  and  Suifolk,  and  with  the  sanction  of  the 
king,  set  at  liberty  the  five  hundred  persons  who  had 
been  committed  to  prison.  The  thunderbolt  had  indeed 
trenched  the  seas,  but  nobody  was  hurt — at  least  for  the 
moment.* 

Henry  resorted  to  other  means  for  the  purpose  of  reas- 
suring those  who  imagined  that  the  pope  was  already 
re-established  in  England.  He  exhibited  to  the  citizens 
of  London  the  spectacle  of  one  of  those  sea-fights,  on 
which  the  ancient  Romans  used  to  lavish  such  enormous 
sums.  Two  galleys,  one  of  them  decorated  with  the  royal 
ensigns,  the  other  with  the  papal  arms,  appeared  on 
the  Thames,  and  a  naval  combat  began.  The  two  crews 
attacked  each  other;  the  struggle  was  sharjD  and  obsti- 
nate; at  length  the  soldiers  of  the  king  boarded  the  ene- 
my and  threw  into  the  water  amidst  the  shouts  of  the 
people  an  efiigy  of  the  pope  and  images  of  several  cardi- 
nals. The  pontifical  phantom,  seized  by  bold  hands,  was 
dragged  through  the  streets;  it  was  hung,  drowned,  and 
burnt.f  It  would  have  been  better  for  the  king  to  let 
alone  such  puerile  and  vulgar  sports,  which  pleased  none 
but  the  mob,  and  to  give  more  serious  proofs  of  his 
attachment  to  the  Gospel. 

*  Fox,  Hall,  Burnet.  f  Le  Grand,  Divorce,  ii.  p.  2od, 


192  THE  REFORMATION  IN  EUROPE. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

HENRY    VIII.     AND     ANNE     OF     CLEVES. 
(1539—1540.) 

At  the  period  which  we  have  now  reached,  Henry 
VHI.  displayed  in  a  more  and  more  marked  manner  that 
autocratic  disposition  which  submits  to  no  control.  He 
lifted  up  or  cast  down;  he  crowned  men  with  honors  or 
sent  them  to  the  scaffold.  He  pronounced  things  white 
or  black  as  suited  him,  and  there  was  no  other  rule  but 
his  own  absolute  and  arbitrary  power.  A  simple  and 
modest  princess  was  one  of  the  first  to  learn  by  experi- 
ence that  he  was  a  despot  in  his  family  as  well  as  in 
church  and  state. 

Henry  had  now  been  a  widower  for  two  years — a 
widower  against  his  will;  for  immediately  after  the  death 
of  Jane  Seymour  he  had  sought  in  almost  all  quarters 
for  a  wife,  but  he  had  failed.  The  two  great  Continental 
sovereigns  had  just  been  reconciled  with  each  other,  and 
the  emperor  had  even  cast  a  slight  upon  the  king  of 
England  in  the  affair  of  the  duchess  of  Milan.  Henry 
w*»/f)  therefore  now  desh'ous  of  contracting  a  marriage 
which  should  give  offence  to  Charles,  and  should  at  the 
same  time  win  for  himself  allies  among  the  enemies  of 
that  potentate.  Cromwell,  for  his  part,  felt  the  ground 
tremble  under  his  feet;  Norfolk  and  Gardiner  had  con- 
firmed their  triumph  by  getting  the  Six  Articles  passed. 
The  vicegerent  was  therefore  aiming  to  strengthen  at 
once  his  own  position  and  that  of  the  Beformation,  both 
of  them  impaired.  Some  have  suiT[:)Osed  it  possible  that 
his  scheme  was  to  unite   the  nations  of  the  Germanic 


CHAP.  IV.  ANNE    OF    CLEVES.  193 

race,  England,  Germany,  and  the  North,  in  support  of 
the  Reformation  against  the  nations  of  the  Latin  race. 
We  do  not  think  that  Cromwell  went  so  far  as  this.  A 
young  Protestant  princess,  Anne,  daughter  of  the  duke 
of  Cleves  and  sister-in-law  of  the  elector  of  Saxony,  who 
consequently  possessed  both  the  religious  and  the  polit- 
ical quahfications  looked  for  by  the  king  and  his  minister, 
was  proposed  to  Henry  by  his  ambassadors  on  the  Con- 
tinent, and  Cromwell  immediately  took  the  matter  in 
hand.  This  union  would  bring  the  king  of  England  into 
intimate  relations  with  the  Protestant  princes,  and  would 
ensure,  he  thought,  the  triumph  of  the  Reformation  in 
England,  for  Henry's  wives  appeared  to  have  great  influ- 
ence over  him,  at  least  so  long  as  they  were  in  favor. 
Henry  was,  however,  seeking  something  more  in  his 
betrothed  than  diplomatic  advantages.  Cromwell  knew 
this,  and  did  not  fail  to  make  use  of  that  alignment. 
'Every  one  praises  the  beauty  of  this  lady,'  he  wrote  to 
the  king  (March  18,  1539),  'and  it  is  said  that  she  sur- 
passes all  other  women,  even  the  duchess  of  Milan.  She 
excels  the  latter  both  in  the  features  of  her  countenance 
and  in  her  whole  figure  as  much  as  the  golden  sun  excel- 
leth  the  silver  moon.*  Her  portrait  shall  be  sent  you. 
At  the  same  time,  every  one  speaks  of  her  virtue,  her 
chastity,  her  modesty,  and  the  seriousness  of  her  as^Dect.' 
The  portrait  of  Anne,  painted  by  Holbein,  was  presented 
to  the  king,  and  it  gave  him  the  idea  of  a  lady  not  only 
very  beautiful,  but  of  tall  and  majestic  stature.  He  was 
charmed  and  hesitated  no  longer.  On  September  16, 
the  Count  Palatine  of  the  Rhine  and  other  ambassadors 
of  the  elector  of  Saxony  and  the  duke  of  Cleves  arrived 
at  Windsor.  Cromwell  having  announced  them  to  the 
king,  the  latter  desu'ed  his  minister  to  i^ut  all  other  mat- 
ters out  of  his  head,  saving  this  only.f     The  affair  was 

*  Cotton  MS.  Vitellins,  B.  xxi. 

t  State  Papers,  i.  p.  619.     Lord  Herbert's  Life  of  Henry  VUL,  p. 
517.     Cott.  Libr.,  App.  xxiii.  fol.  104. 
VOL.    vni.  — 9 


194  THE    REFORiLA.TION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

arranged,  and  the   ambassadors  on  their  departure  re- 
ceived magnificent  presents. 

The  princess,  whose  father  was  dead  and  had  been  suc- 
ceeded by  his  son,  left  Cleves  at  the  close  of  the  year 
1539,  in  severe  winter  weather.  Her  suite  numbered 
two  hundi-ed  and  sixty-three  persons,  among  them  a 
gi'eat  many  seigneurs,  thirteen  trumpeters,  and  two  hun- 
dred and  twenty-eight  horses.  The  earl  of  Southampton, 
Lord  Howard,  and  four  hundred  other  noblemen  and  gen- 
tlemen, arrayed  in  damask,  satin,  and  velvet,  went  a  mile 
out  of  Calais  to  escort  her.  The  superb  cortege  entered 
the  town,  and  came  in  sight  of  the  English  vessels  deco- 
rated with  a  hundred  banners  of  silk  and  gold,  and  the 
marines  all  under  arms.  As  soon  as  the  princess  appeared 
the  trumpets  sounded,  volleys  of  cannon  succeeded  each 
other,  and  so  dense  was  the  smoke  that  the  members  of 
the  suite  could  no  longer  see  each  other.  Every  one  was 
in  admiration.  After  a  repast  provided  by  Southampton, 
there  were  jousts  and  toui'neys.  The  j)rogi'ess  of  the 
princess  being  delayed  by  rough  weather,  Southamj^ton, 
aware  of  the  impatience  of  his  master,  felt  it  necessary  to 
write  to  him  to  remember  'that  neither  the  winds  nor 
the  seas  obey  the  commands  of  men.'  He  added  that 
'the  surpassing  beauty  of  the  princess  did  not  fall  short 
of  what  had  been  told  him.'  Anne  was  of  simple  charac- 
ter and  timid  disposition,  and  very  desii'ous  of  pleasing 
the  king;  and  she  dreaded  making  her  appearance  at  the 
famous  and  sumptuous  court  of  Henry  VIII.  Southamp- 
ton having  called  the  next  day  to  pay  his  respects  to  her, 
she  invited  him  to  play  with  her  some  game  at  cards 
which  the  king  hked,  with  a  view  to  her  learning  it  and 
being  able  to  play  with  his  majesty.  The  earl  took  his 
seat  at  the  card-table  in  company  with  Anne  and  Lord 
William  Howard,  while  other  courtiers  stood  behind  the 
princess  and  taught  her  the  game.  '  I  can  assure  your 
majesty,'  wrote  the  courtier,  'that  she  plays  with  as  much 
grace  and  dignity  as  any  noble  lady  that  I  ever  saw  in 


CHAP.  IV,  HER   ARRIVAL    IN    ENGLAND.  195 

my  life.'  Anne,  resolved  on  serving  her  apprenticeship 
to  the  manners  of  the  court,  begged  Southampton  to 
return  to  sup  with  her,  bringing  with  him  some  of  the 
nobles,  because  she  was  '  much  desirous  to  see  the  man- 
ner and  fashion  of  Englishmen  sitting  at  their  meat.* 
The  earl  replied  that  this  would  be  contrary  to  English 
custom;  but  at  length  he  yielded  to  her  wish.* 

As  soon  as  the  weather  appeared  more  promising,  the 
princess  and  her  suite  crossed  the  Channel  and  reached 
Dover,  whence,  in  the  midst  of  a  violent  storm,  they  pro- 
ceeded to  Canterbury.  The  archbishop,  accompanied  by 
five  bishops,  received  Anne  in  his  episcopal  town,  in  a 
high  wind  and  heavy  rain;  the  princess  appearing  as  if 
she  might  be  the  sun  w^hich  was  to  disj^erse  the  fogs  and 
the  darkness  of  England,  and  to  bring  about  there  the 
triumph  of  evangelical  light.  Anne  went  on  to  Roches- 
ter, about  half  way  between  Canterbury  and  London. 
The  king,  unable  to  rest,  eagerly  longing  to  see  his  m- 
tended  spouse,  set  out  accompanied  by  his  grand  equerry. 
Sir  Anthony  Brown,  and  went  incognito  to  Rochester.'}' 
He  was  announced,  and  entered  the  room  in  which  the 
princess  was;  but  no  sooner  had  he  crossed  the  threshold 
and  seen  Anne,  than  he  stopped  confused  and  troubled. 
Never  had  any  man  been  more  deceived  in  his  expecta- 
tion. His  imagination — that  mistress  of  error  and  of 
falsehood,  as  it  has  been  called — had  depicted  to  him  a 
beauty  full  of  majesty  and  grace;  and  one  glance  had  dis- 
persed all  his  dreams.  Anne  was  good  and  well-meaning, 
but  rather  weak-minded.  Her  features  w^ere  coarse;  her 
brown  complexion  was  not  at  all  like  roses  and  lilies;  she 
was  very  corpulent,  and  her  manners  were  awkward. 
Henry  had  exquisite  good  taste;  he  could  appreciate 
beauties  and  defects,  especially  in  the  figure,  the  bearing, 
and  the  attire  of  a  woman.     Taste  is  not  without  its  cor- 

*  Southampton  to  Henry  VIII.,  State  Papers,  viii.  p.  213. 
t  One  document,  The  coming  of  Lady  Aime,  states  that  the  inter- 
view was  at  Blackheath. 


190  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

responding  distaste.  Instead  of  love,  the  king-  felt  for 
Anne  only  repugnance  and  aversion.  Struck  vdth.  aston- 
ishment and  alarm,  he  stood  before  her,  amazed  and 
silent.  Moreover,  any  conversation  would  have  been 
imposible,  for  Anne  was  not  acquainted  with  English  nor 
Henry  with  German.  The  betrothed  couple  could  not 
even  speak  to  each  other.  Henry  left  the  room,  not  hav- 
ing courage  even  to  offer  to  the  princess  the  handsome 
present  which  he  brought  for  her.  He  threw  himseK  into 
his  bark,  and  returned  gloomy  and  pensive  to  Greenwich. 
'He  was  woe,'  he  said  to  himself,  'that  ever  she  came 
unto  England.'*  He  deHberated  with  himself  how  to 
break  it  off.  How  could  men  in  their  senses  have  made 
him  reports  so  false?  He  was  glad,  he  said,  that  'he  had 
kept  himself  from  making  any  pact  of  bond  with  her.' 
He  thought  that  the  matter  was  too  far  gone  for  him  to 
break  it  off.  '  It  would  drive  the  duke  her  brother  into 
the  emperor  or  French  king's  hands.'  The  inconvenience 
of  a  flattering  portrait  had  never  been  so  deeply  felt. 
It  is  not  to  be  doubted  that  if  at  this  very  moment  the 
emperor  and  the  king  of  France  had  not  been  together 
at  Paris,  Henry  would  have  immediately  sent  back  the 
unfortunate  young  lady.f 

Shortly  after  the  king's  arrival  at  Greenwich,  Crom- 
well, the  promoter  of  this  unfortunate  affair,  presented 
himself  to  his  majesty,  not  without  fear,  and  inquired 
how  he  liked  the  lady  Anne.  The  king  replied, — 'Noth- 
ing so  well  as  she  was  spoken  of.  Had  I  known  as  much 
before  as  I  do  now,  she  should  not  have  come  within  this 
realm.'  Then,  with  a  deep  sigh,  he  exclaimed,  '^Miat 
remedy  ?  '  J  'I  know  none,'  said  Cromwell,  *  and  I  am 
very  sorry  therefor.'  The  agents  of  the  king  had  given 
proof  neither  of  intelhgence  nor  of  integrity  in  the  mat- 

*  Lord  Herbert's  Life  of  Henry  VIIL,  p.  517. 
t  Lord  Herbert's   Life  of  Henry    VIIL,    Depositions   of  Sir  A. 
Brown,  Lord  Russell,  &c. 

X  Cromwell  to  the  King.     Burnet,  Hist.  Bef,  i.  p.  297. 


CHAT.  IV,  henry's  disappointment.  197 

ter.  Huttou,  who  had  written  to  Cromwell  that  the 
j^rincess  was  not  bcautifal,  and  Southampton,  who  had 
had  a  good  view  of  her  at  Calais,  had  both  spoken  to  the 
kiiig  ouly  of  her  beauty.  On  the  following  day  Anne 
arrived  at  Greenwich;  the  kiug  conducted  her  to  the 
apartment  assigned  to  her,  and  then  retired  to  his  own 
very  melancholy  and  in  an  ill  humor.  Cromwell  again 
presented  himself.  'My  lord,'  said  the  king,  'say  what 
they  will,  she  is  nothing  so  fak  as  she  hath  been  re- 
ported .  .  .  howbeit,  she  is  well  and  seemly.'  'By 
my  faith,  sir,'  replied  Cromwell,  'ye  say  truth;  but  I 
think  she  has  a  queenly  manner.'  'Call  together  the 
council,'  said  Henry. 

The  princess  made  her  entry  into  London  in  great 
pomp,  and  appeared  at  the  palace.  The  court  had  heard 
of  Henry's  disappointment  and  was  in  consternation. 
'Our  king,'  they  said,  'could  never  marry  such  a  queen.' 
In  default  of  speech,  music  would  have  been  a  means  of 
communication;  it  speaks  and  moves.  Henry  and  his 
courtiers  were  passionately  fond  of  it;  but  Anne  did  not 
know  a  single  note.  She  knew  nothing  but  the  ordinary 
occupations  of  women.  In  vain  did  Cromwell  venture  to 
say  to  his  master  that  she  had,  nevertheless,  a  portly 
and  fine  person.  Henry's  only  thought  was  how  to  get 
rid  of  her.  The  marriage  ceremony  was  deferred  for  a 
few  days.  The  council  took  into  consideration  the  ques- 
tion w^hether  certain  projects  of  union  between  Anne 
and  the  son  of  the  duke  of  Lorraine  did  not  form  an 
obstacle  to  her  marriage  with  Henry.  But  they  found 
here  no  adequate  ground  of  objection.  'I  am  not  well 
treated,'  the  king  said  to  Cromwell.  Many  were  afraid 
of  a  rupture.  The  divorce  between  Henry  and  Cathe- 
rine, the  cruelty  with  which  he  had  treated  the  innocent 
Anne  Boleyn,  had  already  given  rise  to  so  much  discontent 
in  Europe  that  people  dreaded  a  fresh  outbreak.  The 
cup  was  bitter,  but  he  must  drink  it.  The  6th  of  Jan- 
uary was  positively  fixed   for  the  fatal  nuptials.     The 


198  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

king  was  heard  the  day  before  miirmnring  in  a  low  tone 
with  an  accent  of  despair, — 'It  must  be;  it  must  be,'  and 
presently  after,  *I  will  put  my  neck  under  the  yoke.' 
He  determined  to  live  in  a  becoming  way  with  the  queen. 
An  insuperable  antipathy  filled  his  heart,  but  courteous 
words  were  on  his  lips.  In  the  morning  the  king  said  to 
Cromwell, — 'If  it  were  not  for  the  great  preparations 
that  my  states  and  people  have  made  for  her,  and  for 
fear  of  making  a  ruffle  in  the  world,  and  of  driving  her 
brother  into  the  hands  of  the  emperor  and  the  French 
king's  hands,  being  now  together,  I  would  never  have  ne 
married  her.'  Cromwell's  position  had  been  first  shaken 
by  his  quarrel  with  Norfolk;  it  sustained  a  second  shock 
from  the  king's  disappointment.  Henry  blamed  him  for 
his  misfortune,  and  Cromwell  in  vain  laid  the  blame  on 
SouthamjDton.* 

On  January  0  the  marriage  ceremony  was  performed 
at  Greenwich  by  the  archbishop,  with  much  solemnity 
but  also  with  great  mournfulness.  Henry  comforted 
himself  for  his  misfortune  by  the  thought  that  he  should 
h&  allied  with  the  Protestant  princes  against  the  em- 
peror, if  only  they  would  consent  somewhat  to  modify 
their  doctrine.  On  the  morrow  Cromwell  again  asked 
him  how  he  liked  the  queen.  Worse  than  ever,  replied 
the  king.  He  continued  however,  to  testify  to  his  wife 
the  respect  due  to  her. 

It  was  generally  anticipated  that  this  union  would  be 
favorable  to  the  Keformation.  Butler,  in  a  letter  to  Bul- 
linger  at  Zurich,  wrote:  'The  state  and  condition  of  that 
kingdom  is  much  more  sound  and  healthy  since  the  mar- 
riage of  the  queen  than  it  was  before.  She  is  an  excel- 
lent woman,  and  one  who  fears  God;  great  hopes  are 
entertained  of  a  very  extensive  propagation  of  the  Gos- 
pel by  her  influence.'  And  in  another  letter  he  says: 
*  There  is  great  hope  that  it  [the  kingdom]  will  ere  long 
be  in  a  much  more  healthy  state;  and  this  every  good 

*  Hall,  Lord  Herbert,  Bnrnet,  Records. 


CHAP.  IV.  FALLACIOUS    HOPES.  199 

man  is  striying  for  in  perseveriDg  prayer  to  God.'* 
Religious  books  were  publicly  offered  for  sale,  and  many 
faithful  ministers,  particularly  Barnes,  freely  preached 
the  truth  with  much  power,  and  no  one  troubled  them.f 
These  good  peojile  were  under  a  delusion.  '  The  king,' 
they  said,  'who  is  exceedingly  merciful,  would  willingly 
desire  the  promotion  of  the  truth.' | 

But  the  Protestantism  of  the  king  of  England  was 
displayed  not  so  much  in  matters  of  faith  as  in  jDublic 
affairs.  He  showed  much  irritation  against  the  emperor; 
and  this  gave  rise  to  a  characteristic  conversation.  Henry 
having  instructed  (January,  1540)  his  ambassador  in  the 
Netherlands,  Sir  Thomas  Wyatt,  to  make  certain  repre- 
sentations and  demands  on  various  subjects  whicli  con- 
cerned his  government,  'I  shall  not  interfere,'  drily  replied 
the  grand  potentate.  Wyatt  having  further  made  com- 
plaint that  the  English  merchants  in  Spain  were  inter- 
fered with  by  the  Inquisition,  the  emjDeror  laconically 
answered  that  he  knew  nothing  about  it,  and  referred 
him  to  Granvella.  Wyatt  then  having  been  so  bold  as 
to  remark  that  the  monarch  answered  him  in  an  ungra- 
cious manner,  §  Charles  interrupted  him  and  said  that  he 
'abused  his  words  toward  him.'  But  the  ambassador, 
who  meant  exactly  to  carry  out  his  master's  orders,  did 
not  stop,  but  uttered  the  word  ingratitude.  Henry  con- 
sidered Charles  ungrateful  on  the  ground  that  ho  had 
greatly  obliged  him  on  one  important  occasion.  In  fact, 
the  emperor  Maximilian  having  offered  to  secure  the  em- 
pire for  the  king  of  England,  the  thought  of  encircling  his 
brows  with  the  crown  of  the  Roman  emperors  inflamed 

*  Original  Letters  relative  to  the  Enrjlish  Reformat io7i,  ii.  pp.  627  and 
628,  Feb.  24  and  March  29,  1540.     (Parker  Society.) 

t  'The  word  is  powerfully  preached  by  Barnes  and  his  fellow- 
ministers.' — Ibid. 

t  Partridge  to  BuUinger,  Feb.  29,  1510.  — Original  Letters,  d'c,  ii. 
p.  614. 

§  '  Unkind  handling. '  (Wyatt  to  Henry  VIII. )— State  Papers,  viii. 
p.  240. 


200  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

the  ardent  imagination  of  tlie  young  prince,  who  was 
an  enthusiast  for  the  romantic  traditions  of  the  Middle 
Ages.     But,  after  the  death  of  Maximilian,  the  Germans 
decided  in  favor  of  Charles.     The  latter  then  came  to 
England,   and  the  two    kings  met.     Not  very  much  is 
known  of  what  they  said  in  their  interview;  but  what- 
ever it  might  be,  Henry  yielded,  and  he  beheved  that 
to  his  generosity  Charles  was  indebted  for  the  empire. 
'Ingratitude!'  replied  the  emperor  to  the   ambassador. 
'From   whom   mean    you  to  proceed  that  ingratitude? 
.     .     .     I  would  ye  knew  I  am  not  ingrate,  and  if  the 
king  your  master  hath  done  me  a  good  turn  I  have  done 
him  as  good  or  better.     And  I  take  it  so,  that  I  can  not 
be  toward  him  ingrate;  the  inferior  may  be  ingrate  to 
the  gTeater.     But  peradventure  because  the  language  is 
not   your   natural   tongue,  ye   may  mistake   the   term.' 
*Sir,'  replied  Wyatt,  'I  do  not  know  that  I  misdo  in 
using  the  term  that  I  am  commanded.'     The  emperor 
was  much  moved.     'Monsieur  I'ambassadeur,'  he  said, 
'the  king's  opinions  be  not  alw^ays  the  best.'     'My  mas- 
ter,' Wyatt  answered,  '  is  a  prince  to  give  reason  to  God 
and  to  the  world  sufficient  in  his  opinions.'     'It  may  be,' 
Charles  said  coolly.*     His  intentions  were  evidently  be- 
coming more  and  more  aggressive.     Henry  VIII.  clearly 
perceived  what  his  projects  were.     'Remember,'  said  the 
king  the  same  month  to  the  duke  of  Norfolk,  whom  he 
had  sent  as  envoy  extraordinary  to  France,  '  that  Charles 
has  it  in  his  head  to  bring  Christendom  to  a  monarchy.f 
For  if  he  be  persuaded  that  he  is  a  superior  to  all  kings, 
then  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  that  he  will  by  all  ways  and 
means     .     .     .     cause  all  those  whom  he  so  reputeth  for 
his  inferiors  to  acknowledge  his  superiority  in  such  sort 
as  their  estates  should  easily  be  altered  at  his  arbitre.' 
These  words  show  that  Henry  possessed  more  political 
good  sense  than  was  usually  attributed  to  him ;  but  they 
are  not  exactly  a  proof  of  his  evangelical  zeak 

*  State  Papers,  viii.  p.  241.  f  Ibid.,  p.  249. 


CHAP.  IV.  THE    SAXON    AMBASSADORS.  201 

He  did  sometliiug,  however,  in  this  direction.  Kejire- 
seutatives  of  the  elector  of  Saxony  and  the  Landgrave 
of  Hesse  had  accompanied  Anne  of  Cleves  to  Enghmd. 
Henry  received  them  kindly  and  entertained  them  mag- 
nificently; he  succeeded  so  well  in  dazzling  them  by 
his  converse  and  his  manners,  that  these  grave  ambas- 
sadors sent  word  to  their  masters  how  the  nuptials  of 
his  majesty  had  been  celebrated  under  joyful  and  sa- 
cred auspices.*  Nevertheless,  they  did  not  conceal  from 
Henry  VIII.  that  the  elector  and  the  landgrave  'had 
been  thrown  into  consternation,  as  well  as  many  others, 
by  an  atrocious  decree,  the  result  of  the  artifices  of  cer- 
tain bishops,  partisans  of  Eoman  impiety.'  Thereupon 
the  king,  who  wished  by  all  means  to  gain  over  the  evan- 
gehcal  princes,  declared  to  their  representatives  '  that  his 
wisdom  should  soften  the  harshness  of  the  decree,  that 
he  would  even  suspend  its  execution,  and  that  there  was 
nothing  in  the  world  that  he  more  desired  than  to  see 
the  true  doctrine  of  Christ  shine  in  all  churches,t  and 
that  he  was  determined  always  to  set  heavenly  truth 
before  the  tradition  of  men.'  In  consequence  of  these 
statements  of  the  king  the  Wittenberg  theologians  sent 
to  him  some  evangelical  articles,  to  which  they  requested 
his  adherence,  and  which  were  entirely  opposed  to  those 
of  Gardiner.J  We  shall  presently  see  how  Henry  pro- 
ceeded to  fulfil  his  promises. 

Cromwell  was  anxious  to  take  advantage  of  these  dec- 
larations to  get  the  Gospel  preached,  and  he  knew  men 
capable  of  preaching  it.  He  rehed  most  of  all  on  Barnes, 
who  had  returned  to  England  with  the  most  flattering 
testimonials  from  the  Wittenberg  reformers,  and  even 
from   the  elector  of  Saxony  and   the  king  of  Denmark. 

*  'Exposuerunt  auspicia  nuptiarum  fiiisse  Ifcta  et  sancta.'— C'o?7). 
Eef.,  iii.  p.  1005. 

t  'Ut  vera  doctrina  Christi  laceat  iu  Ecclesiis.'— 76iV7.,  p.  1007. 
Strype,  Ecdea.  Mem.,  i.  p.  548. 

X  'Articuli  in  Angliam  missi.'— Corp.  lief.,  iii.  p.  1009. 

VOL.     VUI. — 9* 


202  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

Barnes  liad  been  employed  by  Henry  in  the  negotiation 
of  his  marriage  with  Anne  of  Cleves,  and  had  thus  con- 
tributed to  this  union,  a  circumstance  which  did  not 
greatly  recommend  him  to  the  king.  There  were,  be- 
sides, Garret,  curate  of  All  Saints'  Church,  in  Honey-lane, 
of  whom  we  have  elsewhere  spoken;  *  Jerome,  rector  of 
Stepney,  and  others.  Bonner,  who  on  his  return  from 
France  was  elected  bishop  of  London,  and  who  was  after- 
wards a  zealous  persecutor,  designated  these  three  evan- 
gelical ministers  to  -pvesich.  at  Paul's  Cross  during  Lent 
in  1540.  Bonner,  perhaps,  still  wished  to  curry  favor 
w^ith  Cromwell;  or  perhaps  these  preachers  had  been 
complained  of,  and  the  king  wished  to  put  them  to  the 
test.f  Barnes  was  to  preach  the  first  Sunday  (Feb  14); 
but  Gardiner,  foreboding  danger,  wished  to  prevent  him, 
and  consequently  sent  word  to  Bonner  that  he  should 
that  day  preach  himself.  Barnes  resigned  the  pulpit  to 
this  powerful  prelate,  who,  well  aware  what  doctrine  the 
three  evangelicals  would  proclaim  at  St.  Paul's,  was  deter- 
mined to  prevent  them,  and  craftily  to  stir  up  prejudices 
against  the  innovators  and  theii'  innovations.  Confuta- 
tion beforehand,  he  thought,  is  more  useful  than  after- 
wards. It  is  better  to  be  first  than  second;  better  to 
prevent  evils  than  to  cure  them.  He  displayed  some 
ingenuity  and  wit.  Many  x^ersons  were  attracted  by  the 
notion  that  the  Reformation  was  a  progress  and  advance. 
He  alleged  that  it  was  the  contrary;  and,  taking  for  his 
text  the  words  addressed  to  Jesus  by  the  tempter  on  the 
pinnacle  of  the  temx)le,  Cast  thyself  down,  he  said:  'Now- 
adays the  de^dl  tem23teth  the  world  and  biddeth  them 
to  cast  themselves  backward.  There  is  no  forward  in  the 
new  teaching,  but  all  backward.  Now  the  devil  teacheth, 
Come  back  from  fasting,  come  back  from  joraying,  come 
back  from  confession,  come  back  from  weeping  for  thy 

*  History  of  the  Beformat'ion,  First  Series. 

\  This  is  Fox's  opinion  (Ads  and  2Ionumenis,   v.   p.   420);  the 
former  is  the  more  probable. 


CHAP.  IV.  BOLDNESS    OF    BARNES.  203 

sins;  and  all  is  backward,  insomncli  that  men  must  now 
learn  to  say  their  Pater-Noster  backward.'  *  The  bishop 
of  Winchester  censured  with  especial  severity  the  evan- 
gelical preachers,  on  the  ground  that  they  taught  the 
remission  of  sins  through  faith  and  not  by  works.  Of 
old,  he  said,  heaven  was  sold  at  Eome  for  a  little  money; 
now  that  we  have  done  with  all  that  trumpery  the  devil 
hath  invented  another — he  offers  us  heaven  for  nothing, 
A  living  faith  which  unites  us  to  the  Saviour  was  counted 
as  nothing  by  Gardiner. 

On  the  following  Sunday  Barnes  preached.  The  lord 
maj'or  and  Gardiner,  side  by  side,  and  many  other  re- 
porters, says  the  Chronicle,  were  present  at  the  service. 
The  preacher  vigorously  defended  the  doctrine  attacked 
by  the  bishop;  but  unfortunately,  he  indulged,  like  him, 
in  attempts  at  wit,  and  even  in  a  play  upon  his  name, 
complaining  of  the  gardener  who  would  not  take  away 
the  tares  from  the  garden  of  the  Lord.  This  punning 
w^ould  anywhere  have  been  offensive;  it  was  doubly  offeo- 
sive  in  the  pulpit  in  the  presence  of  the  bishop  himself. 
'Punning,'  says  one,  'the  poorest  kind  of  would-be  wit.' 
Barnes,  however,  appears  to  have  been  conscious  of  his 
fault;  for  before  he  closed  his  discourse  he  humbly  begged 
Gardiner,  in  the  presence  of  all  his  hearers,  to  lift  up  his 
hand,  if  he  forgave  him.  Gardiner  lifted  up  only  a  finger. 
Garret  preached  energetically  the  next  Sunday;  but  he 
studiously  avoided  offending  any  one.  Lastly,  Jerome 
preached,  and  taking  up  the  passage  relating  to  Sarah 
and  Hagar  in  the  epistle  of  St.  Paul  to  the  Galatians, 
maintained  that  all  those  who  are  born  of  Sarah,  the  law- 
ful wife,  that  is,  who  have  been  regenerated  by  faith,  are 
fully  and  positively  justified.f 

Bishop  Gardiner  and  his  friends  lost  no  time  in  com- 
plaining to  the  king  of  the  'intolerable  arrogance  of 
Barnes.'     'A  prelate  of  the  kingdom  to  be  thus  insulted 

*  Gardiner's  Sermon,  Fox,  Ads,  v.  p.  4.30. 
t  Fox,  Ads,  V.  p.  429.     Gal.iv.  22. 


204  THE    REFORMxVTION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

at  Paul's  Cross ! '  said  the  former  ambassador  to  France. 
Henry  sent  for  the  culprit  to  his  cabinet.  Barnes  con- 
fessed that  he  had  forgotten  himself,  and  promised  to 
be  on  his  guard  against  such  rash  sj)eeches  in  future. 
Jerome  and  Garret  likewise  were  reprimanded;  and  the 
king  commanded  the  three  evangelists  to  read  in  pubHc 
on  the  following  Sunday,  at  the  solemn  Easter  service 
celebrated  in  the  church  of  St.  Mary's  Hospital,  a  retract- 
ation which  was  dehvered  to  them  in  writing.  They  felt 
bound  to  submit  unreservedly  to  the  commands  of  the 
king.  Barnes,  therefore,  when  the  4th  of  April  was  come, 
ascended  the  pulpit  and  read  word  for  word  the  official 
paper  w^hich  he  had  received.  After  this,  turning  to  the 
bishop  of  Winchester,  who  was  present  by  order  of  the 
king,  he  earnestly  and  respectfully  begged  his  pardon. 
Having  thus  discharged,  as  he  believed,  his  duty,  first  as 
a  subject,  then  as  a  Christian,  he  felt  bound  to  discharge 
also  that 'of  a  minister  of  God.  He  therefore  preached 
powerfully  the  doctrine  of  salvation  by  grace,  the  very 
doctrine  for  which  he  was  persecuted.  The  lord  mayor, 
who  was  sitting  by  Gardiner's  side,  turned  to  the  bishop 
and  asked  him  w^hether  he  should  send  him  from  the 
puljoit  to  ward  for  that  his  bold  preaching  contrary  to 
his  retractation.*  Garret  and  Jerome  having  followed 
the  example  of  Barnes,  the  king  gave  orders  that  the 
three  evangelists  should  be  taken  and  confined  in  the 
Tower.  'Three  of  our  best  ministers,'  w^rote  Butler  to 
Bullinger,  '  are  confined  in  the  Tower  of  London.  You 
may  judge  from  this  of  our  misfortunes.' f 

At  the  same  time  that  Henry  VIII.  was  imprisoning 
the  ministers  of  God's  Word,  he  was  giving  full  liberty 
to  the  Word  itself.  It  must  be  confessed  that  in  his  con- 
flict with  the  pope  he  did  make  use  of  the  Bible.  He 
interpreted  it,  indeed,  in  his  own  way;  but  still  he  used 
it  and  helped  to  circulate  it.     This  was  a  fact  of  impor- 

*  Fox,  Ads,  V.  p.  433. 

t  Orhjinal  Leite.s,  dec,  ii.  p.  G32. 


CHAP.  V.  EDITIONS    OF    TIIK    EII3LE.  205 

tance  for  the  Reformation  iu  England.  The  first  Bible 
named  after  Cranmer  appeared  at  this  time  (April,  1540), 
with  a  preface  by  the  archbisho^j,  in  ■which  he  called  upon 
'high  and  low,  male  and  female,  rich  and  poor,  master 
and  servant,  to  read  it  and  to  meditate  upon  it  in  their 
own  houses.'*  A  magnificent  copy  on  veUum  was  pre- 
sented to  the  king.  In  the  same  month  appeared  another 
Bible,  printed  in  smaller  type;  in  July  another  great 
Bible;  in  November  a  third  in  folio,  authorized  by  Henry 
VIII.,  'supreme  head  of  his  church.'  It  would  seem  even 
that  there  was  one  more  edition  this  year.  At  all  events, 
the  New  Testament  was  printed.f  The  enemies  of  the 
Bible  were  in  power.  Nevertheless  the  Bible  was  gain- 
ing the  victor}^;  and  the  luminary  which  was  to  enlight- 
en the  world  was  beginning  to  shed  abroad  its  light 
everywhere. 


CHAPTEK  V. 


DISGRACE    AND    DEATH    OF    CROMWELL,    EARL    OF    ESSEX. 
(loiO.) 

Eight  days  after  the  imprisonment  of  Barnes  and  his 
two  friends  (April  12,  1540),  parliament  opened  for 
the  first  time  without  abbots  or  priors.  Cromwell  was 
thouglitful  and  uneasy;  he  saw  everywhere  occasions  of 
alarm;  he  felt  his  position  insecure.  The  statute  of  the 
Six  Articles,  the  conviction  which  possessed  his  mind 
that  the  doctrines  of  the  Middle  Ages  were  regaining  an 
indisputable  ascendency  over  the  king,  the  wrath  of 
Norfolk,  and  Henrj's  ill-will  on  account  of  the  queen 
whom   Cromwell   had   chosen   for  him — these  were  the 

*   TJie  Bible  in  English,  with  a  prologue  hi/  the  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury.    The  king's  copy  is  in  the  British  Museum, 
t  Anderson,  English  Bible,  index,  p.  ix. 


206  THE    REFORiLVTIOX    IX    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

dark  points  which  threatened  his  future.  His  friends 
were  scattered  or  persecuted;  his  enemies  were  gathered 
about  the  throne.  Henry,  however,  made  no  sign,  but 
secretly  meditated  a  violent  blow.  He  concealed  the  game 
he  was  playing  so  that  others,  and  especially  Cromwell 
himself,  should  have  no  perception  of  it.  The  powerful 
minister,  therefore,  appeared  in  parliament,  assuming  a 
confident  aii',  as  the  ever-powerful  organ  of  the  supreme 
will  of  the  king.  Henry  VIII.,  the  man  of  extremes, 
thought  proper  at  this  time  to  exhibit  himseK  as  an 
advocate  of  a  middle  course.  The  country  is  agitated  by 
rehgious  dissensions,  said  the  vicegerent,  his  representa- 
tive; and  in  his  speech  to  the  House  he  set  forth  on  the 
one  hand  the  rooted  suj)erstition  and  obstinate  chnging 
to  popery,  and  on  the  other  thoughtless  and  impertinent 
and  culpable  rashness  (referring  doubtless  to  Barnes): 
that  the  king  desu-ed  a  union  of  the  two  parties;  that  he 
leaned  to*neither  side;  that  he  would  equally  repress  the 
license  of  heretics  and  that  of  the  papists,  and  that  he 
'set  the  pure  and  sincere  doctrine  of  Christ  before  his 
eyes.'*  These  words  of  Cromwell  were  wise.  Union  in 
the  truth  is  the  great  want  of  all  ages.  But  Henry  added 
his  comment.  He  refused  to  turn  to  the  right  or  to  the 
left.  He  would  not  himself  hold,  nor  did  he  intend  to 
permit  England  to  hold,  any  other  doctrine  than  that 
prescribed  by  his  own  sovereign  authority,  sword  in 
hand.  CromweU  did  not  fail  to  let  it  be  known  by  what 
method  the  king  meant  to  bring  about  this  union;  he 
insisted  on  penalties  against  all  who  did  not  submit  to 
the  Bible  and  against  those  who  put  upon  it  a  wrong 
interpretation.  Henry  intended  to  strike  right  and  left 
with  his  vigorous  lance.  To  carry  out  the  scheme  of 
union  a  commission  was  appointed,  the  result  of  which, 
after  two  years'  labors,  was  a  confused  medley  of  truths 
and  errors. f 

*  Strype,  Ercles.  Mem.,  i.  p.  550. 

t  The  Necessary  Erudition  of  a  Chrislian  Man. 


cuAP.  V.  Cromwell's  ho?;ors  and  wealth.  207 

Strange  to  say,  aitlioiigli  Cromwell  was  now  on  the 
brink  of  an  ab^^ss,  the  king  still  heaped  favors  upon  him. 
He  was  already  chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  first  secre- 
tary of  state,  vicegerent  and  vicar-general  of  England  in 
spiritual  affairs,  lord  i^rivy  seal,  and  knight  of  the  Garter; 
but  he  was  now  to  see  fresh  honors  added  to  all  these. 
The  earl  of  Essex  had  just  died,  and  a  week  later  died 
the  earl  of  Oxford,  who  had  been  lord  chamberlain. 
Hereupon  Henry  made  Cromwell,  '  the  blacksmith's  son,' 
whom  Norfolk  and  the  other  nobles  despised  so  heartily, 
earl  of  Essex  and  lord  chamberlain,  and  had  his  name 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  roll  of  peers.  Wealth  was  no 
more  wanting  to  him  than  honors.  He  received  a  large 
portion  of  the  property  of  the  deceased  lord  Essex;  the 
king  conferred  on  him  thirty  manors  taken  from  the 
suppressed  monasteries;  he  owned  great  estates  in  eight 
counties;  and  he  still  continued  to  superintend  the  busi- 
ness of  the  crown.  We  might  well  ask  how  it  came  to 
pass  that  such  a  profusion  of  favors  fell  to  his  lot  just 
at  the  time  when  the  king  was  angry  with  him  as  the 
man  who  had  given  him  Anne  of  Cleves  for  a  wife;  when 
the  imprisonment  of  Barnes,  his  friend  and  confidential 
agent,  greatly  compromised  him,  and  when,  in  addition 
to  these  things,  Norfolk,  Gardiner,  and  the  whole  Cath- 
olic party  were  striving  to  put  down  this  parvenu,  who 
offended  them  and  stood  in  theii'  way.  Two  answers 
may  be  given  to  this  question.  Henry  was  desirous  that 
Cromwell  should  make  a  great  effort  to  secure  the  assent 
of  parliament  to  bills  of  a  very  extraordinary  character 
but  very  advantageous  to  the  king;  and  it  was  his  hope 
that  the  titles  under  which  Cromwell  would  appear  before 
the  houses  would  make  success  easier.  Several  contem- 
poraries, however,  assigned  a  different  cause  for  these 
royal  favors.  '  Some  persons  now  suspect,'  wrote  Hilles 
to  BuUinj^-er,  'that  this  was  all  an  artifice,  to  make  peo- 
ple conclude  that  he  [Cromwell]  must  have  been  a  most 
wicked  traitor,  and  guilty  of  treason  in  every  possible 


208  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

way;  or  else  the  king  would  never  have  executed  one 
who  was  so  dear  to  him,  as  was  made  manifest  by  the 
presents  he  had  bestowed  upon  him.'  *  Besides,  was  it 
not  the  custom  of  the  ancients  to  cvovm  their  victims 
with  flowers  before  sacrificing  them  ? 

Henry  was  greedy  of  money,  and  was  in  want  of  it,  for 
he  sjDent  it  prodigally.  He  applied  to  Cromwell  for  it. 
The  latter  was  aware  that  in  making  himself  the  king's 
instrument  in  this  matter  he  was  estranging  from  himself 
the  mind  of  the  nation;  but  he  considered  that  a  great 
sovereign  must  have  great  resoui'ces,  and  he  was  always 
willing  to  sacrifice  himself  for  the  king,  for  to  him  he 
owed  every  thing,  and  he  loved  him  in  spite  of  his  faults. 
On  April  23,  four  days  after  receiving  from  the  king  such 
extraordinary  favors,  Cromwell  jiroposed  to  the  house  to 
suppress  the  Knights  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem,  and 
urged  that  their  estates,  which  were  considerable,  should 
be  given  to  the  king.  This  was  agreed  to  by  parHameut. 
On  May  3  he  demanded  for  his  majesty  a  subsidy  of  un- 
paralleled character,  namely,  four  tenths  and  fifteenths, 
in  addition  to  ten  per  cent,  on  the  rents  of  lands  and 
five  per  cent,  on  the  value  of  merchandise.  This  also  he 
obtained.  Next  he  went  to  the  convocation  of  the  clergy, 
and  claimed  from  them  two  tenths  and  twenty  per  cent. 
on  ecclesiastical  revenues  for  two  years.  Again  he  suc- 
ceeded. By  May  8  the  king  had  obtained  through  Crom- 
well's energy  all  that  he  wished  for. 

On  the  very  next  day,  Sunday,  May  9,  Cromwell  re- 
ceived in  his  palace  a  note  irom  the  king  thus  worded  :f 

*  Henry  K. 

'  By  the  King. 
*  Right  trusty  and  well  beloved  cousin, — We  greet  you 
well;  signifying  unto  you  our  pleasure  and  commandment 
is  that  forthwith,  and  upon  the  receipt  of  these  oiu'  let- 

*   OrUjhml  Letters,  &c.,  i.  p.  202. 
t  Cotton  MS.  Tit.  B.  1.  p.  406. 


CHAP.  V.  THE  king's  letter  TO  iinr.  209 

ters,  setting  all  other  affairs  apart,  ye  do  repair  unto 
us,  for  the  treaty  of  such  great  and  weighty  matters  as 
whereupon  doth  consist  the  surety  of  our  person,  the 
preservation  of  our  honor,  and  the  tranquillity  and  quiet- 
ness of  you,  and  all  other  our  loving  and  faithful  subjects, 
like  as  at  your  arrival  here  ye  shall  more  plainly  perceive 
and  understand.  And  that  3'e  fail  not  hereof,  as  we  spe- 
cially trust  you. 

'  Given  under  our  signet,  at  our  manor  of  Westminster, 
the  9th  day  of  May.' 

"What  could  this  urgent  and  mysterious  note  mean? 
Cromwell  could  not  rest  after  reading  it.  'The  surety  of 
our  person,  the  preservation  of  our  honor '  are  in  ques- 
tion, said  the  king.  We  may  imagine  the  agitation  of 
his  mind,  his  fears  as  to  the  result  of  the  visit,  and  the 
state  of  perplexity  in  which,  without  losing  a  minute,  he 
went  in  obedience  to  the  king's  command.  We  have  no 
information  as  to  what  passed  at  this  interview.  Proba- 
bly the  minister  supposed  that  he  had  justified  himself 
in  his  master's  sight.  On  the  follov/ing  day,  Monday,  the 
earl  of  Essex  was  present  as  usual  in  the  House  of  Lords 
and  introduced  a  bill.  The  day  after,  parliament  was 
prorogued  till  May  25.  What  could  be  the  reason  for 
this?  It  has  been  supjDosed  that  Cromwell's  enemies 
wished  to  gain  the  time  needful  for  collecting  evidence  in 
supi^ort  of  the  charges  which  they  intended  to  bring 
against  him.  When  the  fifteen  days  had  ela2:>sed,  parlia- 
ment met  again,  and  the  earl  of  Essex  was  in  his  place 
on  the  first  and  following  days.  He  was  still  in  the  as- 
sembly as  minister  of  the  king  on  June  10,  on  which  da}^ 
at  three  o'clock,  there  was  a  meeting  of  the  Privy  Coun- 
cil. The  duke  of  Norfolk,  the  earl  of  Essex,  and  the  other 
members  were  quietly  seated  round  the  table,  when  the 
duke  rose  and  accused  Cromwell  of  high  treason.  Crom- 
well understood  that  Norfolk  was  acting  under  the  sanc- 
tion of  the  king,  and  he  recollected  the  note  of  May  9. 


210  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

The  lord  chancellor  arrested  him  and  had  him  conducted 
to  the  Tower.* 

Norfolk  was  more  than  ever  in  favor,  for  Henry,  hus- 
band of  Anne  of  Cleves,  was  at  this  time  enamored 
of  Norfolk's  niece.  He  believed — and  Gardiner,  doubt- 
less, did  not  fail  to  encourage  the  behef — that  he  must 
promptly  take  advantage  of  the  extraordinary  good-will 
which  the  king  testified  to  him  to  overthrow  the  adver- 
sary of  Anglican  Catholicism,  the  powerful  protector  of 
the  Bible  and  the  Reformation.  In  the  judgment  of  this 
party  Cromwell  was  a  heretic  and  a  chief  of  heretics.  This 
was  the  principal  motive,  and  substantially  the  only  mo- 
tive, of  the  attack  made  on  the  earl  of  Essex.  In  a  letter 
addressed  at  this  time  by  the  Council  to  Su'  John  Wal- 
lop,"]" ambassador  at  the  court  of  France,  a  circular  letter 
sent  also  to  the  principal  officers  and  representatives  of 
the  king,  the  crime  of  which  Cromwell  was  accused  is 
distinctly 'set  forth.  '  The  lord  privy  seal,'  it  was  therein 
said,  '  to  whom  the  king's  said  majesty  hath  been  so  spe- 
cial good  and  gracious  lord,  neither  remembering  his 
duty  herein  to  God,  nor  yet  to  his  highness  .  .  .  hath 
not  only  wrought  clean  contrary  to  this  his  grace's  most 
godly  intent,  secretly  and  indirectly  advancing  the  one 
of  the  extremes,  and  leaving  the  mean  indifferent  true  and 
virtuous  way  which  his  majesty  sought  and  so  entirely 
desired;  but  also  hath  showed  himself  so  fervently  bent 
to  the  maintenance  of  that  his  outrage  that  he  hath  not 
spared  most  privily,  most  traitorously,  to  devise  how  to 
continue  the  same,  and  plainly  in  terms  to  say,  as  it  hath 
been  justified  to  his  face  by  good  witness,  that  if  the  king 
and  all  his  realm  would  turn  and  vary  from  his  oj^inions, 
he  would  fight  in  the  field  in  his  own  person,  with  his 
sword  in  his  hand,  against  him  and  all  other;  adding 
that  if  he  lived  a  year  or  two  he  trusted  to  bring  things 

*  State  Papers,  viii.  pp.  24A,  27G,  282,  289,  295,  299  (Heury  to 
Wallop). 

t  State  Papers,  viii.  pp.  349-350. 


CHAP.  V.  CHARGES    AGAINST    CROMWELL.  211 

to  that  frame  that  it  should  not  lie  in  the  king's  power 
to  resist  or  let  it,  if  he  would;  binding  his  w^ords  with 
such  oaths  and  making  such  gesture  and  demonstration 
with  his  arms,  that  it  might  well  ajDpear  he  had  no  less 
fixed  in  his  heart  than  was  uttered  with  his  mouth.  For 
the  which  apparent  and  most  detestable  treasons,  and 
also  for  .  .  .  other  enormities  .  .  .  he  is  com- 
mitted to  the  Tower  of  London,  there  to  remain  till  it 
shall  please  his  majesty  to  have  him  thereupon  tried 
according  to  the  order  of  his  laws.'  It  was  added  that 
the  king,  remembering  how  men  wanting  the  knowledge 
of  the  truth  would  speak  diversely  of  the  matter,  desired 
them  to  declare  and  open  the  whole  truth. 

Nothing  could  be  more  at  variance  with  the  character 
and  the  whole  life  of  Cromwell  than  the  foolish  sayings 
attributed  to  him.  Every  intelligent  man  might  see  that 
they  were  mere  falsehoods  invented  by  the  Cathohc  party 
to  hide  its  own  criminal  conduct.  But  at  the  same  time 
it  most  clearly  pointed  out  in  this  letter  the  real  motive 
of  the  blow  aimed  at  Cromwell,  the  first,  true,  efficient 
cause  of  his  fall,  the  object  which  his  enemies  had  in 
view  and  towards  which  they  were  working.  They  fan- 
cied that  the  overthrow  of  Cromwell  would  be  the  over- 
throw of  the  Keformation.  Wallop  did  not  fail  to  impart 
the  information  to  the  court  to  which  he  was  accredited; 
and  Henry  YIII.  was  delighted  to  hear  of  '  the  friendly 
rejoyce  of  our  good  brother  the  French  king,  the  con- 
stable and  others  there,'  on  learning  the  arrest  of  the 
lord  privy  seal.*  This  rejoicing  was  very  natural  on  the 
part  of  Francis  I.,  Montmorency,  and  the  rest  of  them. 

As  soon  as  the  arrest  of  June  10  was  known,  the  ma- 
jority of  those  who  had  most  eagerly  sought  after  the 
favor  of  Cromwell,  and  especially  Bonner,  bishop  of  Lon- 
don, immediately  turned  round  and  declared  against  him. 
He  had  gained  no  popularity  by  promoting  the  last  bills 
passed  to  the  king's  advantage;  and  the  news  of  his  im- 
*  Henry  VIII.  to  W&llop. —State  Papers,  viii..  p.  362. 


212  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

prisonmeiit  was  therefore  received  with  shouts  of  joy.* 
lu  the  miclst  of  the  general  defection,  one  man  alone 
remained  faithful  to  the  prisoner — this  was  Cranmer. 
The  man  who  had  formerly  undertaken  the  defence  of 
Anne  Boleyn  now  came  forward  in  defence  of  Cromwell. 
The  archbishop  did  not  attend  the  Privy  Council  on 
Thursday,  June  10;  but  being  in  his  place  on  the  Friday, 
he  heard  that  the  earl  of  Essex  had  been  arrested  as  a 
traitor.  The  tidings  astonished  and  affected  him  deeply. 
He  saw  in  Cromwell  at  this  time  not  only  his  personal 
friend,  not  only  the  prudent  and  devoted  supporter  of 
the  Eeformation,  but  also  the  ablest  minister  and  the 
most  faithful  servant  of  the  king.  He  saw  the  danger 
to  which  he  exjiosed  himself  by  undertaking  the  defence 
of  the  prisoner;  and  he  felt  that  it  was  his  duty  not 
recklessly  to  offend  the  king.  He  therefore  wrote  to  him 
in  a  prudent  manner,  reminding  him,  nevertheless,  ener- 
getically,of  all  that  Cromwell  had  been.  His  letter  to 
the  king  was  written  the  day  after  he  heard  of  the  fall 
of  the  minister.  'I  heard  yesterday  in  your  grace's 
coimcil,'  he  says,  *that  he  [Cromwell]  is  a  traitor;  yet 
w^ho  can  not  be  sorrowful  and  amazed  that  he  should  be 
a  traitor  against  your  majesty,  he  that  was  so  advanced 
by  your  majesty;  he  wdiose  surety  was  only  by  your 
majesty;  he  who  loved  your  majesty  (as  I  ever  thought) 
no  less  than  God;  he  who  studied  always  to  set  forwards 
whatsoever  was  your  majesty's  will  and  pleasure;  he  that 
cared  for  no  man's  displeasure  to  serve  your  majesty;  he 
that  was  such  a  servant,  in  my  judgment,  in  wisdom, 
diligence,  faithfulness,  and  experience,  as  no  prince  in 
this  realm  ever  had;  he  that  w^as  so  vigilant  to  2:)roserve 
your  majesty  from  all  treasons  that  few  could  be  so 
secretly  conceived  but  he  detected  the  same  in  the  be- 
ginning? If  the  noble  princes  of  memory,  King  John, 
Henry  II.,  and  Richard  II.  had  had  such  a  counsellor 
about  them,  I  suppose  that  they  should  never  have  been 
*  Lord  Herbert's  i//e  of  Henry  VIII. ,  p.  520. 


CUAP.  V.  CRANMEr's    plea    FOR    Hlil.  213 

SO  traitorously  abandoned  and  overthrowii  as  those  good 
pious  princes  were.  ...  I  loved  him  as  my  friend, 
for  so  I  took  him  to  be;  but  I  chiefly  loved  him  for  the 
love  which  I  thought  I  saw  him  bear  ever  towards  your 
grace,  singularly  above  all  other.  But  now,  if  he  be  a 
traitor,  I  am  sorry  that  ever  I  loved  him  or  trusted  him, 
and  I  am  very  glad  that  his  treason  is  discovered  in  time. 
But  yet  again  I  am  very  sorrowful,  for  who  shall  your 
grace  trust  hereafter,  if  you  might  not  trust  him  ?  Alas ! 
I  bewail  and  lament  your  grace's  chance  herein,  I  wot 
not  whom  your  grace  may  trust.  But  I  pray  God  con- 
tinually night  and  day  to  send  such  a  counsellor  in  his 
place  whom  your  grace  may  trust,  and  who  for  aU  his 
qualities  can  and  will  serve  your  grace  like  to  him,  and 
that  will  have  so  much  solicitude  and  care  to  preserve 
your  grace  from  all  dangers  as  I  ever  thought  he  had.'  * 

Cranmer  was  doubtless  a  weak  man ;  but  assuredly  it 
was  a  proof  of  some  devotion  to  truth  and  justice,  and 
of  some  boldness  too,  thus  to  plead  the  cause  of  the  pris- 
oner before  a  prince  so  absolute  as  Henry  VIII.,  and 
even  to  express  the  wish  that  some  efficient  successor 
might  be  found.  Lord  Herbert  of  Cherbury  thinks  that 
Cranmer  wTote  to  the  king  boldly;  and  this  is  also  our 
opinion.  The  prince  being  intolerant  of  contradiction, 
this  step  of  the  archbishop  was  more  than  was  needed 
to  ruin  him  as  well  as  Cromwell. 

Meanwhile,  the  enemies  of  the  prisoner  were  trying  to 
find  other  grounds  of  accusation  besides  that  which  they 
had  first  brought  forward.  Indeed,  it  seemed  to  some 
persons  a  strange  thing  that  he  w'ho,  under  Henry  VIII. 
was  head  of  the  church,  vicegerent  in  spiritual  affairs, 
should  be  a  heretic  and  a  patron  of  heretics;  and  many 
found  in  this  charge  an  'occasion  of  merriment.' f  They 
set  to  work,  therefore,  after  the  blow%  to  discover  offences 

*  Lord  Herbert's  Life  of  Henry  VIIL,  p.  521.  Cranmer,  Works, 
ii.  p.  401. 

t  Lord  Herbert's  Life  of  Henry  VIIL,  p.  522. 


214  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

on  the  part  of  the  accused.  After  taking  great  pains,  this 
is  what  the}'  discovered  and  set  forth  in  the  bill  of  at- 
tainder: 1.  That  he  had  set  at  Hberty  some  prisoners 
suspected  of  treason;  a  crime  indeed  in  the  eyes  of  a 
gloomy  despot,  but  in  the  judgment  of  righteous  men  an 
act  of  justice  and  virtue.  2.  That  he  had  granted  free- 
dom of  export  of  corn,  horses,  and  other  articles  of  com- 
merce ;  the  crime  of  free  trade  which  would  be  no  crime 
now.  Not  a  single  instance  can  be  specified  in  which 
Cromwell  had  received  any  present  for  such  license. 
3.  That  he  had,  though  a  low-born  man,  given  places 
and  orders,  saying  only  that  he  was  sure  that  the  king 
would  approve  them.  On  this  point  Cromwell  might 
reasonably  allege  the  multiT^licity  of  matters  entrusted 
to  his  care,  and  the  annoyance  to  which  it  must  have 
subjected  the  king,  had  he  continually  troubled  him  to 
decide  the  most  trifling  questions.  4.  That  he  had  given 
permissio'n,  both  to  the  king's  subjects  and  to  foreigners, 
to  cross  the  sea  'without  any  search.'  This  intelligent 
minister  appears  to  have  aimed  at  an  order  of  things  less 
vexatious  and  more  liberal  than  that  established  under 
Henry  VIII.,  and  in  this  respect  he  stood  ahead  of  his 
age.  5.  That  he  had  made  a  large  fortune,  that  he  had 
lived  in  great  state,  and  had  not  duly  honored  the  no- 
bility. There  were  not  a  few  of  the  nobles  who  were 
far  from  being  honorable,  and  this  great  worker  had 
no  liking  for  drones  and  idlers.  With  respect  to  his  for- 
tune, Cromwell  incurred  heavy  expenses  for  the  affairs  of 
the  realm.  In  many  countries  he  kept  well-paid  agents, 
and  the  money  which  he  had  in  his  hands  was  spent 
more  in  state  affairs  than  in  satisfying  his  personal 
wishes.  In  all  this  there  was  evidently  more  to  praise 
than  to  blame.  But  CromweU  had  enemies  who  w^ent 
further  than  his  official  accusers.*     The  Roman  Catholics 

*  '  The  cardinal  of  Belly  .  .  .  showed  me  that  the  said  Prevey 
Scales  intent  was  to  have  marryed  my  lady  Mary.' — Wallop  to  Heuiy 
VIJI.     State  Papers,  viii.  p.  379. 


CH.\p.  V.       THE  LEADER  OF  THE  PROSECUTION.  215 

gave  out  tliat  lie  had  aspired  to  the  hand  of  the  king's 
daughter,  the  princess  Mary.  This  would  have  been 
a  strange  and  sympathetic  union,  between  the  3IaUeus 
monachorum  and  the  fanatical  Mary! 

These  groundless  charges  were  followed  by  the  true 
motives  for  his  disgrace.  It  was  alleged  that  he  had 
adopted  heretical  (that  is  to  say,  evangelical)  opinions; 
that  he  had  promoted  the  circulation  of  heretical  works; 
that  he  had  settled  in  the  realm  many  heretical  minis- 
ters; and  that  he  had  caused  men  accused  of  heresy  to 
be  set  at  liberty.  That  when  any  one  went  to  him  to 
make  complaint  of  detestable  errors,  he  defended  the 
heretics  and  severely  censured  the  informers:  and  that 
in  March  last,  persons  ha^ang  complained  to  him  of  the 
new  preachers,  he  answered  that  'their  preaching  was 
good.'  *  For  these  crimes,  the  acts  of  a  Christian,  honest 
and  beneficent  man,  condemnation  must  be  pronounced. 
Cromwell  indeed  was  guilty. 

The  conduct  of  the  prosecution  was  entrusted  to  Eich- 
ard  Rich,  formerly  speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
now  soUcitor-general  and  chancellor  of  the  court  of  aug- 
mentations. He  had  already  rendered  service  to  the 
king  in  the  trials  of  Bishop  Fisher  and  Sir  Thomas 
More;  the  same  might  be  expected  of  him  in  the  trial  of 
Cromwell.  It  appears  that  he  accused  Cromw^eU  of  being 
connected  with  Throgmorton,f  the  friend  and  agent  of 
Cardinal  Pole.  Now  the  mere  mention  of  Pole's  name 
would  put  Henry  out  of  temper.  Cromwell's  alliance 
with  this  friend  of  the  pope  was  the  pendant  of  his 
scheme  of  marriage  with  the  lady  Mary;  the  one  was  as 
l^robable  as  the  other.  Cromwell  wrote  from  his  prison 
to  the  king  on  the  subject,  and  stoutly  denied  the  fable. 
It  was  not  introduced  into  the  formal  pleadings;  but  the 
charge  was  left  vaguely  impending  over  him,  and  it  was 

*  See  Cromwell's  Attainder.     Burnet,  Records,  i.  No.  IG.     Lord 
Herbert's  L(/e  of  Henry  VJIL,  p.  521. 
t  Anderson,  English  Bible,  ii.  j).  110. 


216  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

reasserted  that  he  was  guilty  of  treason.  Cromwell  was 
certainly  not  faultless.  He  was  above  all  a  politician,  and 
political  interests  had  too  much  weight  with  him.  He 
was  the  advocate  of  some  vexatious  and  unjust  measures, 
and  he  acted  sometimes  in  opposition  to  his  own  prin- 
ciples. But  his  main  fault  was  a  too  servile  devotion  to 
the  prince  w^lio  pretended  that  he  had  been  betrayed  by 
him;  and  of  this  he  had  given  a  lamentable  -prooi  in  the 
case  of  Anne  Boleyn. 

His  enemies  were  afraid  that,  if  the  trial  were  con- 
ducted openly  before  his  peers  according  to  law,  he 
would  make  his  voice  heard  and  clear  himself  of  all  their 
imputations.  They  resolved  therefore  to  proceed  against 
him  without  trial,  and  without  discussion,  by  the  par- 
liamentary method,  by  bill  of  attainder;  a  course  pro- 
nounced by  Roman  Catholics  themselves  '  a  most  iniqui- 
tous measure.'*  He  ought  to  have  been  tried,  and  he 
was  not  tried.  He  was,  however,  confronted  on  Friday, 
June  11,  the  day  after  his  arrest,  with  one  of  his  accusers, 
and  thus  learnt  what  were  the  charges  brought  against 
him.  Conducted  again  to  the  Tower,  he  became  fully 
aw^are  of  the  danger  which  was  impendiug  over  him. 
The  power  of  his  enemies,  Gardiner  and  Norfolk,  the 
increasing  disfavor  of  Anne  of  Cleves,  which  seemed  in- 
evitably to  involve  his  ov/n  ruio,  the  proceedings  institu- 
ted against  Barnes  and  other  evangelists,  the  anger  of 
the  king — all  these  things  alarmed  him  and  produced 
the  conviction  in  his  mind  that  the  issue  was  doubtful, 
and  that  the  danger  was  certain.  He  was  in  a  state  of 
great  distress  and  deep  melancholy;  gloomy  thoughts 
oppressed  him,  and  his  limbs  trembled.  The  prison  has 
been  called  the  porch  of  the  grave,  and  Cromwell  indeed 

*  Lingard,  Hist,  of  England,  v.  p.  143.  The  same  course  bad  been 
adopted  witb  respect  to  the  Countess  of  Salisbuiy;  and  Cromwell, 
it  was  said,  was  implicated  in  tbat  case.  It  must,  bowever,  be  ob- 
served that  tbis  lady  was  not  executed  till  a  year  after  Cromwell's 
deatb. 


CHAP.  V.  EXAMINATION    OF    CROMWELL.  217 

looked  upon  it  as  a  gi-ave.  On  June  30  he  wrote  to 
the  king  from  his  gloomy  abode  an  affecting  letter,  '  with 
heavy  heart  and  trembling  hand,'  as  he  himself  said. 

About  the  end  of  June,  the  duke  of  Norfolk,  the  lord 
chancellor,  and  the  lord  high  admiral  went  to  the  Tower, 
instructed  to  examine  Cromwell  and  to  make  various 
declarations  to  him  on  the  part  of  the  king.  The  most 
important  of  these  related  to  the  marriage  of  Henry  VIII. 
with  Anne  of  Cleves.  They  called  upon  him  to  state  all 
that  he  knew  touching  this  marriage,  'as  he  might  do 
before  God  on  the  dread  day  of  judgment.'  On  June  30 
Cromwell  wrote  to  the  king  a  letter  in  which  he  set  forth 
what  he  knew  on  the  subject;  and  he  added:  '  And  this 
is  all  that  I  know,  most  gracious  and  most  merciful  sov- 
ereign lord,  beseeching  Almighty  God  ...  to  coun- 
sel you,  preserve  you,  maintain  you,  remedy  you,  relieve 
and  defend  you,  as  may  be  most  to  your  honor,  with 
prosperity,  health  and  comfort  of  your  heart's  desire 
.  .  .  [giving  you]  continuance  of  Nestor's  years.  .  .  . 
I  am  a  most  woeful  prisoner,  ready  to  take  the  death, 
when  it  shall  please  God  and  your  majesty;  and  yet  the 
frail  flesh  inciteth  me  continually  to  call  to  your  grace 
for  mercy  and  grace  for  mine  offences:  and  thus  Christ 
save,  preserve,  and  keep  you. 

'  Written  at  the  Tower  this  Wednesday,  the  last  day 
of  June,  with  the  heavy  heart  and  trembling  hand  of 
your  highness'  most  heavy  and  most  miserable  prisoner 
and  poor  slave, 

'Thomas   Crumwell.' 

After  having  signed  the  letter,  Cromwell,  overpowered 
with  terror  at  his  future  prospects,  added: — 

'  Most  gracious  prince,  I  cry  for  mercy,  mercy,  mercy.'  * 

The  heads  of  the  clerical  party,  impatient  to  be  rid  of 

an  enemy  whom  they  hated,  hurried  on  the  fatal  decree. 

The  Parliament  met  on  Thursday,  June  17,  seven  days 

*  Cromwell's  Letter  to  Henry  VIII.     Burnet,  Records,  i.  p.  301. 
VOL,.    \Ta:i.  — 10 


218  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xy. 

after  Cromwell's  imprisonment;  and  Cranmer,  wlio  had 
attended  the  sittings  of  the  House  of  Lords  on  the  pre- 
vious days,  was  not  present  on  this  occasion.  The  earl 
of  Southampton,  who  had  become  lord  keeper  of  the 
privy  seal  in  Cromwell's  place,  entered  and  presented 
the  bill  of  attainder  against  his  predecessor.  It  was 
read  a  first  time.  The  second  and  third  readings  fol- 
lowed on  Saturday  the  19th.  Cranmer,  whose  absence 
had  probably  been  noticed,  was  XDresent;  and,  according 
to  his  lamentable  system,  adapted  to  the  desj)otism  of 
his  master,  after  having  complied  with  the  dictate  of  his 
conscience  by  calling  to  mind  the  merits  of  Cromwell,  he 
complied  with  the  will  of  the  king,  and  by  his  silence 
acquiesced  in  the  proceedings  of  the  House.  The  biU 
was  sent  to  the  lower  House.  It  appears  that  the  com- 
mons raised  some  scruples  or  objections,  for  the  bill  re- 
mained under  consideration  for  ten  days.  It  was  not 
until  June  29  that  the  commons  sent  the  bill  back  to 
the  peers,  with  some  amendments;  and  the  peers,  ever 
in  haste,  ordered  that  the  three  readings  should  take 
place  at  the  same  sitting.  They  then  sent  it  to  the  king, 
who  gave  his  assent  to  it.  The  man  who  was  prosecuted 
had  been  so  powerful  that  it  was  feared  lest  he  should 
regain  his  strength  and  begin  to  advance  with  fresh 
energy. 

The  king,  meanwhile,  seems  to  have  hesitated.  He 
was  less  decided  than  those  who  at  this  time  enjoyed 
his  favor. 

Although  the  lord  chancellor,  the  duke  of  Norfolk, 
and  Lord  Russell  had  come  to  announce  to  Cromwell 
that  the  bill  of  attainder  had  passed,  he  remained  still 
a  whole  month  in  the  Tower.  The  royal  commissioners 
interrogated  him  at  intervals  on  various  subjects.  It 
seems  even  that  the  king  sent  him  relief,  probably  to 
mitigate  the  severities  of  his  imprisonment.  Cromwell 
habitually  received  the  king's  commissioners  with  dig- 
nity, and  answered  them  with  discretion.     ^Yhether  the 


CHAP.  V.  HIS    LETTER    TO    THE    KING.  219 

questions  touched  on  temporal  or  ecclesiastical  affairs, 
lie  ever  showed  himself  better  informed  than  his  ques- 
tioners.* 

Henry  sent  word  to  him  that  he  might  w^rite  any  thing 
that  he  thought  meet  under  his  present  circumstances. 
From  this,  Cromwell  appears  to  have  conceived  a  hope 
that  the  king  would  not  permit  his  sentence  to  be  exe- 
cuted. He  took  courage  and  wrote  to  the  king.  '  Most 
gracious  king,'  he  said,  'your  most  lamentable  servant 
and  prisoner  prostrate  at  the  feet  of  your  most  excellent 
majesty,  have  heard  your  pleasure  .  .  .  that  I  should 
write.  .  .  First,  where  I  have  been  accused  to  your 
majesty  of  treason,  to  that  I  say,  I  never  in  all  my  life 
thought  willingly  to  do  that  thing  that  might  or  should 
disj^lease  your  majesty.  .  .  What  labors,  pains,  and 
travails  I  have  taken,  according  to  my  most  bounden 
duty  God  also  knoweth.  .  .  .  If  it  had  been  or  were 
in  my  power,  to  make  your  majesty  so  puissant,  as  all 
the  world  should  be  compelled  to  obey  you,  Christ  he 
knoweth  I  would,  .  .  for  your  majesty  hath  been 
.  .  .  more  like  a  dear  father  .  .  .  than  a  master 
.  .  .  Should  any  faction  or  any  affection  to  any  jDoint 
make  me  a  traitor  to  your  majesty,  then  all  the  devils  in 
hell  confound  me,  and  the  vengeance  of  God  light  upon 
me.  .  .  Yet  our  Lord,  if  it  be  his  will,  can  do  w^ith 
me  as  he  did  with  Susan,  who  was  falsely  accused.  .  . 
Other  hope  than  in  God  and  your  majesty  I  have  not 
.  .  .  Amongst  other  things,  most  gracious  sovereign, 
master  comptroller  shewed  me  that  your  grace  shewed 
him  that  within  these  fourteen  days  ye  committed  a 
matter  of  great  secresy,  which  I  did  reveal.  .  .  This 
I  did.  .  .  I  spake  privily  with  her  [the  queen's]  lord 
chamberlain  .  .  .  desiring  him  ...  to  find  some 
mean  that  the  queen  might  be  induced  to  order  your 
grace  pleasantly  in  her  behavior  towards  you.  .  .  If 
I  have  offended  your  majesty  therein,  prostrate  at  your 
*  Fox,  Acfs,  V.  p.  401. 


220  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

majesty's  feet  I  most  lowly  ask  mercy  and  pardon  of 
yoiu'  liiglmess.  .  .  Written  with  the  quaking  hand 
and  most  sorrowful  heart  of  your  most  sorrowful  subject 
and  most  humble  servant  and  prisoner,  this  Saturday  at 
your  [Tower]  of  London. 

'Thomas  Crumwell.'* 

Cromwell  was  resig-ned  to   death;   and   the  principal 
object  of  his  concern  was  the  fate  of  his  son,  his  grand- 
children, and  likewise  of  his  domestic  servants.     His  son 
was  in  a  good  position,  having  married  a  sister  of  the 
queen  Jane  Seymour.     '  Sir,  upon  my  knees,'  he  said,  '  I 
most  humbly  beseech  your  gracious  majesty  to  be  good 
and  gracious  lord  to  my  poor  son,  the  good  and  virtuous 
woman  his  wife,  and  their  poor  children,  and  also  to  my 
servants.     And  this  I  desire  of  your  grace  for  Christ's 
sake.'     The  unhappy  father,  returning  to  his  own  case, 
finished  fey  saying,  '  Most  gracious  prince,  mercy,  mercy, 
mercy! 't     Cromw^ell  wrote   twice  in  this  manner;   and 
the  king  was  so  much  affected  by  the  second  of  these 
letters  that  he  '  commanded  it  thrice  to  be  read  to  him.'  J 
Would  CromweU  then,  after  all,  escape?     Those  who 
were  ignorant  of  what  was  passing  at  court  looked  upon 
it  as  impossible  that  he  should  be  sacrificed  so  long  as 
Anne  of  Cleves  was  queen  of  England.     But  the  very 
circumstances  which  seemed  to  them  the  guarantee  of 
his  safety  were  to  be  instead  the  occasion  of  his  ruin. 
Henry's  dislike  to  his  wife  was  ever  increasing,  and  he 
was  determined  to  get  rid  of  her.     But,  as  usual,  he  con- 
cealed beneath  flowers  the  weapon  with  which  he  was 
about  to  strike  her.     In  the  month  of  March,  the  kmg 
gave,  in  honor  of  the  queen,  a  grand  fete  with  a  tourna- 
ment, as  he  had  done  for  Anne  Boleyn;  and  amongst  the 
numerous   combatants,  who  took  part  in  the  joustmg 

*  Burnet,  Becords,  ii.  p.  214. 

t  Cotton  MS.  Titus,  B.  1,  fol.  267.     Original  Letters,  &c.  (ElUs) 
Series  ii.  p.  160.  X  Fox,  Acts,  v.  p.  402. 


CHAP.  V.  CATHERINE    HOWARD.  221 

were  Sir  Thomas  Seymour,  the  earl  of  Sussex,  Harry 
Howard,  and  Eichard  Cromwell,  nepliew  of  the  earl  of 
Essex,  aud  ancestor  of  the  great  Protector  Oliver.* 

One  circumstance  contributed  to  hasten  the  decision 
of  the  king-.  There  was  at  the  court  a  young  lady,  small 
of  stature,  of  a  good  figure  and  beautiful  countenance,  of 
ladylike  manners,  coquettish  and  forward,  who  at  this 
time  made  a  deep  impression  on  Henry.  This  was  Cath- 
erine Howard,  a  niece  of.the  duke  of  ^^orfolk,  now  resid- 
ing with  her  grandmother,  the  duchess  dowager,  who 
allowed  her  great  liberty.  Katherine  was  in  every  respect 
a  contrast  to  Anne  of  Cleves.  Henry  resolved  to  marry 
her,  and  for  this  purpose  to  get  rid  forthwith  of  his 
present  wife.  As  he  was  desirous  of  being  provisionally 
reheved  of  her  presence,  he  persuaded  her  that  a  change 
of  air  would  be  very  beneficial  to  her,  and  that  it  was 
necessary  that  she  should  make  a  stay  in  the  country. 
On  June  24  he  sent  the  good  princess,  who  felt  grateful 
for  his  attentions,  to  Eichmond.  At  the  same  time  he 
despatched  the  bishop  of  Bath  to  her  brother,  the  duke 
of  Cleves,  with  a  view  to  prepare  him  for  the  very  unex- 
pected decision  which  was  impending  over  his  sister,  and 
to  avert  any  vexatious  consequences,  f 

Cromwell,  then,  had  no  aid  to  look  for  at  the  hands  of 
a  queen  already  forsaken  and  ere  long  repudiated.  He 
could  not  hope  to  escape  death.  His  enemies  were  urgent 
for  the  execution  of  the  bill.  They  professed  to  have  dis- 
covered a  correspondence  which  he  had  carried  on  with 
the  Protestant  princes  of  Germany.  J 

Cromwell's  determination  to  offer  no  opposition  to  the 
king  led  him  to  commit  serious  mistakes,  unworthy  of  a 
Christian.  Nevertheless,  according  to  documents  stiU 
extant,  he  died  like  a  Christian.  He  was  not  the  first, 
nor  the  last,  who  in  the  presence  of  death,  of  capital  imn- 
*  Hall. 

t  Lord  Herbert's  Dfe  of  Henry  VIII. ,  p.  520. 
}  Le  Grand,  Divorce,  ii.  p.  235. 


222  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

isliment,  has  examined  himself,  and  confessed  himself  a 
sinner.  While  he  spurned  the  accusations  made  by  his 
enemies,  he  humbled  himself  before  the  weightier  and 
more  solemn  accusations  of  his  own  conscience.  How 
often  had  his  own  w411  been  opposed  to  the  command- 
menta»of  the  divine  will!  But  at  the  same  time  he  dis- 
covered in  the  Gospel  the  grace  which  he  had  but  im- 
perfectly known;  and  the  doctrines  which  the  Catholic 
church  of  the  first  ages  had  professed  became  dear  to 
him. 

On  July  28,  1540,  Cromwell  was  taken  to  Tower  Hill, 
the  j)lace  of  execution.  On  reaching  the  scaffold  he  said: 
*I  am  come  hither  to  die,  and  not  to  purge  myseK.  .  . 
For  since  the  time  that  I  have  had  j^ears  of  discretion,  I 
have  lived  a  sinner  and  offended  my  Lord  God,  for  the 
which  I  ask  Him  heartily  forgiveness.  And  it  is  not  un- 
known to  many  of  you  that  I  have  been  a  great  travailler 
in  this  world,  and  being  but  of  a  base  degree,  was  called 
to  high  estate;  and  since  the  time  I  came  thereunto  I 
have  offended  my  prince,  for  the  which  I  ask  him  heartily 
forgiveness,  and  beseech  you  all  to  i)ray  to  God  with  me, 
that  he  w^ill  forgive  me.  O  Father,  forgive  me!  O  Son, 
forgive  me!  O  Holy  Ghost,  forgive  me!  O  Three  Per- 
sons in  one  God,  forgive  me!  ...  I  die  in  the  Cath- 
olic faith.  ...  I  heartily  desii'e  you  to  pray  for  the 
king's  grace,  that  he  may  long  live  with  you  in  health  and 
prosperity.' 

By  insisting  in  so  marked  a  manner  on  the  doctrine 
of  the  Trinity,  professed  in  the  fourth  century  by  the 
councils  of  Nicaea  and  Constantinople,  Cromwell  doubt- 
less intended  to  show  that  this  was  the  Cathohc  doctrine 
in  which  he  asserted  that  he  died.  But  he  did  not  omit 
to  give  evidence  that  his  faith  was  that  of  the  Scriptures. 

After  his  confession,  he  knelt  down,  and  at  this  solemn 
hour  he  uttered  this  Christian  and  fervent  prayer:*  'O 
Lord  Jesu !  w^hich  art  the  onlj^  health  of  all  men  living 

*  Fox,  Acts,  V.  p.  403. 


CHAP.  V,  EXECUTION    OF    CROMWELL.  223 

and  the  eveiiasting  life  of  tliem  which  die  in  thee,  I, 
wretched  sinner,  do  submit  myself  wholly  unto  thy  most 
blessed  wdll,  and  being  sure  that  the  thing  can  not  perish 
which  is  committed  unto  thy  mercy,  willingly  now  I  leave 
this  frail  and  wdcked  flesh,  in  sure  hoj^e  that  thou  wilt, 
in  better  wdse,  restore  it  to  me  again  at  the  last  day  in 
the  resurrection  of  the  just.     I  beseech  thee,  most  mer- 
ciful Lord  Jesus  Christ!    that  thou  wilt  by  thy  grace 
make  strong  my  soul  against  all  temptations,  and  defend 
me  with  the  buckler  of  thy  mercy  against  all  the  assaults 
of  the  devil.     I  see   and  acknowledge  that  there  is  in 
myself  no  hope  of  salvation,  but  all  my  confidence,  hope, 
and  trust  is  in  thy  most  merciful  goodness.     I  have  no 
merits  nor  good  works  which  I  may  allege  before  thee. 
Of  sins  and  evil  works,  alas!  I  see  a  great  heap;  but  yet 
through  thy  mercy  I  trust  to  be  in  the  number  of  them 
to  whom  thou  wilt  not  impute  their  sins;  but  wilt  take 
and  accept  me  for  righteous  and  just,   and  to  be  the 
inheritor  of  everlasting  life.     Thou,  merciful  Lord  !  wast 
born  for  my  sake;  thou  didst   suffer  both  hunger  and 
thirst  for  my  sake;  thou  didst  teach,  pray,  and  fast  for 
my  sake;  all  thy  holy  actions  and  works  thou  wToughtest 
for  my  sake;  thou  sufferedst  most  grievous  pains  and 
torments  for  my  sake;  finally,  thou  gavest  thy  most  pre- 
cious body  and  thy  blood  to  be  shed  on  the  cross  for  my 
sake.     Now,  most  merciful  Saviour!  let  all  these  things 
profit  me,  that  thou  freely  hast  done  for  me,  which  hast 
given  thyself  also  for  me.     Let  thy  blood  cleanse  and 
wash  away  the  spots  and  foulness  of  my  sins.     Let  thy 
righteousness  hide  and  cover  my  unrighteousness.     Let 
the  merits  of  thy  passion  and  blood-shedding  be  satisfac- 
tion for  my  sins.     Give  me.  Lord !   thy  grace,  that  the 
faith  of  my  salvation  in  thy  blood  waver  not  in  me,  but 
may  ever  be  firm   and   constant;  ihat   the  hope   of  thy 
mercy  and  life  everlasting  never  decay  in  me:  that  love 
w^ax  not  cold  in  me.     Finally,  that  the  weakness  of  my 
flesh  be  not  overcome  wdth  the  fear  of  death.     Grant  me. 


224  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

merciful  Saviour!  that  when  death  hath  shut  up  the 
eyes  of  my  body,  yet  the  eyes  of  my  soul  may  still  be- 
hold and  look  u]3on  thee;  and  when  death  hath  taken 
away  the  use  of  my  tongue,  yet  my  heart  may  cry  and 
say  unto  thee,  "Lord!  into  thy  hands  I  commend  my 
soul;  Lord  Jesu !  receive  my  spirit !  "     Amen.'  * 

This  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  prayers  handed  down 
to  us  in  Christian  times. 

Cromwell  having  finished  his  prayer  and  being  now 
ready,  a  stroke  of  the  axe  severed  his  head  from  his 
body. 

Thus  died  a  man  who,  although  he  had  risen  from  the 
lowliest  to  the  loftiest  estate,  never  allowed  himself  to  be 
seduced  by  pride,  nor  made  giddy  by  the  pomps  of  the 
world,  who  continued  attached  to  his  old  acquaintances, 
and  was  eager  to  honor  the  meanest  who  had  rendered 
him  any  service;  a  man  who  powerfully  contributed  to 
the  establishment  of  Protestantism  in  England,f  although 
his  enemies,  unaware  of  the  very  different  meanings  of 
the  words  'Catholicism'  and  *Poj)ery,'  took  pleasure  in 
circulating  the  report  in  Europe,  after  his  death,  that  he 
died  a  Roman  Catholic;  a  man  who  for  eight  years  gov- 
erned his  country,  the  king,  the  parhament,  and  convo- 
cation; who  had  the  direction  of  all  domestic  as  well  as 
foreign  affairs;  who  executed  what  he  had  advised,  and 
who,  in  spite  of  the  blots  which  he  himself  lamented, 
was  one  of  the  most  intelligent,  most  active,  and  most 
influential  of  English  ministers. J  It  is  said  that  the 
king  ere  long  regretted  him.  However  this  may  be,  he 
protected  his  son  and  gave  him  proofs  of  his  favor, 
doubtless  in  remembrance  of  his  father. 

Another  nobleman,  Walter,  Lord  Hungerford,  was  be- 

*  Fox,  V.  p.  403.  It  is  possible  that  the  prayer  may  have  been 
written  in  the  prison. 

t  State  Papers,  viii.  p.  396.     Pate  to  Norfolk. 

X  The  distinguished  historian,  Mr.  Froude,  bears  the  same  testi- 
mony. 


CHAP.  VI.  ROME    TRIUMPHANT.  225 

headed  at  the  same  time  with  Cromwell,  for  having  en- 
deavored to  ascertain,  by  'conjuring,'  how  long  the  kino- 
would  live.* 


CHAPTER    VI. 

DIVORCE    OF   ANNE    OF    CLEVES. 
(1540.) 

The  Cathohc  party  was  triumphant.  It  had  set  aside 
the  Protestant  queen  and  sacrificed  the  Protestant  min- 
ister; and  it  now  proceeded  to  take  measures  of  a  less 
starthng  character,  but  which  were  a  more  direct  attack 
on  the  very  work  of  the  Reformation.  It  thought  proper 
to  put  to  death  some  of  those  zealous  men  who  were 
boldly  preaching  the  pure  Gospel,  not  only  for  the  sake 
of  getting  rid  of  them,  but  even  more  for  the  purpose  of 
terrifying  those  who  were  imitating  them  or  who  were 
willing  to  do  so. 

Of  these  men,  Barnes,  Garret,  and  Jerome  were  the 
most  known.  They  were  in  prison;  but  Henry  had 
hitherto  scrupled  about  sacrificing  men  who  i^reached 
a  doctrine  opposed  to  the  pope.  The  party,  moreover, 
united  all  their  forces  to  bring  about  the  fall  of  Cromwell, 
who  had  been  confined  within  the  same  walls.  After  his 
death,  the  death  of  the  preachers  followed  as  a  matter  of 
.course;  it  was  merely  the  corollary;  it  was  a  natural  con- 
sequence, and  needed  no  special  demonstration;  the  sen- 
tence, according  to  the  Romish  party,  had  only  to  be  pro- 
nounced to  be  evidently  justified.  On  these  principles 
the  king's  council  and  the  parhament  proceeded;  and 
two  days  after  the  execution  of  Cromwell,  these  three 
evangehsts,  without  any  public  hearing,  without  know- 

*  Original  Letters,  &c.,  i.  p.  202.     Lord  Herbert'«  Life  of  Henry 
VIIL,  p.  526.  ^ 

VOL.    vni, — 10* 


226  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

ing  any  cause  of  their  condemnation,  without  receiv- 
ing any  communication  whatsoever,*  were  taken  out  of 
prison,  July  30,  1540,  to  be  conducted  to  Smithfield, 
where  they  were  to  be  deprived,  not  only  of  their  min- 
istry, but  of  theu'  hves. 

Henry,  however,  was  not  fi'ee  from  uneasiness.     He 
had  openly  asserted  that  he  leaned  neither  to  one  side 
nor  to  the  other;  that  he  weighed  both  parties  in  a  just 
balance;  and  now,  while  he  is  boasting  of  his  impartiahty, 
every  body  persists  in  saying  that  he  gives  all  the  advan- 
tage to  the  pajjists.     What  is  he  to  do  in  order  to  be  just 
and  impartial?     Three  papists  must  be  found  to  be  put 
to  death  at  the  same  time  with  the  evangehcals.     Then 
nobody  will  venture  to  assert  that  the  king  does  not 
hold  the  balance  even.     The  measure  shall  be  faultless 
and  one  of  the  glories  of  his  reign.     The  three  papists 
selected  to  be  placed  in  the  other  scale  bore  the  names 
of  Abel,  towel,  and  Fetherstone.     The  first  two  were 
political  pamphleteers  who  had  supported  the  cause  of 
Catherine  of  Aragon;  and  the  third  was,  hke  them,  an 
opponent  of  royal  supremacy.     It  seems  that  in  this  mat- 
ter the  king  also  made  allowance  for  the  composition  of 
his  own  council,  which  comi^rised  both  fiiends  and  ene- 
mies of  the  Reformation.     Amongst  the  former  were  the 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  duke  of  Suffolk,  viscounts 
Beauchamp  and  Lisle,  Russell,  Paget,  Sadler,  and  Audley. 
Amongst  the  latter  were  the  bishops  of  Winchester  and 
Durham,  the  duke  of  Norfolk,  the  earl  of  Southampton, 
Sir  Antony  Brown,  Paulet,  Baker,  Richard,  and  Wing-, 
field.     There  was  therefore  a  majority  of  one  against  the 
Reformation,  just  enough  to  turn  the  scale.    Henry,  with 
a  show  of  impartiality,  assigned  three  victims  to  each  of 
these  parties.     Preparations  were  made  at  the  Tower  for 
carrying  out  this  equitable  sentence.     In  the  courtyard 
were  three  hurdles,  of  oblong  shape,  formed  of  branches 
of  trees  closely  intertwined,  on  which  the  culiDrits  were 
*  Fox,  V.  p.  434. 


CHAP.  VI.  PAPIST    AND    PROTESTAXT    MARTYRS.  227 

to  be  drawn  to  the  j^lace  of  execution.  'Wliy  three  only, 
as  there  were  six  condemned  ?  The  reason  was  soon  to 
be  seen.  When  the  three  prisoners  of  each  side  were 
brought  out,  they  proceeded  to  lay  one  evangehcal  on 
the  first  hurdle,  and  by  his  side  a  papist,  binding  them 
properly  to  each  other  to  keep  them  in  this  strange  coup- 
ling. The  same  process  was  gone  through  with  the  sec- 
ond and  the  third  hurdles;*  they  then  set  out,  and  the 
six  prisoners  were  drawn  two  and  two  to  Smithfield. 
Thus,  in  every  street  through  which  the  procession 
passed,  Henry  YIII.  proclaimed  by  this  strange  spec- 
tacle that  his  government  was  impartial,  and  condemned 
alike  the  two  classes  of  divines  and  of  doctrines. 

The  three  hurdles  reached  Smithfield.  Two  and  two, 
the  prisoners  wer-e  unbound,  and  the  three  evangeh- 
cals  were  conducted  to  the  stake.  No  trial  having  been 
allowed  them  by  the  court,  these  upright  and  pious  men 
felt  it  their  duty  to  supply  its  place  at  the  foot  of  the 
scaffold.  The  day  of  their  death  thus  became  for  them 
the  da*)^  of  hearing.  The  tribunal  was  sitting  and  the 
assembly  was  large.  Barnes  was  the  first  speaker.  He 
said:  'I  am  come  hither  to  be  burned  as  a  heretic.  .  .  . 
God  I  take  to  record,  I  never  (to  my  knowledge)  taught 
any  erroneous  doctrine  .  .  .  and  I  neither  moved 
nor  gave  occasion  of  any  insurrection.  ...  I  believe 
in  the  Holy  and  Blessed  Trinity;  .  .  .  and  that  this 
blessed  Trinity  sent  down  the  second  person,  Jesus  Christ, 
into  the  w^omb  of  the  most  blessed  and  purest  Virgin 
Mary.  .  .  I  believe  that  through  his  death  he  over- 
came sin,  death  and  hell;  and  that  there  is  none  other 
satisfaction  to  the  Father,  but  this  his  death  and  passion 
only.'  At  these  words  Barnes,  deeply  moved,  raised  his 
h;mds  to  heaven,  and  prayed  God  to  forgive  him  his  sins. 
Tliis  profession  of  faith  did  not  satisfy  the  sheriff.  Then 
some  one   asked   him  what  he  thought    of  praying  to 

*   '  Drawn  to  the  place  of  execution  two  upon  a  hurdle,  one  being 
a  papist  and  the  other  a  protestant.'— Fox,  Acts,  v.  p.  439. 


228  THE    REFORilATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

the  saints.  'I  believe,'  answered  Barnes,  'that  they  are 
worthy  of  all  the  honor  that  Scripture  willeth  them  to 
have.  But,  I  say,  throughout  all  Scripture  we  are  not 
commanded  to  pray  to  an}'-  saints.  ...  If  saints  do 
pray  for  us,  then  I  trust  to  pray  for  you  within  the  next 
half-hour.'  He  was  silent,  and  the  sheriff  said  to  him: 
'  Well,  have  you  any  thing  more  to  sa^^? '  He  answered: 
'  Have  ye  any  articles  against  me  for  the  which  I  am  con- 
demned?' The  sheriff  answered :  'No.'  Barnes  then  put 
the  question  to  the  people  whether  any  knew  wherefore 
he  died.  No  one  answered.  Then  he  resumed:  'They 
that  have  been  the  occasion  of  it  I  pray  God  forgive  them, 
as  I  would  be  forgiven  myself.  And  Doctor  Stephen, 
bishop  of  Winchester  that  now  is,  if  he  have  sought  or 
wrought  this  my  death,  either  by  word  or  deed,  I  pray 
God  forgive  him.  .  .  I  pray  that  God  may  give  [the 
king]  prosperity,  and  that  he  may  long  reign  among  you; 
and  after  him  that  godly  prince  Edward  may  so  reign  that 
he  may  finish  those  things  that  his  father  hath  begun.'  * 
Then  collecting  himself,  Barnes  addressed  three  requests 
to  the  sheriff,  the  prayer  of  a  dying  man.  The  first  was 
that  the  king  might  employ  the  wealth  of  the  abbeys 
which  had  been  poured  into  the  treasury  in  relieving  his 
poor  subjects  who  were  in  great  need  of  it.  The  second 
was  that  marriage  might  be  respected,  and  that  men 
might  not  Hve  in  uncleanness.  The  third,  that  the  name 
of  God  might  not  be  taken  in  vain  in  abominable  oaths. 
These  prayers  of  a  dying  man,  who  was  sent  to  the  scaf- 
fold by  Henry  himself,  ought  to  have  produced  some 
impression  on  the  heart  of  the  king.  Jerome  and  Garret 
likewise  addressed  affecting  exhortations  to  the  people. 
After  this,  these  three  Christians  uttered  together  their 
last  prayer,  shook  hands  with  and  embraced  each  other, 
and  then  meekly  gave  themselves  up  to  the  executiouer. 
They  were  bound  to  the  same  stake,  and  breathed  their 
last  in  patience  and  in  faith. 

*  Fox,  Acts,  V.  p.  435. 


CHAP.  VI.  PROPOSED    DIVORCE    OP'    THE    QUEEN.  229 

On  the  same  day,  at  the  same  hour,  and  at  the  same 
place  where  the  three  friends  of  the  Gospel  were  burnt, 
the  three  followers  of  the  loope,  Abel,  Fetherstone,  and 
Powel  were  bung.  A  foreigner  who  was  present  ex- 
claimed: ^ Deus  bone!  quomodo  hie  viviint  geute^?  Hie 
su^pendunfAU'  papidce,  illic  eomburuntur  antipapidcE.'  The 
simple-minded  and  ignorant  asked  what  kind  of  religion 
people  should  have  in  England,  seeing  that  both  Ro- 
manism and  Protestantism  led  to  death.  A  courtier  ex- 
claimed: '  Verily,  henceforth  I  will  be  of  the  king's  relig- 
ion, that  is  to  say,  of  none  at  all ! '  * 

Cromwell  and  these  six  men  were  not  to  be  the  only 
objects  of  the  king's  displeasure.  Even  before  they  had 
undergone  their  sentence,  the  king  had  caused  his  di- 
vorce to  be  pronounced.  In  marrying  Anne  of  Clevcs, 
his  chief  object  had  been  to  form  an  alliance  with  the 
Protestants  against  the  emperor.  Now  these  two  op- 
ponents were  by  this  time  reconciled  with  each  other. 
Henry,  therefore,  deeply  ii-ritated,  no  longer  hesitated 
to  rid  himself  of  the  new  queen.  He  was  influenced, 
moreover,  by  another  motive.  He  was  smitten  with  the 
charms  of  another  woman.  However,  as  he  dreaded  the 
raillery,  the  censures,  and  even  the  calamities  which  the 
divorce  might  bring  upon  him,  he  was  anxious  not  to 
aj^pear  as  the  originator  of  it,  and  should  the  accusation 
be  made,  to  be  able  to  repel  it  as  a  foul  imposture  with- 
out shadow  of  reality.  He  resolved,  therefore,  to  adopt 
Buch  a  course  that  this  strange  proceeding  should  seem 
to  have  been  imposed  upon  him.  This  intention  he 
hinted  to  one  of  the  lords  in  whom  he  had  full  confi- 
dence; and  the  latter  made  some  communications  about 
it,  on  July  3,  to  the  Privy  Council.  On  the  Gth  his 
majesty's  ministers  pointed  out  to  the  upper  house  the 
propriety  of  their  humbly  requesting  the  king,  in  con- 
junction with  the  lower  house,  that  the  convocation  of 

*  'Nae!  in  posterum  ego  regioe  religionis  ero,  hoc  est,  uuUiub  1* 
— Gerdesius,  Ann.,  iv.  p.  300. 


230  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

the  clergy  might  examine  into  his  marriage  with  Anne 
of  Cleves,  and  see  whether  it  were  valid.  The  lords 
adopted  the  proposal;  and  a  commission  consisting  of 
the  lord  chancellor,  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and 
the  dukes  of  Norfolk  and  Suffolk,  presented  it  to  the 
commons,  who  gave  their  assent  to  it.  Consequently  the 
whole  House  of  Lords  and  a  commission  of  twenty  mem- 
bers of  the  lower  house  appeared  before  the  king,  and 
stated  that  the  matter  about  which  they  had  to  confer 
with  him  was  of  such  an  imj)ortant  character  that  they 
must  first  request  his  permission  to  lay  it  before  them. 
Henry,  feiguing  utter  ignorance  of  what  they  meant, 
commanded  them  to  speak.  They  then  said, — '  We  hum- 
bly pray  your  majesty  to  allow  the  validity  of  your  mar- 
riage to  be  investigated  by  the  convocation  of  the  clergy; 
we  attach  all  the  more  importance  to  this  proceeding 
because  thp  question  bears  upon  the  succession  to  the 
throne  of  your  majesty.'  It  was  well  known  that  the 
king  did  not  love  -Anne,  and  that  he  was  even  in  love 
with  another.*  This  is  a  striking  instance  of  the  degree 
of  meanness  to  which  Henry  VIII.  had  reduced  his  par- 
liament; for  an  assembly,  even  if  some  mean  souls  are 
to  be  found  in  it,  undertakes  not  to  be  desj^icable,  and 
what  is  noblest  in  it  usually  comes  to  the  surface.  But 
if  the  shameful  compliances  of  the  parliament  astonish 
us,  the  audacious  hypocrisy  of  Henry  VIII.  surprises  us 
still  more.  He  stood  up  to  answer  as  if  in  the  presence 
of  the  Deity;  and  concealing  his  real  motives  he  said, — 
'There  is  nothing  in  the  world  more  dear  to  me  than 
the  glory  of  God,  the  good  of  England,  and  the  declara- 
tion of  the  truth.'  All  the  actors  in  this  comedy  played 
their  parts  to  perfection. f     The  king  immediately  sent 

*  'They  had  perceived  that  the  king's  affections  were  aUenated 
from  the  Lady  Anne  to  that  young  girl  .  .  .  whom  he  married 
immediately  upon  Anne's  divorce.' — Origlual  Letters  relating  to  the 
English  Ueformaiion,  i.  p.  205. 

t  The  judgment  of  Convocation,  Burnet,  Records,  i.  p.  303.    Lord 


CHAP.  VI.  EXAMINAI'lON    OF    WITNESSES.  281 

to  Richmond  sorac  of  his  councillors,  amongst  them  Suf- 
folk and  Gardiner,  to  communicate  to  the  queen  the 
demand  of  the  parliament  and  to  ascertain  her  opinion 
with  resjoect  to  it.  After  many  long  conferences,  Anne 
gave  her  consent  to  the  proposal.* 

The  next  day,  July  7,  the  matter  was  brought  before 
Convocation  by  Gardiner,  bishop  of  Winchester,  who  was 
very  anxious  to  see  a  Roman  Catholic  queen  upon  the 
throne  of  England.  A  committee  was  nominated  for  the 
purpose  of  examining  the  witnesses;  and  of  this  commit- 
tee the  bishop  was  a  member.  An  autograph  declaration 
of  the  king  was  produced,  in  which  he  dwelt  strongly  on 
the  fact  that  he  took  such  a  dislike  to  Anne  as  soon  as 
he  saw  her  that  he  thought  instantly  of  breaking  off  the 
match;  that  he  never  inwardly  consented  to  the  mar- 
riage, and  that  in  fact  it  had  never  been  consummated. f 
Within  two  days  all  the  witnesses  were  heard.  Henry 
was  impatient;  and  the  Roman  party  urgently  appealed 
to  the  assembly  to  deliver  a  judgment  which  would  rid 
England  of  a  Protestant  queen.  Cranmer,  out  of  fear 
or  feebleness  (he  had  just  seen  Cromwell  lose  his  head), 
went  with  the  rest  of  them.  In  his  view  the  will  of  Henry 
VIII.  was  almost  what  destiny  was  for  the  ancients — 
Des  arrets  du  destin  I'ordre  est  invariable.  — ■ — 

On  July  9,  Convocation,  relying  uj^on  the  two  reasons 
given  by  the  king,  and  upon  the  fact  that  there  was 
something  ambiguous  in  Anne's  engagement  with  the 
son  of  the  duke  of  Lorraine,  decided  that  his  majesty 
*was  at  Hberty  to  contract  another  marriage  for  the  good 
of  the  realm.' I  None  of  these  reasons  had  any  valid- 
Herbert's  Life  of  Henry  VIIL,  p.  522.  Strype,  Eccles.  Mem.,  i.,  Ap- 
pendix, pp.  306  sqq. 

*  Letter  of  Henry  VIII.  to  Clerk  and  Wotton. — Stafe  Papers,  \i\\. 
p.  404.  The  king's  testimony  is  confirmed  by  that  of  Anne.— /6/c/., 
i.  p.  G37. 

t   'The  king's  own  declaration.' — Burnet,  Records,  i.  p.  302. 

X  'Inlibortate  contrahendi  matrimonii  cnm  alia.'— Judgment  of 
Convocation. --/fcid,  p.  306. 


232  THE    RKFORMATION     IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

ity.*  Nor  did  Henry  escape  tlie  condemnation  and  the 
raillery  wliicli  lie  had  so  much  feared.  'It  appears,'  said 
Francis  I.,  'tbat  over  there  they  are  pleased  to  do  with 
their  women  as  with  their  geldings, — bring  a  number  of 
them  together  and  make  them  trot,  and  then  take  the 
one  which  goes  easiest.'  f 

The  archbishop  of  Canterbury  on  July  10  reported  to 
the  House  of  Lords  that  Convocation  had  declared  the 
marriage  null  and  void  by  virtue  both  of  the  law  of  God 
and  of  the  law  of  England.  The  bishop  of  Winchester 
read  the  judgment  and  explained  at  length  the  grounds 
of  it,  and  the  house  declared  itself  satisfied.  The  arch- 
bishop and  the  bishoj)  made  the  same  report  to  the 
Commons.  On  the  following  day — Henry  did  not  intend 
that  any  time  should  be  lost — the  lord  chancellor,  the 
duke  of  Norfolk,  the  earl  of  Southampton,  and  the  bishop 
of  Winchester  betook  themselves  to  Richmond,  whither 
the  innocent  queen  had  been  sent  for  change  of  air,  and 
informed  her,  on  the  king's  behalf,  of  the  proceedings  of 
parhament  and  of  Convocation.  Anne  was  distressed  by 
the  communication.  She  had  supposed  that  the  clergy 
would  acknowledge,  as  it  was  their  duty  to  do,  the 
validity  of  her  marriage.  However  it  ma}^  be,  so  sharp 
was  the  stroke  that  she  fainted  away.|  The  necessary 
care  was  bestowed  on  her,  and  she  recovered,  and  grad- 
ually reconciled  herself  to  the  thought  of  submission 
to  Henry's  will.  The  delegates  told  her  that  the  king, 
while  requiring  her  to  renounce  the  title  of  queen,  con- 
ferred on  her  that  of  his  adopted  sister,  and  gave  her 
precedence  in  rank  of  all  the  ladies  of  the  court,  imme- 
diately after  the  queen  and  the  daughters  of  the  king. 

*  A  document  preserved  in  the  archives  of  Diisseldorf  proves  that 
any  engagement  between  Anne  and  the  Prince  of  Lorraine  had  been 
formally  broken  off. 

t  Letter  from  Bochetel  to  the  English  ambassador. — Le  Grand, 
Divorce,  iii.  p.  638. 

I  ♦  The  news  stroke  her  into  a  sudden  weakness  and  fainting.' — 
Lord  Herbert's  Life  of  Henry  ['III,  p.  523. 


CHAr.  VI.  THE    DIVORCE    ACCEPTED.  233 

Anne  was  modest;  she  did  not  think  highly  of  herself, 
and  had  often  felt  that  she  was  not  made  to  be  queen  of 
England.  She  therefore  submitted,  and  the  same  day, 
July  11,  wrote  to  the  king, — 'Though  this  case  must 
needs  be  most  hard  and  sorrowful  unto  me,  for  the  great 
love  which  I  bear  to  your  most  noble  person,  yet  having 
more  regard  to  God  and  his  truth  than  to  any  wordly 
affection,  as  it  beseemed  me.  .  .  I  knowledge  myself 
hereby  to  accept  and  approve  the  same  [determination 
of  the  clergy]  wholly  and  entirely  putting  myself,  for  my 
state  and  condition,  to  your  highness's  goodness  and 
IDleasure;  most  humbly  beseeching  your  majesty  .  .  . 
to  take  me  for  one  of  your  most  humble  servants.'  She 
subscribed  herself  'Your  majesty's  most  humble  sister 
and  servant,  Anne,  daughter  the  Cleves.'  * 

The  king  sent  word  to  her  that  he  conferred  on  her 
a  pension  of  three  thousand  pounds,  and  the  palace  at 
at  Richmond.  Anne  wrote  to  him  again,  July  16,  to 
thank  him  for  his  great  kindness,  and  at  the  same 
time  sent  him  her  ring.f  She  preferred — and  herein 
she  showed  some  pride — to  remain  in  England,  rather 
than  to  go  home  after  such  a  disgrace  had  fallen  upon 
her.  '  I  account  God  pleased,'  she  wrote  to  her  brother, 
'  with  what  is  done,  and  know  myself  to  have  suffered  no 
wrong  or  injury.  ...  I  find  the  king's  highness 
.  .  .  to  be  as  a  most  kind,  loving  and  fiiendly  father 
and  brother.  ...  I  am  so  well  content  and  satis- 
fied that  I  much  desire  my  mother,  you,  and  other  mine 
allies  so  to  understand  it,  accept  and  take  it.' J  Seldom 
has  a  woman  carried  self-renunciation  to  such  a  length. 

*  Anne  to  the  king. — State  Papers,  1.  p.  638. 

t  Ibid.,  pp.  G41,  644. 

\  Anne  to  her  brother.— Burnet,  Becords,  i.  p.  307.  This  letter 
is  also  to  be  found  in  the  State  Papers,  i.  p.  645,  with  material  vari- 
ations.    The  passages  cited  are,  however,  almost  identical. 


234  THE  REFORMATION  IN  EUROPE. 


CHAPTER   yil. 

CATHERINE     HOWARD,     A     CATHOLIC     QUEEN. 
(1540.) 

"Who  sliould  take  the  place  of  tlie  repudiated  queen  ? 
This  was  the  question  discussed  at  court  and  in  the 
town.  The  AngHcan  CathoHcs,  dehghted  at  the  dis- 
missal of  the  Protestant  queen,  were  determined  to  do 
all  they  possibly  could  to  place  on  the  throne  a  woman 
of  their  own  party.  Such  a  one  was  ah^eady  found.  The 
bishop  of  Winchester,  for  some  time  past,  had  frequently 
been  holding  feasts  and  entertainments  for  the  king.  To 
these  he  invited  a  young  lady,  who  though  of  small  stat- 
ure was  of  elegant  carriage,  and  had  handsome  features 
and  a  gi-ac'eful  figure  and  manners.*  She  was  a  daughter 
of  Lord  Edmund  Howard,  and  niece  of  the  duke  of  Nor- 
folk, the  leader  of  the  Catholic  party.  She  had  very  soon 
attracted  the  attention  of  the  king,  who  took  increasing 
pleasure  in  her  society.  This  occurred  before  the  divorce 
of  Anne.  '  It  is  a  certain  fact,'  says  a  contemporary,  '  that 
about  the  same  time  many  citizens  of  London  saw  the 
king  very  frequently  in  the  daytime,  and  sometimes  at 
midnight,  pass  over  to  her  on  the  river  Thames  in  a  little 
boat.  .  .  .  The  citizens  regarded  all  this  not  as  a  sign 
of  divorcing  the  queen,  but  of  adultery.' f  Whether  this 
supposition  was  well  founded  or  not  we  can  not  say. 
The  king,  when  once  he  had  decided  on  a  separation 
from  Anne  of  Cleves,  had  thought  of  her  successor.  He 
was  quite  determined,  after  his  mischance,  to  be  guided 

*  Lingard  himself  remarts  {IlisL  of  England,  vi.  ch.  4)  that  it 
was  at  a  dinner  given  by  the  bishop  of  Winchester  that  Catherine 
for  the  first  time  attracted  the  king's  attention. 

t  Original  Letlers  relative  to  the  English  Beformation  (Parker  Soc), 
p.  202. 


CHAP.  TH.  THE    NEW    QUEEN.  235 

neither  by  his  ministers,  nor  by  his  ambassadors,  nor  by 
pohtical  considerations,  but  solely  by  his  own  eyes,  his 
own  tastes,  and  the  happiness  he  might  hope  for.  Cath- 
erine pleased  him  very  much;  and  his  union  with  Anne 
was  no  sooner  annulled  than  he  proceeded  to  his  fifth 
marriage.  The  nuptials  were  celebrated  on  the  8th  of 
August,  eleven  days  after  the  execution  of  Cromwell;  and 
on  the  same  day  Catherine  was  presented  at  court  as 
queen.  The  king  was  charmed  with  Catherine  Howard, 
his  pretty  young  wife;  she  was  so  amiable,  her  inter- 
course w^as  so  pleasant,  that  he  believed  he  had,  after 
so  many  more  or  less  unfortunate  attempts,  found  his 
ideal  at  last.  Her  virtuous  sentiments,  the  good  beha- 
vior which  she  resolved  to  maintain,  tilled  him  w^ith 
delight;  and  he  was  ever  expressing  his  happiness  in 
'having  obtained  such  a  jewel  of  womanhood.'*  He 
had  no  foreboding  of  the  terrible  blow  which  was  soon 
to  shatter  all  this  happiness. 

The  new  queen  was  distinguished  fi'om  the  former 
chiefly  by  the  difference  in  religion,  with  a  corresponding 
difference  in  morality.  The  niece  of  the  duke  of  Norfolk, 
Gardiner's  friend,  was  of  course  an  adherent  of  the  Cath- 
olic faith;  and  the  Catholic  party  hailed  her  as  at  once 
the  symbol  and  the  instrument  of  reaction.  They  had 
had  plenty  of  Protestant  queens,  Anne  Boleyn,  Jane  Sey- 
mour, and  Anne  of  Cleves.  Now  that  they  had  a  Cath- 
ohc  queen,  Catholicism —many  said  popery — would  re- 
cover its  power.  Henry  was  so  much  enamored  of  his 
new  spouse  that,  in  honor  of  her,  he  once  more  became 
a  fervent  Catholic.  He  celebrated  all  the  Saints'  days, 
frequently  received  the  holy  sacrament,  and  offered  pub- 
licly thanksgiving  to  God  for  this  haj^py  union  which  he 
hojDcd  to  enjoy  for  a  long   time.f     The   conversion    of 

*  Lord  Herbert's  Life  of  Henry  VIIL,  p.  534. 

t  '  Cathariiiam  Houwartham  tantopere  amabat  \\i  feria  omnium 
sanctorum,  sacra  Domini  ccenautens,'  &c. — Gerdesius,  Ann.,  iv.  p. 
306.     Burnet,  Kapin,  Thoyras,  «tc. 


236  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

Henry,  for  the  change  was  nothing  less,  brought  with  it 
a  change  of  pohcy.  He  now  abandoned  France  and  the 
German  Protestants  in  order  to  ally  himself  with  the 
empire;  and  we  find  him  ere  long  busily  engaged  in 
a  project  for  the  marriage  of  his  daughter  Mary  to 
the  emperor  Charles  Y.  This  project,  however,  came  to 
nothing.*  Gardiner,  Norfolk,  and  the  other  leaders  of 
the  Catholic  party,  rejoicing  in  the  breeze  w^hich  bore 
their  vessel  onward,  set  all  sails  to  the  wind.  Just  after 
the  divorce  of  Anne  of  Cleves,  and  by  way  of  a  first 
boon  to  the  Eomish  party,  the  penalties  for  impure  liv- 
ing imposed  on  priests  and  nuns  were  mitigated.^"  In 
contempt  of  the  authority  of  Holy  Scriptui'e  as  w^ell  as 
of  that  of  parliament  itself,  Henry  got  an  Act  passed 
by  virtue  of  which  every  determination  concerning /a lYA, 
worship,  and  ceremonies,  adopted  wdth  the  sanction  of 
the  king  by  a  commission  of  archbishops,  bishops,  and 
other  ecclesiastics  nominated  by  him,  ivas  to  be  received, 
believed,  and  observed  by  the  whole  nation,  just  as  if  parHa- 
ment  had  ajDproved  every  one  of  these  articles,  even  if 
this  decree  were  contrary  to  former  usages  and  ordi- 
nances.! This  was  a  proclamation  of  infallibility  in  Eng- 
land for  the  benefit  of  the  pope-king,  under  cover  of 
w^hich  he  might  found  a  religion  to  his  own  taste.  Cran- 
mer  had  established  in  all  cathedral  chui'ches  j)rofessors 
entrusted  with  the  teaching  of  Hebrew  and  Greek,  in 
order  that  students  might  become  well  acquainted  with 
sacred  literature,  and  that  the  church  might  never  want 
ministers  capable  of  edif3dng  it.  But  the  enemies  of  the 
Reformation,  who  now  enjoyed  royal  favor,  fettered  or 
abolished  this  institution  and  other  similar  ones,  to  the 
great  damage  both  of  religion  and  the  country.  §     The 

*  State  Papers,  viii.  pp.  442,  451,  453,  456,  47G. 
t  Act  32  Henry  YIIL,  c.  10. 
X  Act  32  Henry  VIII. .  c.  26. 

§  '  In  ventos  abiere  infelici  cum  regionis  turn  religionis  fato.' — 
Gerdesius,  Ann.,  iv.  p.  301. 


CHAP.  vn.  BONXER,    BISHOP    OF    LONDON.  237 

Catholic  ceremonies,  on  the  other  hand,  abrogated  by 
Cranmer  and  Cromwell — the  consecration  of  bread  and 
of  water,  the  embers  with  w^hicli  the  priest  marked  the 
foreheads  of  the  faithful,  the  palm  branches  blessed  on 
Palm  Sunday,  the  tapers  carried  at  Candlemas,  and  other 
like  customs — were  re-established  ;  and  penalties  were 
imposed  on  those  who  should  neglect  them.*  A  new 
edition  of  the  'Institution  of  a  Christian  Man '  explained 
to  the  people  the  king's  doctrine.  It  treated  of  the  seven 
sacraments,  the  mass,  transubstantiation,  the  salutation 
of  the  Virgin,  and  other  doctrines  of  the  kind  to  which 
conformity  was  required.^  At  length,  as  if  with  a  view 
to  ensure  the  permanence  of  this  system,  Bonner  was 
made  bishop  of  London;  and  this  man,  who  had  been 
the  most  abject  flatterer  and  servant  of  Cromwell  duruig 
his  life,  turned  about  after  his  death  and  became  the 
persecutor  of  those  whom  Cromwell  had  protected. 

At  the  spectacle  of  this  reaction,  so  marvellous  in  their 
eyes,  the  Anglican  Catholics  and  even  the  papists  broke 
out  with  joy,  and  awaited  wdth  impitience  *  the  crowning 
of  the  edifice.'  England,  in  their  view,  w^as  saved.  The 
church  was  triumphant.  But  while  there  was  rejoicing 
on  the  one  side,  there  was  mourning  on  the  other.  The 
establishment  of  superstitious  practices,  the  prospect  of 
the  penalties  contained  in  the  bloody  statute  of  the  Six 
Articles,  penalties  which  had  not  yet  been  enforced  but 
were  on  the  point  of  being  so,  spread  distress  and  alarm 
among  the  evangelicals.  Those  who  did  not  add  to  their 
faith  manly  energy  shut  up  their  convictions  in  their  ow^n 
breasts,  carefully  abstained  from  conversation  on  religious 
subjects,  and  looked  wdth  suspicion  upon  every  stranger, 
fearing  that  he  might  be  one  of  Gardiner's  spies. 

Bonner  was  active  and  eager,  going  forward  in  j^ursuit 
of  his  object  and  allowing  nothing  to  check  him.     Crom- 

*  Wilkins,  Concilia,  iii.  pp.  842,  847. 

t  Three  editions  of  this  book  were  published,  in  1537,  1540,  and 
1543. 


238  THE    REFORilATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

well  and  Craiiraer,  to  whom  lie  used  to  make  fair  profes- 
sions, believed  that  he  was  capable  of  being-  of  service  to 
the  Reformation,  and  therefore  gave  him  promotion  in 
ecclesiastical  offices.  But  no  sooner  had  Cromwell  been 
put  in  prison  than  his  signal  deceitfulness  showed  itself. 
Grafton,  who  printed  the  Bible  under  the  patronage  of 
the  vicegerent,  having  met  Bonner,  to  whom  Cromwell 
had  introduced  him,  exclaimed,  'How  grieved  I  am  to 
hear  that  Lord  Cromwell  has  been  sent  to  the  Tower! ' 
*  It  would  have  been  much  better,'  replied  Bonner,  '  if  he 
had  been  sent  there  long  ago.'  Shortly  after,  Grafton 
was  cited  before  the  council,  and  was  accused  of  having 
printed,  by  Cromwell's  order,  certain  suspected  verses; 
and  Bonner,  for  the  purpose  of  aggravating  his  crim- 
inality, did  not  fail  to  report  what  the  accused  had  said 
to  him  about  the  man  who  had  been  his  own  personal 
benefactor.  The  chancellor,  however,  a  friend  of  Grafton, 
succeeded  'in  sa^dng  the  printer  of  the  Bible.  Bonner 
indemnified  himself  for  this  disappointment  by  jDcrse- 
cutiug  a  great  many  citizens  of  London.  He  vented  his 
rage  especially  on  a  poor  youth  of  fifteen,  ignorant  and 
uncultivated,  named  Mekius,  whom  he  accused  of  having 
spoken  against  the  Eucharist  and  in  favor  of  Baraes;  but 
the  grand  jury  found  him  '  not  guilty.'  Hereupon  Bonner 
became  furious.  'You  are  perjured,'  he  said  to  the  jury. 
*The  witnesses  do  not  agree,'  they  rej^lied.  The  one 
deposed  that  Mekins  had  said  the  sacrament  was  noth- 
ing but  a  'ceremony ';  and  the  other  that  it  was  notiiing 
but  a  'signification.'  'But  did  he  not  say,'  exclaimed  the 
bishop,  'that  Barnes  died  holy?'  *But  we  can  not  find 
these  words,'  said  the  jnrj,  'to  be  against  the  statute.' 
'Upon  which  Bonner  cursed  and  was  in  a  great  rage.'* 
*Eetire  again,'  he  said,  'consult  together,  and  bring  in 
the  bill.'  Mekins  was  condemned  to  die.  In  vain  was 
it  shown  that  he  was  a  poor  ignorant  creature  and  that 
he  had  done  nothing  worse  than  repeat  what  he  had 
*  Burnet,  His.  Re/.,  i.  p.  513. 


CHAP.  vn.  PERSECUTION    IN    LONDON.  239 

heard,  and  this  without  even  understanding-  it.  In  vain, 
too,  did  his  father  and  mother,  who  were  in  great  dis- 
tress, attempt  to  mitigate  the  harsh  treatment  to  which 
he  was  subjected  in  prison.  The  poor  lad  was  ready  to 
say  or  do  any  thing-  to  escape  being  burnt.  They  made 
him  speak  well  of  Bonner  and  of  his  'great  charity 
towards  him';  they  made  him  declare  that  he  hated  all 
heretics,  and  then  they  burnt  him.*  This  was  only  the 
beginning  and  Bonner  hoped  by  such  proceedings  to  pre- 
pare the  way  for  greater  triumphs. 

The  persecution  became  more  general.  Two  hundred 
and  two  persons  were  prosecuted  in  thirty-nine  London 
parishes.  Tbeir  offences  were  such  as  the  following — 
having  read  the  Holy  Scriptures  aloud  in  the  churches; 
having  refused  to  carry  palm-branches  on  Palm  Sunday; 
having  had  one  or  other  of  their  kinsfolk  buried  without 
the  masses  for  the  dead;  having  received  Latimer,  Barnes, 
Garret,  or  other  evangelicals;  having  held  religious  meet- 
ings in  their  houses  of  an  evening;  having  said  that  the 
holy  sacrament  was  a  good  thing,  but  was  not,  as  some 
asserted,  God  himself;  having  spoken  much  about  the 
Holy  Scriptures;  having  declared  that  they  liked  better 
to  hear  a  sermon  than  a  mass;  and  other  the  like  offences. 
Among  the  dehnquents  were  some  of  the  priests.  One 
of  these  was  accused  of  having  caused  suspected  persons 
to  be  invited  to  his  sermons  by  his  beadle,  without  having 
the  bells  rung;  another  of  having  preached  without  the 
orders  of  his  superior;  others,  of  not  making  use  of  holy 
w^ater,  of  not  going  in  procession,  &c.f 

The  Inquisition  which  was  made  at  this  time  was  so 
rigorous  that  all  the  prisons  of  London  would  not  hold 
the  accused.  They  had  to  place  some  of  them  in  the  halls 
of  various  buildings.  The  case  was  embarrassing.  The 
Catholics  of  the  court  were  not  alone  in  instigating  the 

*  Fox,  Acts,  V.  p.  442. 

t  Fox,  in  bis  Acts,  v.  pp.  443  to  449,  gives  the  nfimcs  of  all  these 
persons,  naming  also  their  parishes  and  their  offences. 


240  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

ting  to  persecution.  Francis  I.  sent  word  to  him  by 
Wallop,  'that  it  had  well  liked  him  to  hear  that  his  maj- 
esty ivas  reforming  the  Lutheran  sect,  for  that  he  was 
ever  of  opinion  that  no  good  could  come  of  them  but 
much  evil.'*  But  there  were  other  influences  at  court 
besides  that  of  Francis  I.,  Norfolk,  and  Gardiner.  Lord 
Audley  obtained  the  king's  sanction  for  the  release  of 
the  prisoners,  who,  however,  had  to  give  their  promise  to 
appear  at  the  Star  Chamber  on  All  Souls'  Day.  Ulti- 
mately they  were  let  alone. 

But  this  does  not  mean  that  all  the  evangelicals  were 
spared.  Two  ministers  were  at  this  time  distinguished 
both  for  their  high  connections  and  for  their  faith  and 
eloquence.  One  of  these  was  the  Scotchman,  Seaton, 
chaplain  to  the  duke  of  SulTolk.  Preaching  powerfully 
at  St.  Antholin's  church,  in  London,  he  said, — ' "  Of  our- 
selves we  can  do  nothing,"  says  St.  Paul;  "I  pray  thee, 
then,  where  is  thy  will?  Art  thou  better  than  Paul, 
James,  Peter,  and  all  the  apostles?"  Hast  thou  any 
more  grace  than  they  ?  Tell  me  now  if  they  will  be  any 
thing  or  nothing?  .  .  .  Paul  said  he  could  do  nothing. 
.  .  .  If  you  ask  me  when  we  will  leave  preaching  only 
Christ,  even  when  they  do  leave  to  preach  that  works  do 
merit,  and  suffer  Christ  to  be  a  whole  satisfier  and  only 
mean  to  our  justification.'  Seaton  was  condemned  to 
bear  a  faggot  at  Paul's  Cross.f  Another  minister,  Dr. 
Crome,  was  a  learned  man  and  a  favorite  of  the  arch- 
bishop. This  did  not  prevent  the  king  from  command- 
ing him  to  preach  that  the  sacrifice  of  the  mass  is  useful 
both  for  the  living  and  the  dead.  Crome  preached  the 
Gospel  in  its  simplicity  at  St.  Paul's  on  the  appointed  day, 
and  contented  himself  with  reading  the  king's  order 
after  the  sermon.  He  was  immediately  forbidden  to 
preach.J 

*  Wallop  to  Henry  Vni.,  January  20,  l^-^l.— State  Papers,  viii.  p. 
517. 

t  Fox,  Ads,  V.  p.  449.  %  Ibid.     CoUyer,  ii.  p.  184. 


CHAP.  vn.  CONSPIRACY   AGAINST   CRANMER.  241 

Laymen  were  treated  with  greater  severity.     Bibles,  it 
is  known,  had  been  placed  in  all  the  churches,  and  were 
fastcDed  by  chains  to  the  pillars.    A  crowd  of  people  used 
to  gather  about  one  of  these  pillars.     On  one  occasion  a 
young  man  of  fine  figure,  possessed  of  great  zeal,  and 
gifted  with  a  powerful  voice,  stood  near  the  pillar  hold- 
ing the  Bible  in  his  hands,  and  reading  it  aloud  so  that 
all   might   hear   him.     His  name  was  Porter.     Bonner 
shaiiDly  rebuked   him.     'I  trust   I  have   done   nothing 
against  the  law,'  said  Porter;   and  this  was  true.     But 
the  bishop  committed  him  to  Newgate.    There  this  young 
Christian  was  jrat  in  irons;  his  legs,  his  arms,  and  his 
head  were   attached  to   the  wall  by  means  of  an  iron 
coUar.     One  of  his  kinsmen,  by  a  gift  of  money,  induced 
the  jailer  to  dehver  him  from  this  punishment;  and  the 
favor  they  accorded  him  was  to  place  him  in  the  com- 
pany of  thieves  and  murderers.     Porter  exhorted  them 
to  repent,  and  taught  them  the  way  of  salvation.     The 
unhappy  man  was  then  cast  into  the  deepest  dungeon, 
was  cruelly  treated,  and  loaded  with  irons.     Eight 'days 
afterwards  he  died.     Cries  and  groans  had  been  heard  in 
the  night.     Some  said  that  he  had  been  subjected  to  the 
tortm-e  called  the  de^il,  a  horrible  instrument  by  which, 
in  three  or  four  hours,  the  back  and  the  whole  body 
were  torn  in  jDieces.* 

Meanwhile,  a  far  more  formidable  blow  was  preparing. 
Cromwell,  the  lay  protector  of  the  Reformation,  had  al- 
ready been  sacrificed;  its  ecclesiastical  protector,  Cran- 
mer,  must  now  fall  in  the  same  way.  This  second  blow 
seemed  easier  than  the  first.  Since  the  fall  of  Cromwell, 
men  of  the  utmost  moderation  thought  'there  was  no 
hope  that  reformed  religion  should  any  one  week  longer 
stand.' t  All  those  of  feeble  character  sided  with  the 
opposite  party.  Cranmer  alone,  amongst  the  bishops 
and  the  ecclesiastical  commissioners  of  the  king,  still  up- 
held evangehcal  truth.     This  obstacle  in  the  way  of  the 

*  Fox,  Acts,  V.  p.  451.  t  Cranmer,   Works,  i.  p.  xvi. 

VOL.    vni.— 11 


242  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  sv. 

extension  of  English  Catholicism  must  be  utterly  over- 
thrown. A  commission  of  from  ten  to  twelve  bishops 
and  other  competent  men  was  formed  to  deUberate  as 
to  the  means  of  inducing  the  primate  to  make  common 
cause  with  them.  Two  bishops,  Heath  and  SkyjD,  who 
enjoyed  his  confidence,  'left  him  in  the  plain  field.'* 
All  these  bishops  and  laymen,  proud  of  their  victory, 
met  at  Lambeth  palace,  the  abode  of  Cranmer,  in  order 
to  jorosecute  their  scheme.  After  a  few  words  exchanged 
to  no  purpose,  the  two  last-named  bishops  begged  the 
archbishop  to  go  down  with  them  into  the  garden,  and 
there,  as  they  paced  up  and  down  the  paths,  they  plied 
him  with  such  reasons  as  they  thought  most  urgent  to 
induce  him  '  to  leave  off  his  overmuch  constancy  and  to 
incline  unto  the  king's  intent.'  One  or  two  friends  of 
the  primate  joined  them,  and  they  made  use  of  all  the 
resources  of  their  eloquence  and  their  policy  for  the  pur- 
pose of  shaking  his  resolution.  But  Cranmer  was  like 
the  river  which  flowed  quietly  past  his  dwelling,  which 
nothing  can  turn  from  its  course.  He  even  took  the 
offensive.  'You  make  much  ado  to  have  me  come  to 
your  purpose,'  said  he;  .  .  .  'beware,  I  sa^^  what 
you  do.  There  is  but  one  truth  in  our  articles  to  be 
concluded  upon,  which  if  you  do  hide  fi'om  his  highness 
.  .  .  and  then  when  the  truth  can  not  be  hidden  from 
him,  his  highness  shall  perceive  how  that  3'ou  have  dealt 
colorably  with  him  ...  he  will  never  after  trust  and 
credit  you.  ...  As  you  are  both  my  friends,  so  there- 
fore I  will  you  to  beware  thereof  in  time,  and  discharge 
yoiu'  consciences  in  maintenance  of  the  truth.' f 

This  was  far  from  pacifying  the  bishops.  Doctor  Lon- 
don and  other  agents  of  the  party  which  looked  up  to 
Gardiner  as  its  head,  took  in  hand  to  go  over  the  dio- 
cese of  the  archbishop  with  a  view  to  collecting  all  the 
sayings  and  all  the  facts,  true  or  false,  which  they  might 
tui'n  to  account  as  weapons  against  him.     In  one  place 

*  Cranmer,   Works,  i.  p.  xvii.  f  Ibid.,  p.,  xviL 


CHAP.  vn.  CHARGES    AGAINST    HIM.  243 

a  conversation  was  reported  to  them;  in  another  a 
sermon  was  denounced;  elsewhere  neglected  ritual  was 
talked  about.  '  Three  of  the  preachers  of  the  cathedral 
church,'  they  were  told,  namely,  Ridley,  Drum  and  Scory, 
*  are  attacking  the  ceremonies  of  the  church.'  Some  of 
the  canons,  opponents  of  the  primate,  brought  various 
charges  against  him,  and  strove  to  depict  his  marriage 
in  the  most  repulsive  colors.  Sir  John  Gostwick,  whose 
accounts  as  treasurer  of  war  and  of  the  court  were  not 
correct,  accused  Cranmer  before  the  parliament  of  being 
the  pastor  of  heretics.  All  these  grievances  were  set 
forth  in  a  memorial  which  was  presented  to  the  king. 
At  the  same  time,  the  most  influential  members  of  the 
privy  council  declared  to  the  king  that  the  realm  was 
infested  with  heresies;  that  thereby  'horrible  commo- 
tions and  uproars'  might  spring  up,  as  had  been  the 
case  in  Germany;  and  that  these  calamities  must  be 
chiefly  imputed  to  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  who 
both  by  his  own  preaching  and  that  of  his  chaplains 
had  filled  England  with  pernicious  doctrines.  '  Who  is 
his  accuser?'  said  the  king.  The  lords  replied:  'Foras- 
much as  Cranmer  is  a  councillor,  no  man  durst  take 
upon  him  to  accuse  him.  But  if  it  j^lease  your  highness 
to  commit  him  to  the  Tower  for  a  time,  there  would 
be  accusations  and  proofs  enough  against  him.'  'Well 
then,'  said  the  king,  'I  grant  you  leave  to  commit  him 
to-morrow  to  the  Tower  for  his  trial.'  The  enemies  of 
the  archbishop  and  of  the  Eeformation  went  away  well 
content.* 

Meanwhile,  Henry  VIII.  began  to  reflect  on  the  answer 
which  he  had  given  to  his  councillors.  There  is  nothing 
to  show  that  it  was  not  made  in  earnest;  but  he  fore- 
saw that  Cranmer 's  death  would  leave  an  awkward  void. 
When  Cranmer  was  gone,  how  should  he  maintain  the 
conflict  with  the  pope  and  the  papists,  with  whom  he 

*  Cranmer,  Works,  i.  p.  xvii. ;  Strype,  Mem.  of  Cranmer,  p.  102. 
Burnet. 


244  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xy. 

had  no  mind  to  be  reconciled?  The  primate's  character 
and  services  came  back  to  his  memory.  Time  was  pass- 
ing. At  midnight  the  king,  unable  to  sleep,  sent  for  Sir 
Antony  Denny  and  said  to  him,  'Go  to  Lambeth  and 
command  the  archbishop  to  come  forthwith  to  the  court.' 
Henry  then  in  a  state  of  excitement,  began  to  walk  about 
in  one  of  the  corridors  of  the  palace,  awaiting  the  arrival 
of  Cranmer.  At  length  the  primate  entered  and  the 
king  said  to  him :  '  Ah,  my  lord  of  Canterbury,  I  can  tell 
you  news.  .  .  It  is  determined  by  me  and  the  council, 
that  you  to-morrow  at  nine  o'clock  shall  be  committed 
to  the  Tower,  for  that  you  and  your  chaplains  (as  in- 
formation is  given  us)  have  taught  and  preached,  and 
thereby  sown  within  the  realm  such  a  number  of  ex- 
ecrable heresies,  that  it  is  feared  the  whole  realm  being 
infected  with  them  no  small  contentions  and  commotions 
will  rise  thereby  amongst  my  subjects,  .  .  .  and 
therefore*  the  council  have  requested  me,  for  the  trial  of 
this  matter,  to  suffer  them  to  commit  you  to  the  Tower.' 
The  story  of  Cromwell  was  to  be  repeated,  and  this 
was  the  first  step.  Nevertheless,  Cranmer  did  not  utter 
a  word  of  opposition  or  supplication.  Kneeling  down 
before  the  king,  according  to  his  custom,  he  said:  'I  am 
content,  if  it  please  your  grace,  with  all  my  heart  to  go 
thither  at  your  highness's  commandment,  and  I  most 
humbly  thank  your  majesty  that  I  may  come  to  my  trial, 
for  there  be  that  have  many  ways  slandered  me,  and 
now  this  way  I  hope  to  try  myself  not  worthy  of  such  a 
report.'  The  king,  touched  by  his  uprightness,  said:  *0h 
Lord,  what  manner  of  man  be  you !  What  simplicity  is 
in  you !  .  .  .  Do  you  not  know  .  .  .  how  many 
great  enemies  you  have  ?  Do  you  consider  what  an  easy 
thing  it  is  to  procure  three  or  four  false  knaves  to  witness 
against  you?  Think  j^ou  to  have  better  luck  that  way 
than  Christ  your  master  had?  I  see  it,  you  will  run 
headlong  to  your  undoing,  if  I  would  suffer  you.  Your 
enemies  shall  not  so  prevail  against  you,  for  I  have  other- 


CHAP.  vn.  THE    king's    INTERVENTION.  245 

Tvise  devised  with  myself  to  keep  j^oii  out  of  their  hands. 
Yet,  notwithstanding,  to-morrow  when  the  council  shall 
sit  and  send  for  you,  resort  unto  them;  and  if  in  charg- 
ing you  with  this  matter  they  do  commit  you  to  the 
Tower,  require  of  them  .  .  .  that  you  may  have 
your  accusers  brought  before  them  and  that  you  may 
answer  their  accusations.  .  .  If  no  entreaty  or  rea- 
sonable request  will  serve,  then  deliver  unto  them  this 
ring' — the  king  at  the  same  time  delivered  his  ring  to 
the  archbishop — 'and  say  unto  them:  If  there  be  no 
remedy,  my  lords,  but  that  I  must  needs  go  to  the 
Tower,  then  I  revoke  my  cause  from  you  and  appeal 
to  the  king's  own  person  by  this  his  token  to  you  all. 
So  soon  as  they  shall  see  this  my  ring,  they  know  it  so 
well,  that  they  shall  understand  that  I  have  resumed  the 
whole  cause  into  mine  own  hands.'  The  archbishop  was 
so  much  moved  by  the  king's  kindness  that  he  'had  much 
ado  to  forbear  tears.'  'Well,'  said  the  king,  'go  your 
ways,  my  lord,  and  do  as  I  have  bidden  you.'*  The 
archbishop  bent  his  knee  in  expression  of  his  gratitude, 
and  taking  leave  of  the  king  returned  to  Lambeth  before 
day. 

On  the  morrow,  about  nine  o'clock,  the  council  sent 
an  usher  of  the  palace  to  summon  the  archbishop.  He 
set  out  forthwith  and  presented  himseK  at  the  door  of 
the  council  chamber.  But  his  colleagues,  glad  to  com- 
plete the  work  which  they  had  begun  by  putting  the 
vicegerent  to  death,  were  not  content  with  sending  the 
primate  to  the  scaffold;  but  were  determined  to  subject 
Cranmer  to  various  humiliations  before  the  final  catas- 
trophe. The  archbishop  could  not  be  let  in,  but  was 
compelled  to  wait  there  among  the  pages,  lackeys,  and 
other  serving-men.  Doctor  Butts,  the  king's  physician, 
happening  to  pass  through  the  room,  and  observing  how 
the  archbishop  was  treated,  went  to  the  king  and  said: 
'My  lord  of  Canterbury,  if  it  please  youi*  grace,  is  well 

*  Cranmer,  Works,  i.  p.  xviii. 


246 


THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE. 


promoted;  for  now  he  is  becoroe  a  lackey  or  a  serving- 
man,  for  yonder  lie  standeth  this  half  hour  without  the 
council-chamber  door  amongst  them.'  'It  is  not  so,' 
said  the  king,  'I  trow,  nor  the  council  hath  not  so  little 
discretion  as  to  use  the  metropohtan  of  the  realm  in  that 
sort,  especially  being  one  of  their  o^\ti  number;  but  let 
them  alone,  and  we  shall  hear  more  soon.' 

At  length  the  archbishop  was  admitted.  He  did  as 
the  king  had  bidden  him:  and  when  he  saw  that  none 
of  his  statements  or  reasons  were  of  any  avail  with  the 
council,  he  presented  the  king's  ring,  appealing  at  the 
same  time  to  his  Majesty.  Hereupon,  the  whole  council 
was  struck  with  astonishment;  *  and  the  earl  of  Bedford, 
who  was  not  one  of  Gardiner's  party,  with  a  solemn  oath 
exclaimed:  'AVhen  you  first  began  this  matter,  my  lords, 
I  told  you  what  would  come  of  it.  Do  you  think  that 
the  king  wall  suffer  this  man's  finger  to  ache?  Much 
more,  I  warrant  you,  will  he  defend  his  life  against  brab- 
bhng  varlets.  You  do  but  cumber  yourselves  to  hear 
tales  and  fables  against  him.'  The  members  of  the  coun- 
cil immediately  rose  and  carried  the  king's  ring  to  him, 
thus  surrendering  the  matter,  according  to  the  usage  of 
the  time,  into  his  hands. 

When  they  had  all  come  into  the  presence  of  the  king, 
he  said  to  them  with  a  severe  countenance:  'Ah,  my 
lords,  I  thought  I  had  had  wiser  men  of  my  council  than 
now  I  find  you.  What  discretion  was  this  in  you,  thus 
to  make  the  primate  of  the  realm,  and  one  of  you  in 
office,  to  wait  at  the  council-chamber  door  amongst  serv- 
ing men?  .  .  .  You  had  no  such  commission  of  me 
so  to  handle  him.  I  was  content  that  you  should  try 
him  as  a  councillor,  and  not  as  a  mean  subject.  But 
now  I  well  perceive  that  things  be  done  against  him  ma- 
liciously; and  if  some  of  you  might  have  had  your  minds, 
you  would  have  tried  him  to  the  uttermost.     But  I  do 

*  'The  whole  council  being  thereat  somewhat  amazed.'— Cran- 
mer,  Works,  i.  p.  xix. 


CHAP,  vu,  AN   APPROACHING    CHANGE.  247 

you  all  to  wit,  and  protest,  that  if  a  prince  may  be  be- 
holding unto  his  subject'  (and  here  Henry  laid  his  hand 
solemnly  upon  his  breast),  'by  the  faith  I  owe  to  God,  I 
take  this  man  here,  my  lord  of  Canterbury,  to  be  of  all 
other  a  most  faithful  subject  unto  us,  and  one  to  whom 
we  are  much  beholding.'  The  Catholic  members  of  the 
council  were  disconcerted,  confused,  and  unable  to  make 
any  answer.  One  or  two  of  them,  however,  took  courage, 
made  excuses,  and  assured  the  king  that  their  object  in 
trying  the  primate  was  to  clear  him  of  the  calumnies  of 
the  world,  and  not  to  proceed  against  him  maliciously. 
The  king,  who  was  not  to  be  imposed  upon  by  these 
hj'pocritical  assertions,  said:  'Well,  well,  my  lords,  take 
him  and  well  use  him,  as  he  is  worthy  to  be,  and  make 
no  more  ado.'  All  the  lords  then  went  up  to  Cranmer, 
and  took  him  b}^  the  hand  as  if  they  had  been  his  dearest 
friends.  The  archbishop,  who  was  of  a  conciliatory  dis- 
position, forgave  them.  But  the  king  sent  to  prison  for 
a  certain  time  some  of  the  archbishop's  accusers;  and  he 
sent  a  message  to  Sir  J.  Gostwick,  to  the  effect  that  he 
was  a  wicked  varlet,  and  that  unless  he  made  his  apol- 
ogies to  the  metropolitan,  he  would  make  of  him  an 
example  which  should  be  a  warning  to  all  false  accusers. 
These  facts  are  creditable  to  Henry  VIII.  It  was  doubt- 
less his  aim  to  keep  a  certain  middle  course;  and  like 
many  other  despots  he  had  happy  intervals.  There  were 
other  evidences  of  this  fact.  Four  great  Bibles  apj^eared 
with  his  sanction  in  1541 ;  two  of  them  bearing  the  name 
of  Tonstall,  the  other  two  that  of  Cranmer.*  Moreover, 
a  sudden  change  was  approaching  which  was  to  alter  the 
whole  course  of  things. 

At  the  end  of  August,  1541,  Henry  went  to  York,!  for 
the  purpose  of  holding  an  interview  with  his  nephew,  the 
king  of  Scotland,  whom  he  was  anxious  to  persuade  to 

*  Cranmer,  Works,  i. ;  Strype,  3Iem.  of  Cranmer;  Burnet,  Ulst. 
Bef. ;    Anderson,   English   Bible,  ii.  p.  139. 

t  'The  king  to  the  chancellor.'— <Stofe  Papers,  i.  p.  G89. 


248  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

declare  himself  independent  of  the  pope,  Henry  made 
magnificent  preparations  for  his  reception ;  but  Cardinal 
Beatonn  prevented  the  young  prince  from  going.  This 
excited  the  bitterest  discontent  in  Henry's  mind,  and 
became  afterwards  the  cause  of  a  breach.  The  queen, 
who  accompanied  him,  endeavored  to  divert  him  from 
his  vexation;  and  the  king,  more  and  more  pleased  with 
his  marriage,  after  his  return  to  London,  made  public 
thanksgiving  on  All  Saints'  Day  (October  24),  that  God 
had  given  him  so  amiable  and  excellent  a  wife,  and  even 
requested  the  bishojD  of  Lincoln  to  join  in  his  commen- 
dations of  her.  This  excessive  satisfaction  was  ere  long 
to  be  interrupted.* 

During  the  king's  journey,  one  John  Lascelles,  who 
had  a  married  sister  living  in  the  county  of  Sussex,  paid 
her  a  visit.  This  woman  had  formerly  been  in  the  ser- 
vice of  the  old  duchess  of  Norfolk,  grandmother  to  the 
queen,  aiid  by  whom  Catherine  had  been  brought  up.  In 
the  coui'se  of  conversation  the  brother  and  sister  talked 
about  this  young  lady,  whom  the  sister  had  known  well, 
and  who  had  now  become  wife  to  the  king.  The  brother, 
ambitious  for  his  sister's  advancement,  said  to  her:  'You 
ought  to  ask  the  queen  to  place  you  among  her  attend- 
ants.' 'I  shall  certainly  not  do  so,'  she  answered;  'I 
can  not  think  of  the  queen  but  with  sadness.'  'Why?' 
'She  is  so  frivolous  in  character  and  in  life.'  'How  so?  ' 
Then  the  woman  related  that  Catherine  had  had  im- 
proper intercourse  with  one  of  the  officers  of  the  ducal 
house  of  Norfolk,  named  Francis  Derham;  and  that  she 
had  been  very  familiar  with  another  whose  name  was 
Mannock.  Lascelles  perceived  the  importance  of  these 
statements;  and  as  he  could  not  take  upon  himself  the 
responsibility  of  concealing  them,  he  determined  to  re- 
port them  to  the  archbishop.  The  communication  great- 
ly embarrassed  Cranmer.  If  he  should  keep  the  matter 
secret  and  it  should  afterwards  become  known,  he  would 
*  Lord  Herbert's  Life  of  Henry  VIIL,  p.  534 


CHAP.  vn.  DISCLOSURES    ABOUT    THE    QUEEN.  249 

be  ruined.  Nor  would  he  less  certainly  be  ruined  if  he 
should  divulge  it,  and  then  no  proof  be  forthcoming. 
But  what  chiefly  weighed  upon  his  mind  was  the  thought 
of  the  a'gitation  which  would  be  excited.  To  think  of 
another  wife  of  the  king  executed  at  the  Tower!  To 
think  of  his  prince,  his  country,  and  perhaps  also  the 
work  which  was  in  process  of  accomplishment  in  Eng- 
land, becoming  the  objects  of  ridicule  and  perhaps  of 
abhorrence !  As  he  was  unwilling  to  assume  alone  the 
responsibility  imposed  by  so  grave  a  communication,  he 
ojDeued  his  mind  on  the  subject  to  the  lord  chancellor 
and  to  other  members  of  the  privy  council,  to  whom  the 
king  had  entrusted  the  despatch  of  business  during  his 
absence.  'They  were  greatly  troubled  and  inquieted.'* 
After  having  well  weighed  the  reasons  for  and  against, 
they  came  to  the  conclusion  that,  as  this  matter  mainly 
concerned  the  king,  Cranmer  should  inform  him  of  it. 
This  was  a  hard  task  to  undertake;  and  the  archbishop, 
who  was  deeply  affected,  durst  not  venture  to  make  viva 
voce  so  frightful  a  communication.  He  therefore  put 
down  in  writing  the  report  which  had  been  made  to  him, 
and  had  it  laid  before  the  king.  The  latter  was  terribly 
shocked;  but  as  he  tenderly  loved  his  wife  and  had  a 
hijh  opinion  of  her  virtue,  he  said  that  it  was  a  calumny. 
However,  he  privately  assembled  in  his  cabinet  the  lord 
privy  seal,  the  lord  admiral,  Sir  Antony  Brown,  and  Sir 
Thomas  Wriothesley,  a  friend  of  the  duke  of  Norfolk, 
who  had  taken  a  leading  part  in  the  divorce  of  Anne  of 
Cleves,  and  laid  the  case  before  them,  declaring  at  the 
same  time  that  he  did  not  believe  in  it.  These  lords 
privately  examined  Lascelles  and  his  sister,  who  j^er- 
sisted  in  their  depositions;  next  Mannock  and  Derham, 
who  asserted  the  truth  of  their  statements;  the  latter, 
moreover,  mentioning  three  of  the  duchess  of  Norfolk's 
women  who  likewise  had  knowledge  of  the  facts.  The 
members  of  the  council  made  their  report  to  the  king, 

*  Lord  Herbert's  Life  of  Uenry  VIII. ,  p.  535. 
VOL.   vni. — 11* 


250  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

who,  pierced  with  grief,  remained  silent  for  some  time. 
At  len^ith  he  burst  into  tears,  and  commanded  the  duke 
of  Norfolk,  the  queen's  uncle,  the  archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, the  high  chamberlain,  and  the  bishop  of  Winches- 
ter, who  had  promoted  the  marriage,  to  go  to  Catherine 
and  examine  her.  At  first  she  denied  every  thing.  But 
when  Cranmer  was  sent  to  her,  on  the  evening  of  the 
first  inquisition,  the  words  of  the  primate,  his  admoni- 
tions, the  reports  which  he  made  to  her,  which  proved 
that  her  conduct  was  perfectly  well  known,  convinced 
her  of  the  uselessness  of  her  denials,  and  she  then  made 
full  confession,  and  even  added  some  strange  details.  It 
does  not  appear  that  the  queen  felt  it  her  duty  to  con- 
fess her  offences  to  God,  but  she  resolved  at  least  to 
confess  them  to  men.  "While  making  her  confession  she 
was  in  a  state  of  so  great  agitation  that  the  archbishop 
was  in  dread  every  moment  of  her  losing  her  reason. 
He  thought,  according  to  her  confessions,  that  she  had 
been  seduced  by  the  infamous  Derham,  with  the  privity 
even  of  his  own  wife.  The  household  of  the  duchess 
dowager  of  Norfolk  appears  to  have  been  very  disor- 
derly. Cranmer  wrote  down  or  caused' to  be  written  this 
confession,  and  Catherine  signed  it.*  He  had  scarcely 
left  the  unhappy  woman,  when  she  fell  into  a  state  of  rav- 
ing delirium. 

The  king  was  thrown  into  great  excitement  by  the 
news  of  Catherine's  confession  of  the  reality  of  his  mis- 
fortune. The  very  intensity  of  his  love  served  to  increase 
his  trouble  and  his  wrath;  but,  for  all  this,  some  feeling 
of  pity  remained  in  his  heart.  '  Return  to  her,'  he  said 
to  Cranmer,  '  and  first  make  use  of  the  strongest  expres- 
sions to  give  her  a  sense  of  the  greatness  of  her  offences; 
secondly,  state  to  her  what  the  law  provides  in  such 
cases,  and  what  she  must  suffer  for  her  crime;  and  lastly 
express  to  her  my  feelings  of  pity  and  forgiveness.'  Cran- 
mer returned  to  Catherine  and  found  her  in  a  fit  of  pas- 
The  confession  is  given  by  Burnet,  IJist.  Reform.,  iii.  p.  224. 


CHAP,  vix  THE    queen's    FRENZY.  251 

sion  SO  violent  that  he  never  remembered — so  he  wrote 
to  the  king — seeing  any  creature  in  such  a  state.  The 
keejoers  told  him  that  this  vehement  rage  had  continued 
from  his  departure  from  her.*  'It  would  have  pitied,' 
said  the  good  archbishop,  '  any  man's  heart  in  the  world 
to  have  looked  upon  her.'  Indeed,  she  was  almost  in  a 
frenzy;  she  was  not  without  strength,  but  her  strength  was 
that  of  a  frantic  person.  The  archbishop  had  had  too 
much  experience  in  the  cure  of  souls,  to  adopt  the  order 
prescribed  by  the  king.  He  saw  that  if  he  spoke  first  to 
her  of  the  crime  and  its  punishment,  he  might  throw  her 
into  some  dangerous  ecstasy,  from  which  she  could  not 
be  rescued.  He  therefore  began  with  the  last  part  of 
the  royal  message,  and  told  the  queen  that  his  majesty's 
mercy  extended  to  her,  and  that  he  had  compassion 
on  her  misfortune.  Catherine  hereupon  lifted  up  her 
hands,  became  quiet,  and  gave  utterance  to  the  humblest 
thanksgivings  to  the  king  who  showed  her  so  much 
mercy.  She  became  more  self-possessed ;  continuing,  how- 
ever, to  sob  and  weep.  But  'after  a  little  pausing,  she 
suddenly  fell  into  a  new  rage,  much  worse  than  she  was 
before,'  f 

Cranmer,  desirous  of  delivering  her  from  this  frightful 
delirium,  said  to  her:  'Some  new  fantasy  has  come  into 
your  head,  madam;  pray  open  it  to  me.'  After  a  time, 
when  her  passion  subsided  and  she  was  capable  of  speech, 
she  wept  freely  and  said:  'Alas,  my  lord,  that  I  am  alive! 
The  fear  of  death  grieved  me  not  so  much  before,  as  doth 
now  the  remembrance  of  the  king's  goodness.  For  when 
I  remember  how  gracious  and  loving  a  prince  I  had,  I 
can  not  but  sorrow;  but  this  sudden  mercy,  and  more 
than  I  could  have  looked  for,  showed  unto  me  so  un- 
worthy at  this  time,  maketh  mine  offences  to  appear 
before  mine  eyes  much  more  heinous  than  they  did 
before;   and  the  more  I  consider  the  greatness  of  his 

*  Cranmer  to  the  king,  Works,  ii.  p.  408.     State  P^ipers,  i.  G89. 
t  Cranmer,   Works,  ii.  p.  408. 


252  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

mercy,  the  more  I  do  sorrow  in  my  lieart  that  I  should 
SO  misorder  myself  against  his  majesty.'  The  fact  that 
the  compassion  of  the  king  touched  Catherine  more  than 
the  fear  of  a  trial  and  of  death,  seemed  to  indicate  a  state 
of  mind  less  wayward  than  one  might  have  expected. 
But  in  vain  Cranmer  said  to  her  every  thing  calculated 
to  pacify  her;  she  remained  for  a  long  time  'in  a  great 
pang;'  and  even  fell  soon  into  another  frightful  passion. 
At  length,  in  the  afternoon  she  came  gradually  to  herself, 
and  was  in  a  quiet  state  till  night.  Cranmer,  duiing  this 
interval  of  relief,  had  'good  communications  with  her.' 
He  rejoiced  at  having  brought  her  into  some  quiet.  She 
told  him  that  there  had  been  a  marriage  contract  between 
her  and  Derham,  only  verbal  indeed,  she  said;  but  that 
nevertheless,  though  never  announced  and  acknowledged, 
it  had  been  consummated.  She  added  that  she  had  acted 
under  compulsion  of  that  man.*  At  six  o'clock,  she  had 
another  fit  of  frenzy.  'Ah,'  she  said  afterwards  to  Cran- 
mer, '  when  the  clock  struck,  I  remembered  the  time 
when  Master  Heneage  was  wont  to  bring  me  knowl- 
edge of  his  Grace.'  In  consequence  of  Cranmer's  report, 
Henry  commanded  that  the  queen  should  be  conducted 
to  Sion  House,  where  two  apartments  were  to  be  assigned 
to  her  and  attendants  nominated  by  the  king,  f 

Charges  against  Catherine  were  accumulating.  She 
had  taken  into  her  service,  as  queen,  the  wretched  Der- 
ham and,  employing  him  as  secretary,  had  often  admitted 
him  into  her  private  apartments;  and  this  the  council 
regarded  as  evidence  of  adultery. |  She  had  also  again 
attached  to  herself  one  of  the  women  implicated  in  her 
first  irregularities.  At  length  it  was  proved  that  another 
gentleman,  one  Culpeper,  a  kinsman  of  her  mother,  had 
been  introduced,  in  the  king's  absence  on  a  journey,  into 

*  Cranmer,  Works,  ii.  p.  409.     State  Papers,  i.  p.  690. 
t  State  Papers,  i.  j).  691.     The  Council  to  Cranmer. 
X   'His  coming  again  to  the  queen's  service  was  to  an  ill  intent 
of  the  renovation  of  his  former  naughty  life.' — Ibid.,  p.  700. 


CHAP.  vn.  EXECUTIONS.  253 

the  queen's  private  apartments  by  Lady  Rocliford,  at  a 
suspicious  hour  and  under  circumstances  which  usually 
indicate  crime.     Culpeper  confessed  it. 

Now  began  the  condemnations  and  the  executions; 
and  Henry  VIII.  included  in  the  trial  not  only  those 
who  were  guilty  but  also  the  near  relatives  and  servants 
of  the  queen,  who,  though  well  knowing  her  offences,  had 
not  reported  them  to  the  king.  On  the  7th,  the  council 
determined  that  the  duchess-dowager  of  Norfolk,  grand- 
mother to  the  queen,  her  uncle,  Lord  William  Howard, 
her  aunts  Lady  Howard  and  Lady  Bridgewater,  together 
with  Alice  Wilks,  Catherine  Tyluey,  Damport,  Walgrave, 
Malin  Tilney,  Mary  LasceUes,  Bulmer,  Ashby,  Anne 
Haward  and  Margaret  Benet  were  all  guilty  of  not  hav- 
ing revealed  the  crime  of  high  treason,  and  that  they 
should  be  prosecuted.  On  the  8th  the  king  ordered  that 
all  these  persons,  Mary  Lascelles  excepted,  should  be 
committed  to  the  Tower:  and  this  was  done.  Lord  Wil- 
liam How^ard  was  imprisoned  on  December  9;  the  duch- 
ess of  Norfolk  on  the  10th,  and  Lady  Bridgewater  on 
the  13th.  All  of  them  stoutly  protested  their  ignorance 
and  their  innocence.*  On  December  10,  1541,  Culpeper 
was  beheaded  at  Tyburn ;  and  the  same  day  Derham  was 
hung,  drawn  and  quartered.f 

Meanwhile,  the  duke  of  Norfolk  had  taken  refuge  at 
Kenningball,  about  eighty  miles  from  London.  On  De- 
cember 15,  he  wrote  to  the  king,  saving  that  by  reason 
of  the  offences  committed  by  his  family  he  found  him- 
self in  the  utmost  perplexity.  Twice  in  his  letter  he 
*  prostrates  himself  at  the  king's  feet;'  and  he  expresses 
*some  hope  that  your  Highness  will  not   conceive  any 

*  Letters  to  the  Privy  Gonncil.— State  Papers,  i.  pp.  702,  701,  70G, 
708. 

t  Lord  Herbert  of  Cherbury,  Turner,  and  other  historians  say 
that  Culpeper  was  executed  on  November  30.  But  we  follow  the 
documents  signed  by  all  the  members  of  the  council,  which  bear 
date  December  10.— State  Papers,  i.  p.  707. 


254  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

displeasure  in  your  most  gentle  heart  against  me;  tliat, 
God  knowetli,  never  did  tliink  thought  which  might  be 
to  your  discontentation.'*  There  did,  however,  remain 
something  in  the  '  most  gentle  heart '  of  Henry  VIII. 

Parliament  met,  by  the  king's  command,  on  January 
16,  1542,  to  give  its  attention  to  this  business.  Thus 
it  was  to  the  highest  national  assembly  that  the  king 
entrusted  the  regulation  of  his  domestic  interests.  On 
January  21,  the  chancellor  introduced  in  the  ujiper  house 
a  bill  in  which  the  king  was  requested  not  to  trouble 
himself  about  the  matter,  considering  that  it  might 
shorten  his  hfe;  to  declare  guilty  of  high  treason  the 
queen  and  all  her  accomplices;  and  to  condemu  the 
queen  and  Lady  Rochford  to  death.  The  bill  passed 
both  houses  and  received  the  royal  assent.f 

On  February  12,  the  queen  and  Lady  Rochford,  her 
accomphce,  were  taken  to  Tower  Hill  and  beheaded. 
The  queen,  while  she  confessed  the  offences  which  had 
preceded  her  marriage,  protested  to  the  last  before  God 
and  his  holy  angels  that  she  had  never  violated  her  faith 
to  the  king.  But  her  previous  offences  gave  credibility 
to  those  which  were  subsequent  to  her  marriage.  With 
regard  to  Lady  Rochford,  the  confidant  of  the  queen, 
she  was  universally  hated.  People  called  to  mind  the 
fact  that  her  calumnies  had  been  the  principal  cause  of 
the  death  of  the  innocent  Anne  Boleyn  and  of  her  own 
husband ;  and  nobody  was  sorry  for  her.  The  king  jDar- 
doned  the  old  duchess  of  Norfolk  and  some  others  who 
had  been  prosecuted  for  not  disclosing  the  crime. 

These  events  did  not  call  forth  within  the  realm  many 
remarks  of  a  painful  kind  for  Henry  Vni. ;  but  the  great 
example  of  immoraHty  presented  by  the  Eoglish  court 
lessened  the  esteem  in  which  it  was  held  in  Europe. 
There  was  no  lack  of  similar  licentiousness  in  France 
and   elsewhere;   but   there  a  veil  was   throwTi    over   it, 

*  State  Papers,  i.  p.  721. 

t  The  bill  is  given  by  Burnet,  Records,  i.  p.  567. 


CHAP.  vn.  THE    queen's    GUILI.  255 

while  in  England  it  was  public  talk.  Opinion  afterwards 
became  severe  with  regard  to  the  king;  and  when  his 
conduct  to  three  of  his  former  wives  was  remembered, 
people  said  of  the  disgrace  cast  on  him  by  Catherine 
Howard,  he  well  deserved  it.  As  for  the  Catholic  party, 
which  had  given  Catherine  to  Henry  and  had  cherished 
the  hope  that  by  her  influence  it  should  achieve  its  final 
triumph,  it  was  greatly  mortified,  and  it  has  been  so 
down  to  om-  own  time.  Some  Catholics,  referring  to 
these  offences,  have  tried  to  lessen  the  abhorrence  and 
the  shame  of  them  by  saying  '  that  a  conspiracy  was 
hatched  to  bring  the  queen  to  the  scaffold.'  But  the 
e^ddence  i:)roduced  against  Catherine  is  so  clear  that 
they  have  been  obliged  to  alter  their  tone.  Catholicism 
assuredly  has  had  its  virtuous  princesses  in  abundance, 
but  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  she  who  became  its 
patroness  in  England  in  1541  did  not  do  it  much  honor.* 
The  elevation  of  Catherine  Howard  to  the  throne  had 
been  followed  by  an  elevation  of  Catholicism  in  England; 
and  the  fall  of  this  unhappy  woman  was  followed  by  a 
depression  of  the  party  to  which  she  belonged.  This 
is  our  reason  for  dwelling  on  her  history.  These  last 
events  appear  to  have  given  offence  at  Rome.  Pope 
Paul  III.  displayed  more  irritation  than  ever  against 
Henry  VIII.  One  of  the  king's  ambassadors  at  Venice 
wrote  to  him  at  this  time, — '  The  bishop  of  Rome  is 
earnestly  at  work  to  bring  about  a  union  of  the  emperor 
and  the  king  of  France  for  the  ruin  of  your  majesty;' 
and  the  secret  reflection  that  the  count  Ludovico  de 
Rangon  had  been  in  England  filled  the  pope  with  fury  f 

*  The  Roman  Catholic  historian  Liugard,  in  his  History  of  Eng- 
land, at  first  put  forward  the  idea  of  a  conspiracy;  — '  A  plot  was 
woven  ' ; — but  in  a  later  edition,  he  felt  compelled  to  relinquish  the 
idea  of  conspiracy  and  to  substitute  that  of  discovery ;  —  '  A  discovery 
was  then  made.'  The  word  coinploi  remains  in  the  French  version 
of  his  work. 

t  'The  bishop  of  Rome  is  in  great  furor  and  rage  against  him.' — 
Hai-vel  to  the  king.     State  Papers,  ix.  pp.  21,  22. 


256 


THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE. 


and  rage.  The  zeal  and  the  caution  of  Cranmer  in  the 
affair  of  Catherine  had  greatly  increased  the  king's  liking 
for  him.  Cranmer,  however,  was  in  no  haste  to  take 
advantage  of  this  to  get  any  bold  measm-es  passed  in 
favor  of  the  Reformation.  He  knew  that  any  such  at- 
tempt would  have  had  a  contrary  result.  But  he  lost  no 
opportunity  of  diffusing  in  England  the  principles  of  the 
Reformation. 

Parhament  met  on  January  16,  1542,  and  the  Convo- 
cation of  the  clergy  on  the  20th  of  the  same  month.  On 
Friday,  February  17,  the  translation  of  the  Holy  Script- 
ures was  on  the  order  of  the  day.  The  suppression  of 
the  English  Bible  was  desired  by  the  majority  of  the 
bishops,  most  of  all  by  Gardiner,  who,  since  the  fall  of 
Catherine  Howard,  felt  more  than  ever  the  necessity  of 
resisting  reformation.  As  he  was  unable  to  re-establish 
at  once  the  Vulgate  as  a  whole,  he  endeavored  to  retain 
what  he  fiould  of  it  in  the  translation,  so  that  the  people 
might  not  understand  what  they  read  and  might  aban- 
don it  altogether.  He  proposed  therefore  to  keep  in  the 
English  translation  one  hundred  and  two  Latin  words 
'for  the  sake  of  their  native  meaning  and  their  dignity.' 
Among  these  words  viere—Eccle^ia,  poenitentia,  pontifex, 
holocaustum,  simulacrum,  ephcopus,  confessio,  hostia,  and 
others.  In  addition  to  the  design  which  he  entertained 
of  preventing  the  people  from  understanding  what  they 
read,  he  had  still  another  in  regard  to  such  as  might 
understand  any  part  of  it.  If  he  was  desirous  of  retain- 
ing certain  words,  this  was  for  the  purpose  of  retaining 
certain  dogmas.  '  ^Vitness,'  says  Fuller,  '  the  word  Pen- 
ance, which  according  to  vulgar  sound,  contrary  to  the 
original  sense  thereof,  was  a  magazine  of  ivillworship,  and 
brought  in  much  gain  to  the  Priests  who  were  desirous 
to  keep  that  word,  because  that  loord  kept  them.'  *  Cran- 
mer gave  the  king  warning  of  the  matter;  and  it  was 
agreed  that  the  bishops  should  have  nothing  to  do  with 

*  Fuller,  Church  ITistorij,  ^odk  v.  p.  239. 


I 


CHAP.  \'ii.  HYPOCRISY    OF    BONNER.  257 

the  translation  of  the  Bible.  On  March  10  the  arch- 
bishoj)  informed  Convocation  that  it  was  the  king's  in- 
tention to  have  the  translation  examined  by  the  two 
universities.  The  bishops  were  greatly  annoyed;  but 
Cranmer  assured  them  that  the  king's  determination  was 
to  be  carried  out.  All  the  prelates  but  two  protested 
against  this  course.  This  decree,  however,  had  no  other 
object  than  to  get  rid  of  the  bishops,  for  the  universities 
were  never  consulted.  This  w^as  obviously  a  blow  struck 
at  the  Convocation  of  the  clergy.* 

The  change  which  resulted  from  the  disgrace  of  the 
Howards  was  apparent  even  in  the  case  of  the  enemies 
of  the  Reformation.  Bonner,  bishop  of  London,  a  man 
at  once  violent  and  fickle,  who  after  the  death  of  Crom- 
well had  suddenly  turned  against  the  Reformation,  after 
the  death  of  Catherine  made  a  show  of  turning  in  the 
contrary  direction.  He  published  various  admonitions 
and  injunctions  for  the  guidance  of  his  diocese.  '  It  is 
very  exioedient,'  he  said  to  the  laity,  'that  whosoever 
repaireth  hither  [to  the  church]  to  read  this  book,  or 
any  such  like,  in  any  other  place,  he  prepare  himself 
chiefly  and  principally  with  all  devotion,  humihty  and 
quietness  to  be  edified  and  made  the  better  thereby.'  To 
the  clergy  he  said:  'Every  parson,  vicar  and  curate  shall 
read  over  and  diligently  study  every  week  one  chapter  of 
the  Bible,  .  .  .  proceeding  from  chapter  to  chapter, 
from  the  beginning  of  the  Gospel  of  Matthew,  to  the  end 
of  the  New  Testament.  .  .  .  You  are  to  instruct, 
teach  and  bring  up  in  learning  the  best  ye  can  all  such 
childi'en  of  your  parishioners  as  shall  come  to  you  for 
the  same;  or  at  the  least  to  teach  them  to  read  English, 
.  .  .  so  that  they  may  thereby  the  better  learn  and 
know  how  to  believe,  how  to  pray,  how  to  live  to  God's 
pleasure.'  f 

*  Burnet,  i.  p.  570.  Anderson,  English  Bible,  ii.  p.  152.  Ger- 
desius,  yl»/j.,  iv.  p.  308. 

t  Bonner's  Admonition  and  Injunctions,  i.,  Records,  pp.  379,  380. 


258  THE    REFORilATIOX    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

CHAPTER    VIII. 

A  PROTESTANT  QUEEN,  CATHERINE  PARR. 
(1542.) 

The  principles  of  the  Eeformation  were  spreading  more 
and  more,  and  especially  among  the  London  merchants; 
doubtless  because  they  held  more  intercourse  than  other 
classes  with  foreigners.  These  men  of  business  were 
much  better  informed  than  we  in  our  days  should  sup- 
pose. One  of  them,  Richard  Hilles,  had  large  business 
transactions  with  Strasbui-g  and  the  rest  of  Germany ;  and 
while  engaged  in  these  he  paid  some  attentioD  to  theo- 
logical literatm-e.  He  not  merely  read,  but  formed  an 
opinion  of  the  works  w^hich  he  read,  and  was  thus  at  the 
same  time  merchant  and  critic.  He  read  the  Ecclesias- 
tical History  of  Eusebius,  as  well  as  his  Preparation  and 
Demonstration;  but  he  was  not  satisfied  with  Eusebius. 
He  found  in  his  wi'itings  false  notions  on  fi'ee-wiU  and 
on  the  marriage  of  ministers.  Tertullian,  on  the  other 
hand,  charmed  him  by  his  simplicity,  his  piety,  and  hke- 
wise  by  the  soundness  of  his  judgment  on  the  Eucharist; 
but  he  found  much  fault  with  his  work  on  Prescriptions 
against  Heretics.^  Cyprian  edified  him  by  the  fulness  of 
his  piety;  but  he  was  shocked  by  his  overmuch  severity, 
and  by  his  opinions  on  satisfaction,  which  in  his  view 
were  derogatory  to  the  righteousness  of  Christ.  Lac- 
tantius  he  loved  as  the  defender  of  the  cause  of  God; 
but  he  sharply  criticised  his  opinions  on  the  virtue  of 
almsgiving,  on  the  necessity  of  abstinence  from  flowers 
and  perfumes,  iUecebrce  istce  voluptatinn  arma,  on  the 
method  of  making  up  for  evil  works  by  good  ones,  on 

*  Letter  from  Hilles  to  Bulliuger,  of  December  18,  1542,  the 
date  of  Catherine's  trial.  —  Original  Letters  relative  to  the  English 
Eeformation,  i.  -pp.  228,  229.     (Parker  Soc.) 


CHAP.  viii.  RICHARD    niLLES.  259 

the  millennium,  and  many  other  subjects.  Origen,  Au- 
gustine, and  Jerome  were  also  included  in  the  cycle  of 
his  studious  hibors.*  Hilles  considered  it  a  great  loss, 
even  to  a  merchant,  to  pursue  no  studies.  He  found 
in  them  a  remedy  against  the  too  strong  influences  of 
worldly  affairs. 

For  him,  however,  the  essential  matter  was  the  study 
of  the  Word  of  God.  He  used  frequently  to  read  and 
expound  it  in  the  houses  of  evangelical  Christians  in  Lon- 
don. Bishop  Gardiner,  when  examining  one  of  Hilles' 
neighbors,  said  to  him :  '  Has  not  Richard  Hilles  been 
every  day  in  your  house,  teaching  you  and  others  like 
you?'  Some  ecclesiastics  one  day  called  upon  him,  while 
making  a  collection  for  placing  tapers  before  the  crucifix 
and  the  sepulchre  of  Christ  in  the  parish  church.  He 
refused  to  contribute.  The  priests  entreated  his  kins- 
men and  friends  to  urge  him  not  to  set  himself  against 
a  practice  which  had  existed  for  five  centuries.  No  cus- 
tom, said  he,  can  prevail  against  the  w^ord  of  Christ — 
'  They  that  worship  Him  must  worship  Him  in  spirit  and 
in  truth.'  The  priests  now  increased  their  threatenings, 
and  Hilles  left  London  and  went  to  Strasburg,  keeping 
up  at  the  same  time  his  house  of  business  in  London. 
The  reader  of  Tertullian,  Cyprian,  Origen,  and  Augus- 
tine, on  leaving  the  banks  of  the  Rhine,  went  to  Frank- 
fort and  to  Niirnberg  to  sell  his  cloth. f  Moreover  he 
made  a  good  use  of  the  money  which  he  received.  'I 
send  herewith  to  your  piety,'  he  wrote  to  Bullinger,  '  ten 
Italian  crowns,  which  I  desire  to  be  laid  out  according 
to  your  i^leasure,  as  occasion  may  offer,  upon  the  poor 
exiles  (rich,  however,  in  Christ),  and  those  especially,  if 
such  there  be,  who  are  in  distress  among  you.'  J 

The  more  Henry  VIII.  felt  the  loss  which  he  had 
sustained  by  the  death  of  Cromwell,  the  more  did  he 
feel  drawn  to  Cranmer  and  to  the  cause  he  advocated. 

*   Original  Letters  relative  to  the  English  Beformation,  pp.  234  235. 
t  Original  Letters,  &c.,  i.  p.  240.  %  Ibid.,  p.  241. 


260  THE  REFORMATION  IN  EUROPE. 


BOOK  XV. 


Already,  in  tliis  same  year,  1542,  he  addressed  to  Cran- 
mer  some  letters  for  the  abolition  of  idolatry,  orderiuo- 
the  disuse  of  images,  relics,  tapers,  rehquaries,  tables  and 
monuments  of  mii'acles,  pilg-rimages  and  other  abuses.* 
While  laj^men  thus  joined  knowledge  with  faith,  and 
business  with   teaching,   Craumer  was  slowly  pursuing 
his  task.     AVhen  parliament  met,  January  22,  1543,  the 
archbishop  introduced  'a  Bill  for  the  advancement  of 
true  religion.'     This  Act  at  once  prohibited  and  enjoined 
the  readmg  of  the  Bible.     Was  this  intentional  or  acci- 
dental ?     We  are  disposed  to  thiuk  it  accidental.     There 
were  two  currents  of  opinion  in  England,  and  both  of 
them  reappeared  in  the  laws.     Only  it  is  to  be  noted 
that  the   better   current  was   the  stronger;  it  was   the 
good  cause  which  seemed  ultimately  to  gain  the  ascen- 
dency on  this  occasion.     It  was  ordered  that  the  Bibles 
bearing  Tyndale's  name  should  be  suppressed;  but  the 
printers  still  issued  his  translation  with  hardly  any  alter- 
ation, shielding  it  under  the  names  of  Matthew,  Taver- 
ner,  Cranmer,  and  even   TonstaU  and   Heath.f     It  w^as 
therefore  read  everywhere.     The  Act  forbade  that   any 
one  should  read  the  Bible  to  others,  either  in  any  church 
or  elsewhere,  without  the  sanction  of  the  king  or  of  some 
bishop.     But  at  the  same  time  the  chancellor  of  Eng- 
land, officers  of  the  army,  the  king's  judges,  the  magis- 
trates of  any  town  or  borough,  and  the  Speaker  of  Ihe 
House  of   Commons,   who   were   accustomed   to   take   a 
passage  of  Scripture  as  the  text  of  their  discourses,  were 
empowered  to  read  it.     Further,  every  person  of  noble 
rank,  male  or  female,  being  head  of  a  family,  was  per- 
mitted to  read  the  Bible  or  to  cause  it  to  be  read  by  one 
of  their  domestics,  in  their  own  house,  their  garden  or 
orchard,  to  their  own  family.     Likewise,  every  trader  or 
other  person  being  head  of  a  household  was  allowed  to 
read  it   in    private;   but    apprentices,   work-people,   &c., 
*  Fox,  Acts,  V.  p.  4G3. 
t  Anderson,  English  Bible,  i.  p.  509;  ii.  pp.  80,  156. 


CHAP.  vm.  CRANMEr's    ENDEAVORS.  261 

were  to  abstain.  This  enactment,  thus  interdicting  tlie 
Bible  to  the  common  people,  was  both  impious  and 
absurd;  impious  in  its  prohibition,  but  also  absurd,  be- 
cause reading  in  the  family  was  recommended,  and  this 
might  be  done  even  by  the  domestics.  The  knowledge 
of  the  Scriptures  might  thus  reach  those  to  whom  they 
were  proscribed.* 

At  the  same  time,  on  the  demand  of  Cranmer,  the  Act 
of  Six  Articles  was  somewhat  modified.  Those  who  had 
infringed  its  clauses  were  no  longer  to  be  punished  with 
death,  if  they  were  laymen;  and  priests  were  to  incur 
this  penalty  only  after  the  third  offence.  This  was  cer- 
tainly no  great  gain,  but  the  primate  obtained  what  he 
could. 

He  also  endeavored  to  render  as  harmless  as  possible 
the  book  'A  necessary  doctrine  and  erudition  for  any 
Christian  Man,'  which  was  published  in  1543, f  and  w^as 
called  '  The  King's  Book,'  to  distinguish  it  from  *  The 
Institution  of  a  Christian  Man,'  which  was  called  '  The 
Bishop's  Book.'  This  book  of  the  king  held  a  middle 
course  between  the  doctrine  of  the  pope  and  that  of  the 
Reformation,  leaning,  however,  towards  the  latter.  The 
grace  and  the  mercy  of  God  were  established  as  the  prm- 
ciple  of  our  justification.  Some  reforms  were  introduced 
with  respect  to  the  worship  of  images  and  of  the  saints; 
the  article  on  pui-gatory  was  omitted;  large  rights  were 
granted  to  the  church  of  every  country;  the  vulgar  tongue 
was  recognized  as  necessary  to  meet  the  religious  wants 
of  the  people.  Still,  many  obscurities  and  errors  were  to 
be  found  in  this  book. 

An  event  was  approaching  which  would  draw  the  king- 
more  decisively  to  the  side  of  the  Reformation.  Although 
he  had  now  made  five  successive  marriages,  and  had  ex- 
perienced,  undoubtedly  by  his   own  fault,  only  a   long 

*  '  An  Act  for  tlie  advancement  of  true  religion  and  the  abolish- 
ment of  the  contrary.'— Strype,  Mem.  of  Cranmer,  p,  142. 
t  Wilkins,  Burnet,  Strype,  Todd,  Life  of  Cranmer,  i.  p.  332. 


262  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

series  of  clisappomtmeDts  and  vexations,  lie  was  once 
more  looking  for  a  wife.  A  law  which  had  been  passed 
after  the  discovery  of  the  misconduct  of  Catherine  How- 
ard terrified  the  maidens  of  England,  even  the  most  inno- 
cent among  them;  they  would  have  been  afraid  of  falling 
victims  to  the  unjust  suspicions  of  Henry  VIII.  He  now 
determined  to  marry  a  widow. 

Catherine  Parr,  the  widow  of  Lord  Latimer,  was  now 
at  the  court.  She  was  a  woman  of  good  sense,  of  virtuous 
and  amiable  character,  beautiful,  and  agreeable  in  man- 
ners,* and  was  past  the  prime  of  youth.  She  had,  how- 
ever, one  defect  which  often  attaches  to  noble  characters, 
— a  want  of  prudence.  She  did  not  always  perceive  and 
j^ractise  what  was  best  to  be  done  under  certain  circum- 
stances. Especially  was  she  wanting  in  that  human  pru- 
dence, so  necessary  at  the  court,  and  particuhirly  to  the 
wife  of  Henry  YIII. ;  and  hereby  she  was  exposed  to  great 
danger.  The  king  was  now  in  a  declining  state;  and  his 
bodily  infirmities  as  well  as  his  irritable  temper  made  it 
a  necessity  that  some  gentle  and  very  considerate  wife 
should  take  care  of  him.  He  married  the  noble  dowa- 
ger f  on  July  12,  1543;  and  he  found  in  her  the  affection 
and  the  kind  attentions  of  a  vii'tuous  lady.  The  crown 
was  to  Catherine  but  a  poor  compensation;  but  she  dis- 
charged her  duty  devotedly,  and  shed  some  rays  of  sun- 
shine over  the  last  years  of  the  king.  The  queen  was 
favorable  to  the  Reformation,  as  was  likewise  her  brother, 
who  was  created  earl  of  Essex,  and  her  uncle,  made  Lord 
Parr  of  Horton.  Cranmer  and  all  those  who  wished  for 
a  real  reformation  were  on  the  side  of  the  new  queen; 
while  Gardiner  and  his  party,  now  including  the  new 
chancellor,  Wriothesley,  taking  alarm  at  this  influence 
which  was  opposed  to  them,  became  more  zealous  than 

*  'She  was  endued  with  singular  beauty,  favor  and  comely 
personage.' — Fox,  Ads,  v.  p.  554. 

t  Lord  Herbert's  Life  of  Henry  VIJL,  p.  561.— Strype,  Mem.  of 
Cranmer,  &c. 


CHAP.  vm.  PLOT    AGAINST    CRANMER.  2G3 

ever  in  the  maintenance  of  the  old  doctrine.  These  .men 
felt  that  the  power  which  they  had  possessed  under  Cath- 
erine Howard  might  slip  out  of  their  hands;  and  they  re- 
solved to  spread  terror  among  the  friends  of  the  Eefor- 
mation,  not  excepting  the  queen  herself,  by  attacking 
Cranmer.  It  was  always  this  man  at  whom  they  aimed 
and  struck  their  blows,  nor  was  this  the  last  time  they 
did  so. 

The  prebendaries  of  Canterbury  and  other  priests  of 
the  same  diocese,  strongly  attached  to  the  Catholie  doc- 
trine, and  disquieted  and  shocked  by  the  reforming  prin- 
ciples of  the  archbishop,  came  to  an  understanding  wdth 
Gardiner,  held  a  great  many  meetings  among  themselves, 
and  collected  a  large  number  of  reports  hostile  to  the 
archbishop.  They  accused  him  of  having  removed  im- 
ages, and  prohibited  the  partisans  of  the  old  doctrines 
from  preaching;  and  the  rumor  was  soon  everywhere 
current  that  'the  bishop  of  Winchester  had  bent  his  bow 
to  shoot  at  some  of  the  head  deer.'  The  long  list  of 
charges  brought  against  the  primate  was  forwarded  to 
the  king.  Amongst  the  accusers  were  found  some  mem- 
bers of  Cranmer 's  church,  magistrates  whom  he  had  laid 
under  obligation  to  him,  and  men  who  almost  daily  sat 
at  his  table.  Henry  was  pained  and  irritated;  he  loved 
Cranmer,  but  these  numerous  accusations  disturbed  him. 
Taking  the  document  with  him,  he  went  out,  as  if  going 
to  take  a  walk  alone  on  the  banks  of  the  Thames.  He 
entered  his  bark.  '  To  Lambeth,'  he  said  to  his  boatmen. 
Some  of  the  domestics  of  the  archbishop  saw  the  boat 
approaching:  they  recognised  the  king,  and  gave  infor- 
mation to  their  master,  who  immediately  came  down  to 
pay  his  respects  to  his  Majesty.  Henry  invited  him  to 
enter  the  bark;  and  when  they  were  seated  together,  the 
boatmen  being  at  a  distance,  the  king  began  to  lament 
the  growth  of  heresy,  and  the  debates  which  would  inev- 
itably result  from  it,  and  declared  that  he  was  determined 
to  find  out  who  was  the  principal  promoter  of  these  false 


264 


THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE. 


doctrines  and  to  make  an  example  of  him.     '  Wliat  think 
you  of  it?'  he  added.     'Sir,'  rephed  Cranmer,  'it  is  a 
good  resolution;  but  I  entreat  you  to  consider  well  what 
heresy  is,   and  not  to   condemn   those  as  heretics  who 
stand  for  the  word  of  God  against  human  inventions.' 
After  further  explanations,  the  king  said  to  him:  'You 
are  the  man  who,  as  I  am  informed,  is  the  chief  encour- 
ager  of  heresy.'     The  king  then  handed  to  him  the  arti- 
cles of  accusation  collected  by  his  o^Dponents.     Cranmer 
took  the  papers  and  read  them.     When  he  had  finished, 
he  begged  the  king  to  appoint  a  commission  to  investi- 
gate these  grievances,  and  frankly  explained  to  him  his 
own  view  of  the  case.     The  king,  touched  by  his  simphc- 
ity  and  candor,   disclosed   to  him    the   conspirac}^,   and 
promised  to  nominate  a  commission;  insisting,  however, 
that  the  primate  should  be  the  chief  member  and  that  he 
should  proceed  against  his  accusers.     Cranmer  refused 
to  do  this.     The  commission  was  nominated.     Dr.  Lee, 
dean  of  YoiTj,  made  diligent  inquiry,  and  found  that  men 
to  whom  Cranmer  had  rendered  great  services  were  in 
the  number  of  the  conspirators.     Cranmer  bore  himself 
with   great    meekness   towards    them.     He    dechned   to 
confound  and  put  them  to  shame  as  the  king  had  re- 
quired him  to  do;  and  the  result  was,  that  instead  of 
condemning  Cranmer,  every  one  of  them  acknowledged 
that  he  was  the  first  to  practise  the  vii^tues  which  he 
preached  to  others,  and  thus  showed  himself  to  be  a  true 
bishop  and  a  worthy  reformer.* 

As  Gardiner  and  his  colleagues  had  failed  in  their  at- 
tempt to  bring  down  the  head  deer,  they  determined  to 
indemnify  themselves  by  attacking  lesser  game.  A  so- 
ciety of  friends  of  the  Gospel  had  been  formed  at  Oxford, 
the  members  of  which  were  leading  lowly  and  quiet  lives, 
but  at  the  same  time  were  making  courageous  confession 
of  the  truth.     Fourteen  of  them  were  apprehended  by 

*  Cranmer,  Works,  ii.  p.  ix.  Burnet,  Hist  of  the  lieform.,  i.  p. 
593.     Strype,  Fox,  Todd,  Life  of  Cranmer,  i.  p.  349. 


CHAP.  vm.  PERSECUTION   AT   OXFORD.  265 

Doctor  London,  supported  by  the  bishop  of  Winchester. 
The  persecutors  chiefly  dii'ected  their  attack  against  three 
of  these  men.  Robert  Testwood,  famed  for  his  musical 
attainments  and  attached  as  a  'singing-man'  to  the 
chapel  of  Windsor  College,  used  to  speak  with  respect 
of  Luther,  ventured  to  read  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and 
exhorted  his  acquaintances  not  to  bow  down  before  dumb 
images,  but  to  worship  only  the  true  and  living  God. 
Henry  Filmer,  a  churchwarden,  could  not  endure  the 
fooleries  which  the  priests  retailed  in  the  pulpit;  and 
the  latter,  greatly  stung  by  his  criticism,  accused  him 
of  being  so  thoroughly  corrupted  by  heresy  that  he  alone 
would  suffice  to  poison  the  whole  nation.  Antony  Peer- 
son,  a  priest,  preached  with  so  much  faith  and  eloquence, 
that  the  people  flocked  in  crowds  to  hear  him,  both  at 
Oxford  and  in  the  surrounding  country  places. 

A  fourth  culprit  at  length  appeared  before  the  council. 
He  was  a  poor  man,  simple-minded,  and  of  mean  ap- 
pearance. Some  loose  sheets  of  a  book  lay  upon  the 
table  in  front  of  the  bishop  of  Winchester.  '  Marbeck,' 
said  the  bishop,  'dost  thou  know  wherefore  thou  art 
sent  for?  '  'No,  my  lord,'  he  rephed.  The  bishop,  tak- 
ing up  some  of  the  sheets,  said  to  him:  ' Understandest 
thou  the  Latin  tongue?'  'No,  my  lord,'  he  answered, 
'but  simply.'  Gardiner  then  stated  to  the  council  that 
the  book  he  held  in  his  hand  was  a  Concordance,  and 
that  it  was  translated  word  for  word  from  the  original 
compiled  for  the  use  of  preachers.  He  asserted  '  that  if 
such  a  book  should  go  forth  in  English,  it  would  destroy 
the  Latin  tongue.'  Two  days  later  Gardiner  again  sent 
for  Marbeck.  'Marbeck,'  said  the  bishop,  'what  a  devil 
made  thee  to  meddle  with  the  Scriptures  ?  *  Thy  voca- 
tion was  another  way  .  .  .  why  the  devil  didst  thou 
not  hold  thee  there  ?     .     .     .     What  helpers  hadst  thou 

*  Fox,  who  relates  these  circumstances,  adds  in  a  note,— 'Christ 
Ba.ith.—Scrutamim  Scrlpturas;  and  Winchester  saith— The  devil  makes 
men  to  meddle  with  the  scriptures.' 
VOL.    vm.— 12 


266  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

in  setting  forth  thy  book  ? '  '  Forsooth,  my  lord,'  an- 
swered Marbeck,  'none.'  'It  is  not  possible  that  thou 
should'st  do  it  without  help,'  exclaimed  the  bishop.  Then 
addressing  one  of  his  chaplains:  'Here  is  a  maryellous 
thing;  this  fellow  hath  taken  n2:)on  him  to  set  out  the 
Concordance  in  English,  w^iich  book,  when  it  was  set 
out  in  Latin,  was  not  done  without  the  hel}^  and  dih- 
gence  of  a  dozen  learned  men  at  least,  and  yet  will  he 
bear  me  in  hand  that  he  hath  done  it  alone.'  Then,  ad- 
dressing Marbeck,  he  said:  'Say  what  thou  wilt,  except 
God  himself  w^ould  come  down  from  heaven  and  tell  me 
so,  I  will  not  believe  it.'  Marbeck  was  taken  back  to 
prison,  and  was  placed  in  close  confinement,  with  irons 
on  his  hands  and  feet.  He  was  five  times  examined; 
and  on  the  fifth  occasion  a  new  charge  was  brought 
against  him; — he  had  written  out  with  his  own  hand  a 
letter  of  John  Calvin.*  This  w^as  worse  than  sj^endiug 
his  time  ov^r  the  Bible. 

Gardiner  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  to  secure  the 
condemnation  of  this  man  to  death,  in  company  with 
Testwood,  Filmer,  and  Peerson.  The  queen  was  now 
hardly  on  the  throne.  These  three  Christians  were 
burnt  alive;  and  they  met  death  with  so  much  humil- 
ity, patience,  and  devotion  to  Jesus,  their  only  refuge, 
that  some  of  the  bystanders  declared  that  they  would 
willingly  have  died  with  them  and  like  them.f  But  the 
persecutors  failed  in  their  attempt  wdth  respect  to  Mar- 
beck. Cranmer  was  able  to  convince  the  king  that  the 
making  of  a  Concordance  to  the  Bible  ought  not  to  be 
visited  with  death.  It  is  well  known  that  Henry  VIII. 
attached  much  importance  to  the  Holy  Scriptures,  which 
he  considered  the  most  powerful  weapon  against  the  pope. 
Marbeck,  therefore,  was  spared. 

It  is,  moreover,  no  wonder  that  there  should  still  have 

*  '  An  epistle  of  Master  John  Calvin,  which  Marbeck  had  written 
out,'— Fox,  Ac(s,  V.  pp.  483,  484. 
t  Ibid.,  pp.  464-496. 


CHAP.  vm.  WAR    WITH    FRANCE.  267 

been  martjTS.  The  queen,  indeed,  was  friendly  to  tlieir 
cause;  but  political  circumstances  were  not  favorable. 
After  forty  years'  alliance  with  France,  Henry  YIIL  was 
about  to  declare  war  against  that  kingdom.  The  pre- 
texts for  this  course  were  many.  The  first  was  the 
alliance  of  the  king  of  France  with  the  Turks,  '  who  are 
daily  advancing  to  destroy  and  ruin  our  holy  faith  and 
religion,  to  the  great  regret  of  all  good  Christians,'  said 
the  Council.*  A  second  pretext  was  that  the  sums  of 
money  which  France  was  bound  to  pay  annually  to  the 
king  had  fallen  in  arrear  for  nine  years;  there  was  also 
the  question  of  the  subsidies  granted  by  France  to  Scot- 
land during  the  war  between  Henry  VIIL  and  the  Scots; 
the  reception  and  protection  of  Enghsh  rebels  by  Francis 
I.;  and  the  detention  in  French  ports  of  faithful  subjects 
of  the  king,  merchants  and  others,  with  their  ships  and 
merchandise.  In  the  despatch  which  we  have  just  cited, 
the  king  also  declared  that,  if  within  twenty  days  the 
grievances  set  forth  were  not  redressed,  he  should  claim 
the  kingdom  of  France  unjustly  held  by  Francis  I.  The 
French  ambassador  replied  in  a  conciliatory  manner. 
Diplomacy  made  n9  reference  to  other  grounds  of  com- 
plaint of  a  more  private  character,  which  perhaps  throw 
light  upon  those  which  occasioned  the  rupture.  Francis 
I.  had  jested  about  the  way  in  which  Henry  VIIL  dealt 
with  his  wives.  Henry  had  sought  the  hand  of  French 
princesses,  and  they  had  no  mind  for  this  foreign  hus- 
band; and  lastly,  Francis  did  not  fulfil  the  promise  which 
he  had  made  to  separate  from  Kome.  There  were  many 
other  pretexts  besides,  more  or  less  reasonable,  which 
determined  the  king  to  invade  France. 

While  withdrawing  from  alliance  with  Francis  I.,  Henry 
could  not  but  at  the  same  time  enter  into  closer  relation 
with  Charles  V.  This  reconcihation  seemed  natural,  for 
the  king  of  England  was  really,  in  respect  to  religion, 

*  Despatch  from  the  Privj'  Council  to  the  French  ambassador. — 
State  Papers,  ix.  p.  388. 


268  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

more  in  harmony  with  the  emperor  than  with  the  Protes- 
tants of  Germany,  whose  alhance  he  had  for  some  time 
desired.  But  Charles  required  first  of  all  that  the  legiti- 
macy and  the  rights  of  his  cousin,  the  princess  Mary, 
should  be  acknowledged;  and  this  Heury  refused  to  do, 
because  it  would  have  involved  an  acknowledgment  of 
his  injustice  to  Catherine  of  Aragon.  A  solution  which 
satisfied  the  emperor  was  ultimately  devised.  It  was 
provided  by  Act  of  Parhament  that  if  Prince  Edward 
should  die  without  children,  '  the  crown  should  go  to  the 
lady  Mary.'*  But  in  this  Act  no  mention  was  made  of 
her  legitimacy.  The  result  of  the  concession  of  this  point 
to  Charles  V.  was  to  bring  on  England  a  five  years'  bloody 
persecution,  and  to  give  her  people  Philip  11.  for  their 
king.  In  default  of  any  issue  of  Mary,  Elizabeth  was  to 
succeed  to  the  throne.  After  the  passing  of  this  Act,  in 
March,  1543,  a  treaty  of  alliance  was  concluded  between 
England  and  the  Empire. 

The  war  which  Henry  VIII.,  '  king  of  England,  France, 
and  Ireland,'  said  the  parhament,  now  carried  on  against 
Erancis  I.  has  httle  to  do  with  the  histor}^  of  the  Refor- 
mation. The  king,  having  named  the  queen  regeut  of 
his  kingdom,  embarked  for  France,  on  July  14,  1544,  on 
a  vessel  hung  with  cloth  of  gold.  He  was  now  feeble 
and  corpulent,  but  his  vanity  and  love  of  display  were 
always  conspicuous,  even  when  setting  out  for  a  war. 
Having  arrived  on  the  frontier  of  France  he  found  him- 
self at  the  head  of  45,000  men,  30,000  of  whom  were 
English.  The  emperor,  who  had  got  the  start  of  him, 
was  already  within  two  days'  march  of  Paris;  and  the 
city  was  in  alarm  at  the  approach  of  the  Germans.  '  I 
can  not  prevent  my  people  of  Paris  from  being  afraid,' 
said  Francis,  'but  I  will  prevent  them  from  suffering 
injury.'  Charles  paid  little  respect  to  his  engagement 
with  Henry  VIIL,  and  now  treated  separately  with  Fran- 
cis at  Crespy,  near  Laon,  September  19,  and  left  the  king 
*  Act  of  Succession,  35  Henry  VIIL  c.  1. 


CHAP.  VIII.  SYMPATHIES    OF    THE    ITALIANS.  269 

of  England  to  get  out  of  the  affair  as  well  as  lie  could. 
Henry  captured  Boulogne,  but  this  was  all  that  he  had 
of  his  kingdom  of  France.  On  September  30  he  returned 
to  London. 

The  war,  however,  continued  until  1546.  England, 
abandoned  by  the  emjoeror,  found  sympathy  in  a  quarter 
where  it  might  least  have  been  expected, — in  Italy.  The 
Italians,  w^ho  were  conscious  of  the  evils  brought  on  their 
own  land  by  the  paj^acy,  were  filled  with  admiration  for 
the  prince  and  the  nation  which  had  cast  off  its  yoke. 
Edmund  Harvel,  ambassador  of  Henry  VIII.  in  Italy, 
being  at  this  time  at  Venice,  was  continually  receiving 
visits  from  cajDtains  of  high  rej)utation,  w^ho  came  to 
offer  their  services.  Among  these  was  Ercole  Visconti  of 
Milan,  a  man  of  high  birth,  a  great  captain,  and  one  who, 
having  extensive  connections  in  Italy,  might  render  great 
services  to  the  king.*  The  French  were  now  making  an 
attempt  to  retake  Boulogne;  but  the  Italian  soldiers  who 
were  serving  in  their  army  were  constantly  going  over  to 
the  English,  at  the  rate  of  thirty  per  day.  The  Italian 
companies  were  thus  so  largely  reduced  that  the  captains 
requested  permission  to  leave  the  camp  for  want  of  sol- 
diers to  command;  and  permission  was  given  them.f  In 
this  matter  the  pope  was  involved  in  difficulty.  He  had 
undertaken  to  furnish  Francis  I.  with  a  body  of  four 
thousand  men;  but  as  the  king  was  afraid  that  these 
Roman  soldiers  would  pass  over  to  the  English  army,J 
he  requested  Paul  III.  to  substitute  for  these  auxiliaries 
a  monthly  subsidy  of  16,000  crowns.  'As  the  Italian 
nation,'  added  the  English  ambassador  in  his  letter  to 
Henry  VIIL,  '  is  alienate  from  the  French  king,  so  the 

*  Harvel  to  Henry  VIIT. —iSto^e  Papers,  x.  p.  492. 

t  '  Three  of  their  captains  have  desired  leave  to  depart  for  lack  of 
men.'— Poynings  to  Henry  VIII.,  Boulogne,  August  15,  1546. — Stat€ 
Papers,  x.  p.  570. 

X  'Fearing  lest  the  Italians  should  pass  over  to  England.' — Stale 
Papers,  x.  p.  492. 


270  THE    REFORMATION    IN     EUROPE.  book  xv. 

same  is  more  and  more  inclined  to  your  Majesty.'  From 
this  episode  it  is  evident  that  Italy  was  at  this  time 
favorably  disposed  towards  the  Reformation. 

But  if  in  Italy  there  were  many  supporters  of  Protes- 
tantism, in  England  its  opi)onents  were  still  more  numer- 
ous. The  fanatical  party  had  attempted  in  1543  to  expel 
Reform  from  the  town  of  Windsor  by  means  of  martyr- 
dom. But  the  account  was  not  settled;  it  still  remained 
to  purify  the  castle.  It  was  known  that  Testwood,  Filmer, 
Peerson,  and  Marbeck  himself  had  had  patrons  in  Sir 
Thomas  and  Lady  Cardine,  Sir  Philijo  and  Lady  Hobby, 
Dr.  Haines,  dean  of  Exeter,  and  other  persons  at  the 
court.  Dr.  London,  who  was  always  on  the  look-out  for 
heretics,  and  a  pleader  named  Simons,  sent  to  Gardiner 
one  Ockam,  a  secretary,  wdth  letters,  accusations,  and 
secret  documents  as  to  the  way  in  which  they  intended  to 
proceed.  But  one  of  the  queen's  servants  reached  the 
court  before  him  and  gave  notice  of  the  scheme.  Ockam 
on  his  arrival,  was  arrested,  all  the  papers  examined,  and 
evidence  was  discovered  in  them  of  an  actual  conspiracy 
against  many  persons  at  the  court.  This  aroused  great 
indignation  in  the  king's  mind.  It  is  highly  probable 
that  these  gentlemen  and  their  wives  owed  their  safety 
to  the  influence  of  the  queen  and  of  Cranmer.  London 
and  Simons,  unaw^are  that  their  letters  and  documents 
had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  thek  judges,  denied  the  plot, 
and  this  even  upon  oath.  Their  own  writings  were  now 
produced,  it  was  proved  that  they  were  guilty  of  perjury, 
and  they  were  condemned  to  ignominious  punishment. 
London,  that  great  slayer  of  heretics,  and  his  colleague, 
were  conducted  on  horseback,  facing  backwards,  wTth  the 
name  of  perjurer  on  their  foreheads,  through  the  streets 
of  Windsor,  Reading,  and  Newbury,  the  king  being  now 
at  the  last  named  town.  They  were  afterwards  set  in 
the  pillory  and  then  taken  back  to  prison.  London  died 
there  of  distress  caused  by  this  public  disgrace.  It  was 
well  that  the  wind  should  change,  and  that  persecutors 


CHAP.  IX.  RECANTATION   OF   SHAXTON.  271 

should  be  punished  instead  of  the  persecuted;  but  the 
manners  of  the  time  subjected  these  wretches  to  shock- 
ing sufferings  which  it  would  have  been  better  to  spare 
them.* 


CHAPTER    IX. 

THE    LAST    MARTYRS    OF    HENRYS    REIGN. 
(1545.) 

Henry  YHL,  sick  and  fretful,  was  easily  drawn  first  to 
one  side,  then  to  the  other.  He  was  a  victim  of  inde- 
cision, of  violent  excitement  and  of  irresolution.  His 
brother-in-law,  the  duke  of  Suffolk,  who  of  all  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Privy  Council  was  the  most  determined 
supporter  of  the  Reformation,  had  died  in  August,  1545, 
and  that  body  was  thenceforward  impelled  in  an  opposite 
direction,  and  carried  the  king  along  with  it. 

Shaxton,  having  resigned  his  see  of  Salisbury  after  the 
publication  of  the  Six  Articles,  had  been  put  in  prison, 
and  had  long  rejected  all  proposals  of  recantation  ad- 
dressed to  him.  Having  aggravated  his  offence  while  in 
prison  by  asserting  that  the  natural  body  of  Christ  was 
not  in  the  sacrament,  he  was  condemned  to  be  burnt. 
The  bishops  of  London  and  Worcester,  sent  by  the  king, 
visited  him  in  the  j^rison  and  strove  to  convince  him. 
This  feeble  and  egotistic  man  readily  professed  himself 
persuaded,  and  thanked  the  king  ^for  that  he  had  deliv- 
ered him  at  the  same  time  from  the  temporal  and  from  the 
everlasting  fire.'  On  July  13,  154G,  he  was  set  at  liberty. 
As  he  grew  old  his  understanding  became  still  weaker; 
and  in  Mary's  reign  the  unhappy  man  was  one  of 
the  most  eager  to  burn  those  whom  he  had  called  bis 
brethren,  f 

*  Fox,  Ads,  V.  p.  496.  f  Burnet,  Hist.  Rcf.,  i.  p.  617. 


272  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xt. 

"While  there  were  men  like  Sliaxton,  Tvliose  fall  was 
decisive  and  final,  others  were  to  be  met  with  who, 
although  in  their  o^ti  hearts  decided  for  the  truth, 
were  alarmed  when  thej^  found  themselves  in  danger  of 
death,  and  subscribed  the  Catholic  declarations  which 
were  offered  to  them.  But  after  having  thus  plunged 
into  the  abyss,  they  lifted  up  their  heads  as  soon  as 
possible  and  again  confessed  the  truth.  One  of  this  class 
was  Edward  Crome,  who,  at  this  period,  gave  w^ay  on  two 
occasions,  but  recoverisd  himself.'*' 

Many  other  blemishes  were  visible  in  the  general  state 
of  the  Anghcan  church;  and  the  obstinacy  of  the  king, 
in  particular,  in  maintaining  in  his  kingdom,  side  by 
side,  two  things  in  opposition  to  each  other,  the  Catholic 
doctrines  and  the  reading  of  the  Bible,  subjected  the 
sacred  volume  to  strange  honors.  The  king  in  person 
prorogued  the  parliament  on  December  24,  and  on  this 
occasion*made  his  last  speech  to  the  highest  body  in  the 
state.  He  spoke  as  vicar  of  God,  and  gave  a  lecture  to 
the  ministers  and  the  members  of  the  church.  It  was 
his  taste;  he  beheved  that  he  was  born  for  this  position, 
and  there  was  in  his  nature  as  much  of  the  preceptor  as 
of  the  king.  Moreover,  there  was  nothing  w^hich  of- 
fended him  so  much  as  the  attempt  to  address  a  lecture 
to  himself.  Any  one  who  did  so  risked  his  own  life. 
But  while  he  was  easily  hurt,  he  did  not  shrink  from 
hurting  the  feelings  of  others.  He  handled  the  rod  more 
easily  than  the  sceptre. 

The  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons  having  deliv- 
ered an  address  to  the  king  in  which  he  extolled  his 
virtues,  Henry  replied  as  follows: — '  Whereas  you  .  .  . 
have  both  praised  and  extolled  me  for  the  notable  quali- 
ties you  have  conceived  to  be  in  me,  I  most  heartily 
thank  you  all  that  you  put  me  in  remembrance  of  my 
duty,   which  is  to   endeavor  myself   to   obtain  and  get 

♦  Cranracr,  Works,  ii.  pp.  339,  398.  Fox,  Ads,  v.  p.  537.  Bale, 
Works,  pp.  157,  IGl,  Ul.     Bradford,   Writings,  i.  pp.  290,  371,  529. 


CHAP.  IX.  SPEECH    OF    HEXRY    VIII.  273 

such  excellent  qualities  and  necessary  virtues.  .  .  No 
prince  in  the  world  more  favoreth  his  subjects  than  I  do 
you,  nor  any  subjects  or  commons  more  love  and  obey 
their  sovereign  lord  than  I  perceive  you  do  me.  Yet, 
although  I  with  you,  and  you  with  me,  be  in  this  perfect 
love  and  concord,  this  friendly  amity  can  not  continue 
except  you,  my  lords  temporal,  and  you,  my  lords  spir- 
itual, and  you,  my  loving  subjects,  study  and  take  pains 
to  amend  ane  thing,  which  is  surely  amiss  and  far  out 
of  order,  .  .  .  which  is,  that  charity  and  concord 
is  not  among  you;  but  discord  and  dissension  beareth 
rule  in  every  place.  St.  Paul  saith  to  the  Corinthians, 
in  the  thirteenth  chapter,  "  Charity  is  gentle,  charity  is 
not  envious,  charity  is  not  proud,"  and  so  forth.  Behold 
then  what  love  and  charity  is  amongst  you  when  one 
calleth  the  other  heretic  and  anabaptist;  and  he  calleth 
him  again  papist,  hypocrite,  and  pharisee.  Be  these 
things  tokens  of  charity  amongst  you?  Are  these  the 
signs  of  fraternal  love  between  you?  No,  no,  I  assure 
you  that  this  lack  of  charity  amongst  yourselves  will  be 
the  hindrance  and  assuaging  of  the  fervent  love  between 
us,  except  this  wound  be  salved  and  clearly  made  whole. 
I  must  needs  judge  the  fault  and  occasion  of  this  discord 
to  be  partly  by  the  negligence  of  you,  the  fathers  and 
preachers  of  the  spiritualty.  ...  I  see  and  hear 
daily  that  you  of  the  clergy  preach  one  against  another, 
.  .  .  and  few  or  none  do  preach  truly  and  sincerely 
the  Word  of  God.  .  .  .  Alas !  how  can  the  poor  souls 
live  in  concord  when  you  preachers  sow  amongst  them, 
in  your  sermons,  debate  and  discord  ?  Of  you  they  look 
for  light,  and  you  bring  them  to  darkness.  Amend  these 
crimes,  I  exhort  you,  and  set  forth  God's  word,  both  by 
true  preaching  and  good  example-giving;  or  else  I,  whom 
God  hath  appointed  his  vicar  and  high  minister  here, 
will  see  these  divisions  extinct.  .  .  .  Although  (as  I 
say)  the  spiritual  men  be  in  some  fault  .  .  .  yet  you 
of  the  temj^oralty  be  not  clean  and  unspotted  of  malice 
VOL.    vui. — 12* 


274  THE    REFORilATIOX    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

and  env;)';  for  you  rail  on  bisliops,  speak  slanderously  of 
priests,  and  rebuke  and  taunt  preachers.  .  .  .  Al- 
though you  be  periuitted  to  read  Holy  Scripture,  and  to 
have  the  Word  of  God  in, your  mother  tongue,  you  must 
understand  that  it  is  hcensed  you  so  to  do,  only  to  inform 
your  own  conscience,  and  to  instruct  your  children  and 
family;  not  to  dispute  and  make  Scripture  a  railing  and 
a  taunting  stock  against  p)riests  and  ]3reachers,  as  many 
light  persons  do.  I  am  very  sorry  to  know  and  hear 
how  unreverently  that  most  precious  jewel,  the  Word  of 
G-od,  is  disputed,  rhymed,  sung,  and  jangled  in  every 
alehouse  and  tavern,  contrary  to  the  true  meaning  and 
doctrine  of  the  same.  .  .  .  Be  in  charity  one  with 
another,  ...  to  the  which  I,  as  your  supreme  head 
and  sovereign  lord,  exhort  and  require  you;  and  then  I 
doubt  not  but  that  love  and  league,  which  I  spake  of 
in  the  beginniug,  shall  never  be  dissolved  or  broken 
between  us.'* 

The  school-master  had  not  spoken  amiss.  The  parlia- 
ment did  not  make  the  retort,  'Ph^^sician,  heal  thyself,' 
though  it  might  have  been  apj^lieable.  One  of  the  meas- 
ures by  which  the  king  manifested  his  'sweet  charity' 
proves  that,  if  he  were  not,  like  some  old  school-masters, 
a  tyrant  of  words  and  syllables,  he  tyrannized  over  the 
peace  and  the  lives  of  his  people. 

There  were  at  the  court  a  certain  number  of  ladies  of 
the  highest  rank  who  loved  the  Gospel— the  duchess  of 
Suffolk,  the  countess  of  Sussex,  the  countess  of  Hertford, 
Lady  Denny,  Lady  ritzwiniam,t  and  above  all  the  queen. 
Associated  with  these  was  a  pious,  lively,  and  beautifid 
young  lady,  of  great  intelligence  and  amiable  disposition, 
and  whose  tine  qualities  had  been  improved  by  education. 
Her  name  was  Anne  Askew.  She  was  the  second  daugh- 
ter of  Sir  William  Askew,  member  of  a  veiy  ancient  Liu- 

*  Lord  Herbert's  Life  of  Henry  VIII.,  p.  598.  Fox,  Acts,  v.  p. 
534. 

t  Bale,  Select  Works,  p.  22G  (^Parker  Societj'). 


CHAP.  IX.  ANNE    ASKEW.  275 

colnsliire  family.  She  liad  two  brothers  and  two  sisters. 
Her  brother  Edward  was  one  of  the  king's  bodj^guards. 
The  queen  frequently  received  Anne  and  other  Christian 
w^omen  in  her  private  apartments;  and  there  prayer  was 
made  and  the  Word  of  God  expounded  by  an  evangehcal 
minister.  The  king,  indeed,  was  aware  of  these  secret 
meetings,  but  he  feigned  ignorance.  Anne  was  at  this 
time  in  great  need  of  the  consolations  of  the  Gospel.  Her 
father,  Sir  William,  had  a  rich  neighbor  named  Kyme, 
with  whom  he  was  intimate;  and  being  anxious  that  his 
eldest  daughter  should  marry  a  rich  man,  he  arranged 
with  Kyme  that  she  should  wed  his  eldest  son.  The 
young  lady  died  before  the  nuptials  took  place;  and  Sir 
William,  reluctant  to  let  slip  so  good  a  chance,  compelled 
his  second  daughter  Anne  to  marry  the  betrothed  of  her 
sister,  and  by  him  she  became  the  mother  of  two  chil- 
dren. The  third  sister,  Joan,  was  married  to  Sir  John 
Saint-Paul.  The  Holy  Scriptures  in  the  English  version 
attracted  Anne's  attention,  and  ere  long  she  became  so 
attached  to  them  that  she  meditated  on  them  day  and 
night.  Led  by  them  to  a  living  faith  in  Jesus  Christ, 
she  renounced  Romish  superstitions.  The  priests,  who 
were  greatly  annoyed,  stirred  up  against  her  her  young 
husband,  a  rough  man  and  a  staunch  papist,  who  'vio- 
lently drove  her  out  of  his  house.'  *  Anne  said,  '  Since, 
according  to  the  Scripture,  "  if  the  unbelieving  depart, 
let  him  depart.  A  brother  or  a  sister  is  not  under  bon- 
dage in  such  cases,"  f — I  claim  my  divorce.'  She  went 
to  London  to  take  the  necessary  proceedings;  and  either 
through  her  brother,  one  of  the  guards,  or  otherwise, 
made  the  acquaintance  of  the  pious  ladies  of  the  court 
and  of  the  queen  herself. 

It  was  a  great  vexation  to  the  enemies  of  the  Refor- 
mation to  see  persons  of  the  highest  rank  almost  openly 
professing  the  evangelical  faith.     As  they  did  not  dare 
to  attack  them,  they  determined   to   make  a  beginning 
*  Bale,   Select   Works,  p.   190-  f  1  Cor.  vii.  5,   15. 


276  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

with  Anne  Askew,  and  thereby  to  terrify  the  rest.  She 
had  said  one  day,  *  I  would  sooner  read  five  lines  in  the 
Bible  than  hear  five  masses  in  the  church.'  On  another 
occasion  she  had  denied  the  corporal  presence  of  the  Sa- 
viour in  the  sacrament.  She  was  sent  to  prison.  \Yhen 
she  was  taken  to  Sadlers  Hall,  the  judge.  Dare,  asked 
her,  'Do  you  not  believe  that  the  sacrament  hanging 
over  the  altar  was  the  very  body  of  Christ  really?  Anne 
replied,  'AVherefore  was  St.  Stephen  stoned  to  death?' 
Dare,  doubtless,  remembered  that  Stephen  had  said,  '  I 
see  the  Son  of  man  sitting  at  the  right  hand  of  God.' 
From  this  it  followed  that  He  was  not  in  the  sacrament. 
He  preferred  to  answer,  'I  can  not  tell.'  It  is  possible, 
however,  that  his  ignorance  was  not  feigned.  'No  more,' 
said  Anne,  '  will  I  assoil  your  vain  question.'  Anne  was 
afterwards  taken  before  the  lord-mayor.  Sir  Martin 
Bowes,  a  passionate  bigot.  He  was  imder-treasurer  of 
the  Mint,  jind  in  1550  obtained  the  king's  pardon  for  all 
the  false  money  which  he  had  coined.  The  magistrate 
gravely  asked  her  whether  a  mouse,  eating  the  host,  re- 
ceived God  or  no?  'I  made  no  answer,  but  smiled,' 
says  Anne.  The  bishop's  chancellor,  who  was  present, 
sharply  said  to  her,  '  St.  Paul  forbade  women  to  speak 
or  to  talk  of  the  Word  of  God.'  '  How  many  women,' 
said  she  in  reply,  '  have  you  seen  go  into  the  pulpit  and 
preach? '  'Never  any,'  he  said.  'You  ought  not  to  find 
fault  in  poor  women,  except  they  have  offended  the  law.' 
She  w^as  unlawfully  committed  to  prison,  and  for  eleven 
days  no  one  was  allowed  to  see  her.  At  this  time  she 
was  about  twenty-five  years  of  age. 

One  of  her  cousins,  named  Brittayne,  was  admitted  to 
see  her.  He  immediately  did  every  thing  he  could  to 
get  Anne  released  on  bail.  The  lord-mayor  bade  him 
apply  to  the  chancellor  of  the  bishop  of  London.  The 
chancellor  replied  to  him,  'Apply  to  the  bishop.'  The 
bishop  said,  'I  will  give  order  for  her  to  appear  before 
me  to-morrow  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.'     He 


CHAP.  IX.  SECOND   ARREST    OF    AXNE    ASKEW.  277 

then  subjected  her  to  a  long  examination.  He  asked  her, 
amongst  other  things,  'Do  you  not  think  that  private 
masses  help  the  souls  departed  V  'It  is  great  idolatry,' 
she  rephed,  '  to  beheve  more  in  them  than  in  the  death 
which  Christ  died  for  us.'  '  What  kind  of  answer  is  this  ? ' 
said  the  bishop  of  London.  '  It  is  a  weak  one/  replied 
Anne,  'but  good  enough  for  such  a  question.'  After  the 
examination,  at  which  Anne  made  clear  and  brief  rephes, 
Bonner  wrote  down  a  certain  number  of  articles  of  faith, 
and  required  that  Anne  should  set  her  hand  to  them. 
She  wrote,  'I  believe  so  much  thereof  as  the  Holy  Script- 
ure doth  agree  unto.'  This  was  not  what  Bonner  wanted. 
The  bishop  pressed  the  point,  and  said,  'Sign  this  docu- 
ment.' Anne  then  wrote,  'I,  Anne  Askew,  do  believe  all 
manner  of  things  contained  in  the  faith  of  the  Catholic 
Church.'  The  bishop,  well  knowing  what  Anne  meant 
by  this  word,  hurried  away  into  an  adjoining  room  in  a 
great  rage.*  Her  cousin  Brittayne  followed  him  and 
implored  him  to  treat  his  kinswoman  kindly.  '  She  is  a 
woman,'  exclaimed  the  bishop,  'and  I  am  nothing  de- 
ceived in  her.'  'Take  her  as  a  woman,'  said  Brittayne, 
'  and  do  not  set  her  weak  woman's  wit  to  your  lordship's 
great  wisdom.'  At  length,  Anne's  two  sureties,  to  wit, 
Britta^aie  and  Master  Spilman  of  Grays  Inn,  were  on 
the  following  day  accepted,  and  she  was  set  at  liberty. 
These  events  took  place  in  the  year  1545. 

Anne  having  continued  to  profess  the  Gospel,  and  to 
have  meetings  with  her  friends,  she  was  again  arrested 
three  months  later,  and  was  brought  before  the  privy 
council  at  Greenwich.  On  the  opening  of  the  examina- 
tion she  refnsed  to  go  into  the  matter  before  the  council, 
and  said,  'If  it  be  the  king's  pleasure  to  hear  me,  I  will 
show  him  the  truth.'  'It  is  not  meet,'  they  replied,  'for 
the  king  to  be  troubled  with  you.'  She  answered,  '  Sol- 
omon was  reckoned  the  wisest  king  that  ever  lived,  yet 

*  He  flung  into  his  chamber  in  a  great  fury.'— Bale,  Select  Works^ 
p.  177  (Parker  Society).     Fox,  Acts,  v.  p.  543. 


278  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

mislikecl  lie  not  to  hear  two  poor  common  women;  mucli 
more  his  grace  a  single  woman  and  his  faithful  subject.' 
'  Tell  me  jour  opinion  on  the  sacrament,'  said  the  lord 
chancellor.  'I  believe,'  she  said,  'that  so  oft  as  I,  in  a 
Christian  congregation,  do  receive  the  bread  in  remem- 
brance of  Christ's  death,  and  with  thanksgiving  .  .  . 
I  receive  therewith  the  fruits  also  of  his  most  glorious 
passion.'  '  Make  a  direct  answer  to  the  question,'  said 
Gardiner.  '  I  will  not  sing  a  new  song  of  the  Lord,'  she 
said,  'in  a  strange  land.'  'You  sj^eak  in  parables,'  said 
Gardiner.  *It  is  best  for  you,'  she  answered;  'for  if  I 
show  the  open  truth,  ye  will  not  accept  it.'  'You  are  a 
parrot,'  said  the  incensed  bishojD.  She  replied,  'I  am 
ready  to  suffer  all  things  at  your  hands,  not  ouly  your 
rebukes,  but  all  that  shall  follow  besides,  yea,  and  all 
that  gladly.' 

The  next  day  Anne  once  more  appeared  before  the 
council.  They  began  the  examination  on  the  subject 
of  tran substantiation.  Seeing  Lord  Parr,  uncle  to  the 
queen,  and  Lord  Lisle,  she  said  to  them,  'It  is  a  great 
shame  for  you  to  counsel  contrary  to  your  knowledge.' 
'We  would  gladl}','  they  answered,  'all  things  were  well.' 
Gardiner  wished  to  speak  privately  with  her,  but  this 
she  refused.  The  lord  chancellor  then  began  to  ex- 
amine her  again.  'How  long,'  said  Anne,  'will  you  halt 
on  both  sides?'  'You  shall  be  burnt,'  said  the  bishop 
of  London.  She  replied,  '  I  have  searched  all  the  Script- 
ures, yet  could  I  never  find  that  either  Christ  or  his 
apostles  put  any  creature  to  death.' 

Anne  was  sent  back  to  prison.  She  was  very  ill,  and 
believed  herself  to  be  near  death.  Never  had  she  had 
to  endure  such  attacks.  She  requested  leave  to  see  Lat- 
imer, who  was  still  confined  in  the  Tower;  but  this  con- 
solation was  not  allowed  her.  Resting  firmly,  as  she 
did,  on  Scriptural  grounds,  she  did  not  suffer  herself  to 
swerve.  To  her  constitutional  resolution  she  added  that 
which  was  the  fruit  of  communion  with  God;  and  she 


CHAP.  IX.  ROYAL    PROCLAMATION.  279 

was  thus  i^laced  by  faith  above  the  attacks  which  phe 
experienced.  Having  a  good  foundation,  she  resokitely 
defended  the  freedom  of  her  conscience  and  her  full  trust 
in  Christ;  aod  not  only  did  she  encounter  her  enemies 
without  wavering,  but  she  spoke  to  them  with  a  power 
sufficient  to  awe  them,  and  gave  home-thrusts  which 
threw  them  into  confusion.  Nevertheless  she  was  only 
a  weak  woman,  and  her  bodily  strength  began  to  fail. 
In  Newgate  she  said,—'  The  Lord  strengthen  us  in  the 
truth.  Pray,  pray,  pray.'  She  composed  while  in  prison 
some  stanzas  which  have  been  pronounced  extraordinary, 
not  only  for  simple  beauty  and  sublime  sentiment,  but 
also  for  the  noble  structure  and  music  of  the  verse. ^ 

By  law,  Anne  had  a  right  to  be  tried  by  jury;  but  on 
June  28,  1546,  she  was  condemned  by  the  lord  chancellor 
and  the  council,  without  further  process,  to  be  burut, 
for  having  denied  the  corporal  presence  of  Christ.  They 
asked  her  whether  she  wished  for  a  priest;  she  smiled 
and  said  she  would  confess  her  faults  unto  God,  for  she 
was  sure  that  He  would  hear  her  with  favor.  She  added : 
'  I  think  his  grace  shall  well  perceive  me  to  be  weighed 

in  an  uneven  pair  of  balances Here  I  take 

heaven  and  earth  to  record  that  I  shall  die  in  mine 
innocency.'f 

It  was  proved  that  Anne  had  derived  her  faith  from 
the  Holy  Scriptures.  Gardiner  and  his  partisans  there- 
fore prevailed  upon  the  government,  eight  days  before 
the  death  of  this  young  Christian,  to  issue  a  proclamation 
purporting  'that  from  henceforth  no  man,  woman  or 
person  of  what  estate,  condition  or  degree  soever  he  or 
they  be  [consequently  including  the  ladies  and  gentlemen 
of  the  court  as  well  as  others],  shall,  after  the  last  day  of 
August  next  ensuing  receive,  have,  take  or  keep  in  their 
possession  the  text  of  the  New  Testament,  of  Tvii dale's 
or  Coverdale's  translation  in  EngHsh,  nor  any  other  than 

*  Anderson,  English  Bible,  ii.  p.  198. 

t  Bale's  Works,  p.  216.     Fox,  Ads,  v.  p.  54G. 


280  THE    KEFOILMATK)N    IN    EUROPE.  book  zv. 

is  permitted  by  the  Act  of  Parliament;  .  .  nor  after 
the  said  day  shall  receive,  have,  take  or  keep  in  his  or 
their  possession  any  manner  of  books  printed  or  written 
in  the  English  tongue  which  be  or  sball  be  set  forth  in 
the  names  of  Fryth,  Tyndale,  Wycliffe,  .  .  Barnes, 
Coverclale,  .  .  or  by  any  of  them;  .  .  .'  and  it 
was  required  that  all  such  books  should  be  delivered  to 
the  mayor,  bailiff  or  chief  constable  of  the  town  to  be 
openly  burned.* 

This  was  a  remarkable  proceeding  on  the  part  of 
Henry  VIII.  But  events  were  stronger  than  the  procla- 
mation, and  it  remained  a  dead  letter. 

Anne's  sentence  was  pronounced  before  the  issue  of 
the  proclamation.  The  trial  was  over,  and  there  was  to 
be  no  further  inquiry.  But  her  death  w^as  not  enough  to 
satisfy  Bich,  Wriothesley  and  their  friends.  They  had 
other  designs,  and  were  about  to  perpetrate  the  most 
shameful  and  cruel  acts.  The  object  which  these  men 
now  proposed  to  themselves  was  to  obtain  such  cA^dence 
as  would  warrant  them  in  taking  proceedings  against 
those  ladies  of  the  court  who  were  friends  of  the  Gospel. 
They  went  (July  13)  to  the  Tower,  where  Anne  was  still 
confined,  and  questioned  her  about  her  accomplices, 
naming  the  duchess-dowager  of  Suffolk,  the  countess  of 
Sussex  and  several  others.  Anne  answered,  '  If  I  should 
pronounce  any  thing  against  them,  I  should  not  be  able 
to  prove  it.'  They  next  asked  her  whether  there  were  no 
members  of  the  royal  council  who  gave  her  their  support. 
She  said,  none.  The  king  is  informed,  they  replied,  that 
if  you  choose  you  can  name  a  great  many  persons  who 
are  members  of  your  sect.  She  answered  that  '  the  king- 
was  as  well  deceived  in  that  behalf  as  dissembled  with  in 
other  matters.'  The  only  effect  of  these  denials  was  to 
irritate  "Wriothesley  and  his  colleague;  and,  determined 
at  any  cost  to  obtain  information  against  intiucntial 
persons  at  the  court,  they  ordered  the  rack  to  be  applied 
*  Proclamation  of  July  8,  1516. 


CHAP.  IX.  TORTURE    OF    ANNK    ASKEW.  281 

to  the  yoTing  woman.  This  tortiu^e  lasted  a  long  time; 
but  Anne  gave  no  hint,  nor  even  uttered  a  cry.  The  lord 
chancellor,  more  and  more  i^rovoked,  said  to  Sir  Antony 
Knevet,  lieutenant  of  the  Tower,  '  Strain  her  on  the  rack 
again.'  The  latter  refused  to  do  this.  It  was  to  no 
purpose  that  Wriothesley  threatened  him  if  he  would 
not  obey. 

Eich,  a  member  of  the  privy  council,  had  frequently 
given  proof  of  his  baseness.  Wriothesley  was  ambitious, 
inflated  with  self-conceit,  haughty,  and  easily  angered  if 
his  advice  was  not  taken.  These  two  men  now  forgot 
themselves;  and  the  sj^ectacle  was  presented  of  the  lord 
chancellor  of  England  and  a  privy  councillor  of  the  king 
turned  into  executioners.  They  set  their  own  hands  to 
the  horrible  instrument,  and  so  severely  applied  the  tor- 
ture to  the  iunocent  young  woman,  that  she  was  almost 
broken  upon  it  and  quite  dislocated.  She  fainted  away 
and  was  well-nigh  dead.*  'Then  the  lieutenant  caused 
me  to  be  loosed;  incontinently  I  swooned,  and  then  they 
recovered  me  again.  After  that  I  sat  two  long  hours, 
reasoning  with  my  Lord  Chancellor  on  the  bare  floor, 
where  he,  with  many  flattering  words,  persuaded  me 
to  leave  my  opinion.' f  Henry  VIIL  himself  censured 
Wriothesley  for  his  cruelty,  and  excused  the  lieutenaut 
of  the  Tower.  '  Then  was  I  brought  to  a  house,'  says 
Anne,  'laid  in  a  bed,  with  as  weary  and  painful  bones  as 
ever  Job  had.'  The  chancellor  sent  word  to  her  that  if 
she  renounced  her  faith  she  sliould  be  pardoned  and 
should  want  for  nothing,  but  that  otherwise  she  should 

*  '  My  Lord  Chancellor  and  Master  Rich  took  pains  to  rack  me  in 
their  own  hands,  till  T  was  nigh  dead.'  Bale's  }Vorks,  p.  224.  Fox, 
Acts,  V.  p.  547.  Burnet  also  relates  the  fact  and  adds  some  details: 
—  'The  lord  chancellor,  throwing  off  his  gown,  drew  the  rack  so 
severely.'  Bat  Burnet  is  inchned  to  doubt  the  tVict.  The  evidence 
of  Anne  Askew  is  positive.  Burnet's  doubt  means  nothing  more 
than  a  bishop's  respect  for  a  lord  chancellor. 

t  Letter  from  Ottwcll  Johnson  to  his  brother,  of  July  2.  Ander- 
son, English  Bible,  ii.  p.  196. 


282  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

be  burnt.  She  answered,  '  I  will  sooner  die.'  At  the 
same  time  she  fell  on  her  knees  in  the  dungeon  and  said: 
*  O  Lord,  I  have  more  enemies  now  than  there  be  hairs 
on  my  head;  yet,  Lord,  let  them  never  overcome  me  with 
vain  words,  but  fight  thou,  Lord,  in  my  stead,  for  on 
thee  I  cast  my  care.  With  all  the  spite  they  can  imagine, 
they  fall  upon  me,  who  am  thy  poor  creature.  Yet, 
sweet  Lord,  let  me  not  set  by  them  that  are  against  me; 
for  in  thee  is  my  whole  delight.  And,  Lord,  I  heartily 
desire  of  thee,  that  thou  wilt  of  thy  most  merciful  good- 
ness forgive  them  that  violence  w^hich  they  do,  and  have 
done,  unto  me.  Open  also  thou  their  blind  hearts,  that 
they  may  hereafter  do  that  thing  in  thy  sight,  which  is 
only  acceptable  before  thee,  and  to  set  forth  th^'  verity 
aright,  without  all  vain  fantasies  of  sinfid  men.  So  be 
it,  O  Lord,  so  be  it.'  * 

The  16th  of  July,  the  day  fixed  for  the  last  scene  of 
this  tragedy,  had  arrived;  every  thing  was  ready  for  the 
burning  of  Anne  at  Smithfield.  The  execution  was  to 
take  place  not  in  the  morning,  the  usual  time,  but  at 
nightfall,  to  make  it  the  more  terrible.  It  was  thus,  in 
every  sense,  a  deed  of  darkness.  They  were  obliged  to 
carry  Anne  to  the  place  of  execution,  for  in  her  state  at 
that  time  she  was  unable  to  walk.  When  she  reached 
the  pile,  she  was  bound  to  the  post  by  her  waist,  with  a 
chain  which  prevented  her  from  sinking  down.  The 
wretched  Shaxton,  nominated  for  the  purpose,  then  com- 
pleted his  apostasy  by  delivering  a  sermon  on  the  sacra- 
ment of  the  altar,  a  sermon  abounding  in  errors.  Anne, 
who  was  in  full  possession  of  her  faculties,  contented  her- 
self with  saying,  '  He  misseth  and  speaketh  w-ithout  the 
Book.'  Three  other  evangelical  Christians  w^ere  to  die 
at  the  same  time  with  her:  Belenian,  a  priest;  J.  Lacels 
(Lascelles),  of  the  king's  household,  probably  the  man 
who  had  revealed  the  incontinence  of  Catherine  Howard, 
a  deed  for  which  the  Koman  party  hated  him ;  and  one 

*  Bale's  Works,  p.  238.     Fox,  Acts,  v.  p.  549. 


CHAP.  IX.  MARTYRDOM.  283 

Adams,  a  Colcliester  man.  'Now,  witli  quietness,'  said 
Lacels,  'I  commit  the  whole  w^orld  to  their  pastor  and 
herdsman  Jesus  Christ,  the  only  Saviour  and  true  Mes- 
sias.  .  .  .'  The  letter  from  w^hich  we  quote  is  sub- 
scribed, 'John  Lacels,  late  servant  to  the  king,  and  now 
I  trust  to  serve  the  everlasting  King,  with  the  testimony 
of  my  blood  in  Smithfield.'  * 

There  was  an  immense  gathering  of  the  people.  On 
a  platform  erected  in  front  of  St.  Bartholomew's  church 
were  seated,  as  presidents  at  the  execution,  Wriothesley, 
lord  chancellor  of  England,  the  old  duke  of  Norfolk,  the 
old  earl  of  Bedford,  the  lord  mayor  Bowes,  and  vari- 
ous other  notabilities.  When  the  fire  was  going  to  be 
lighted,  the  chancellor  sent  a  messenger  to  Anne  Askew, 
instructed  to  offer  her  the  king's  pardon  if  she  would 
recant.  She  answered,  'I  am  not  come  hither  to  deny 
my  Lord  and  Master.'  The  same  pardon  was  offered 
to  the  other  martyrs,  but  they  refused  to  accept  it  and 
turned  aw^ay  their  heads.  Then  stood  up  the  ignorant 
and  fanatical  Bowes,  and  exclaimed  with  a  loud  voice, 
'Flat  juditia!'  Anne  was  soon  wrapt  in  the  flames;  and 
this  noble  victim  who  freely  offered  herself  a  sacrifice  to 
God,  gave  up  her  soul  in  peace.  Her  companions  did 
Hkewise.f 

These  four  persons  were  the  last  victims  of  the  reigTi 
of  Henry  VIIL  The  enemies  of  the  Keformation  were 
especially  annoyed  at  this  time  to  see  women  of  the  first 
families  of  England  embrace  the  faith  which  they  hated. 
On  a  woman  of  most  superior  mind,  but  young  and  weak, 
fell  the  last  blow^  levelled  against  the  Gospel  by  the  de- 
fender of  the  faith.  Anne  Askew  fell;  but  the  great  doc- 
trines w^hich  she  had  so  courageously  professed  w^ere  soon 
to  be  triumphant  in  the  midst  of  her  fellow-countrymen. 

*  Fox,  Ads,  V.  p.  552.  f  Ihid.,  p.  550. 


284 


THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE. 


CHAPTER    X. 

QUEEN  CATHERINE  IN  DANGER  OF  DEATH. 
(1546.) 

It  might  be  asked  how  it  came  to  pass  that  the  queen 
did  not  put  a  stop  to  these  cruel  executions.  The  answer 
is  easy— she  was  herseK  in  danger.  The  enemies  of  the 
Eeformation,  j)erceiving  her  influence  over  the  king,  be- 
thought themselves  that  the  execution  of  Anne  Askew 
and  of  her  companions  did  not  advance  their  cause;  that 
to  make  it  triumphant  the  death  of  the  queen  was  neces- 
sary; and  that  if  Catherine  were  ruined,  the  Eeformation 
would  fall  with  her.  Shortly  after  the  king's  return  from 
France,  these  men  approached  him  and  cautiously  insin- 
uated that  the  queen  had  made  large  use  of  her  hberty 
during  his  absence;  that  she  diligently  read  and  studied 
the  Holy  Scriptures;  that  she  chose  to  have  about  her 
only  women  who  shared  her  opinions;  that  she  had  en- 
gaged certain  would-be  wise  and  pious  persons  to  assist 
her  in  attaining  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  sacred 
writings;  that  she  held  private  conferences  with  them  on 
spiritual  subjects  all  the  year  round,  and  that  'in  Lent 
every  day  in  the  afternoon,  for  the  space  of  an  hour,  one 
of  her  said  chaplains,  in  her  privy  chamber,'  expounded 
the  Word  of  God  to  the  queen,  to  the  ladies  of  her  com-t 
and  of  her  bedchamber  and  others  who  were  disposed  to 
hear  these  expositions;*  that  the  minister  frequently  at- 
tacked what  he  called  the  abuses  of  the  existing  church; 
that  the  queen  read  heretical  books  proscribed  by  royal 
ordinances;  further,  that  she,  the  queen  of  England,  em- 
ployed her  leisure  hours  in  translating  religious  works, 
and  in  composing  books  of  devotion;  and  that  she  had 
*  Fox,  Ads,  V.  p.  553. 


CHAP.  X.  ZEAL    OF    THE    QUEEN.  285 

turned  some  of  the  psalms  into  verse,  and  had  made  a 
collectioD  entitled  Prayers  or  Meditations.  The  kiug  had 
always  ignored  these  meetiiig-s,  determined  not  to  see, 
what  was  nevertheless  clear,  that  the  queen  was  an  evan- 
gehcal  Christian  like  Anne  Askew,  who  had  lately  been 
burnt. 

Catherine  was  encouraged  by  this  consideration  on  the 
part  of  the  king;  She  professed  her  faith  in  the  Gospel 
unreservedly,  and  boldly  took  up  the  cause  of  the  evan- 
gehcals.  Her  one  desire  was  to  make  known  the  truth 
to  the  king,  and  to  bring  him  to  the  feet  of  Jesus  Christ 
to  find  forgiveness  for  the  errors  of  his  life.  Without 
regard  to  consequences  she  allowed  her  overflowiog  zeal 
to  have  free  and  unrestricted  course.  She  longed  to 
transform  not  the  kiug  alone,  but  England  also.  She 
often  exhorted  the  king  '  that  as  he  had,  to  the  glory  of 
God  and  his  eternal  fame,  begun  a  good  and  a  godly 
work  in  banishing  that  monstrous  idol  of  Rome,  so  he 
would  thoroughly  perfect  and  finish  the  same,  cleansing 
and  purging  his  church  of  England  clean  from  the  dregs 
thereof,  wherein  as  yet  remained  great  superstition.'  * 

Was  the  passionate  Henry  going  to  act  rigorously 
tow^ards  this  queen  as  he  had  towards  the  others  ?  Cath- 
erine's blameless  conduct,  the  affection  which  she  testified 
for  him,  her  respectful  bearing,  her  unwearied  endeavor 
to  please  him,  the  attentions  which  she  lavished  on  him, 
had  so  much  endeared  her  to  him  that  he  allowed  her 
the  privilege  of  being  free  spoken;  and  had  it  not  been 
for  the  active  opposition  of  its  enemies,  she  might  have 
propagated  the  Gospel  throughout  the  kingdom.  As 
these  determined  enemies  of  the  Reformation  were  begin- 
ning to  fear  the  total  ruin  of  their  party,  they  strove  to 
rekindle  the  evil  inclinations  of  Henry  VIII.,  and  to 
excite  his  anger  against  Catherine.  In  their  view  it 
seemed  that  the  boldness  of  her  opinions  must  inevitably 
involve  her  ruin. 

*  Fox,  Acts,  V.  p.  554. 


286  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE,  book  XT. 

But  the  matter  was  more  difficult  than  they  thought. 
The  ting  not  only  loved  his  wife,  but  he  also  liked  dis- 
cussion, especially  on  theological  subjects;  and  he  had 
too  much  confidence  in  his  own  cleverness  and  knowledge 
to  dread  the  arguments  of  iihe  queen.  The  latter  there- 
fore continued  her  petty  warfare,  and  in  resj^ectful  terms 
advanced  good  scriptural  proofs  in  support  of  her  faith. 
Henry  used  to  smile  and  take  it  all  m  good  part,  or  at 
least  never  appeared  to  be  offended.  Gardiner,  Wriothes- 
ley  and  others  who  heard  these  discourses  were  alarmed 
at  them.  They  were  almost  ready  to  give  up  all  for 
lost;  and  trembling  for  themselves,  they  renounced  their 
project.  Not  one  of  them  ventured  to  breathe  a  word 
against  the  queen  either  before  the  king  or  in  his  ab- 
sence.    At  length,  the}'  found  an  unexpected  auxiliary. 

An  ulcer  burst  in  the  king's  leg,  and  gave  him  acute 
pain  which  constantly  increased.  Henry  had  led  a  sen- 
sual life,  a*nd  had  now  become  so  corpulent,  that  it  was 
exceedingly  difficult  to  move  him  from  one  room  to  an- 
other. He  insisted  that  no  one  should  take  notice  of 
his  failing  powers;  and  those  about  him  hardly  dared  to 
speak  of  the  fact  in  a  whisper.*  His  condition  made 
him  peevish;  he  was  restless,  and  thought  that  his  end 
was  not  far  off.  The  least  thing  iiTitated  him;  gloomy 
and  passionate,  he  had  frequent  fits  of  rage.  To  ajoproach 
and  attend  to  him  had  become  a  difficult  task;  but  Cath- 
erine, far  from  avoiding  it,  was  all  the  more  zealous. 
Since  his  illness  Henry  had  given  up  coming  into  the 
queen's  aj)artments,  but  he  invited  her  to  come  to  see 
him;  and  she  frequently  went  of  her  own  accord,  after 
dinner,  or  after  supper,  or  at  any  other  favorable  oppor- 
tunity. The  thought  that  Henry  was  gradually  draw- 
ing near  to  the  grave  filled  her  heart  with  the  deejDest 
emotion;  and  she  availed  herself  of  every  opportunity 
of  bringing  him  to   a  decision  in  favor   of   evangelical 

*  State  Papers,  i.  p.  8G9.  It  is  in  this  letter  of  September  17, 
1546,  that  the  first  mcution  of  the  king's  state  is  to  be  found. 


CHAP.  X.  THE    KING    OFFENDED.  287 

truth.  Her  endeavors  for  tbis  end  may  sometimes  have 
been  made  with  too  much  urgency.  One  evening  when 
Wriothesley  and  Gardiner,  the  two  leaders  of  the  Catli- 
ohc  party,  were  with  the  king,  Catherine,  who  ought  to 
have  been  on  her  guard,  carried  away  by  the  ardor  of 
her  faith,  endeavored  to  prevail  upon  Henry  to  under- 
take the  reformation  of  the  church.  The  king  was  hurt. 
His  notion  that  the  queen  was  lecturing  him  as  a  pupil 
in  the  presence  of  the  lord  chancellor  and  the  bishop  of 
AVinchester,  increased  his  vexation.  He  roughly  'brake 
off  that  matter  and  took  occasion  to  enter  into  other 
talk.'  *  This  he  had  never  before  done;  and  Catherine 
was  surprised  and  perplexed.  Henry,  however,  did  not 
reproach  her,  but  spoke  affectionately,  which  was  cer- 
tainly on  his  part  the  mark  of  real  love.  The  queen 
having  risen  to  retire,  he  said  to  her  as  usual,  '  Farewell ! 
sweet  heart.'  f  Catherine  meanwhile  was  disquieted,  and 
felt  that  keen  distress  of  mind  which  seizes  ujDon  a  re- 
fined and  susceptible  woman  when  she  has  acted  im- 
prudentW. 

The  chancellor  and  the  bishop  remained  with  the  king. 
Gardiner  had  observed  the  king's  breaking  off  the  con- 
versation; and  he  thought,  says  a  contemporary,  'that 
he  must  strike  while  the  iron  was  hot;'  that  he  must 
take  advantage  of  Henry's  ill  humor,  and  by  a  skilful 
effort  get  rid  of  Catherine  and  put  an  end  to  her  prose- 
lytism.  It  was  a  beaten  track;  the  king  had  already  in 
one  way  or  another  rid  himself  of  four  of  his  queens, 
and  it  would  be  an  easy  matter  to  do  as  much  with  a 
fifth. 

Henry  furnished  them  with  the  wished-for  opportu- 
nity. Annoyed  at  having  been  humiliated  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  two  lords,  he  said  to  them  in  an  ironical  tone: 
*A  good  hearing  it  is  when  women  become  such  clerks; 
and  a  thing  much  to  my  comfort,  to  come  in  mine  old 
days  to  be  taught  by  my  wife.'  The  bishop  adroitly 
*  Fox,  Acts,  V.  p.  555.  f  Ibid.,  v.  p.  555. 


288  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

availed  himself  of  this  opening-,  and  put  forth  all  his 
powers  and  all  his  malice  to  increase  the  anger  of  the 
king.  He  urged  that  it  was  lamentable  that  the  queen 
'should  so  much  forget  herseK  as  to  take  upon  her  to 
stand  in  any  argument  with  his  Majesty; '  he  praised  the 
king  to  his  face  '  for  his  rare  virtues,  and  especially  for 
his  learned  judgment  in  matters  of  religion,  above  not 
only  princes  of  that  and  other  ages,  but  also  above 
doctors  professed  in  theology.'  He  said  'that  it  was  an 
unseemly  thing  for  any  of  his  majesty's  subjects  to 
reason  and  argue  with  him  so  malapertly,'  and  that  it 
was  'grievous  to  him  (Gardiner)  for  his  part,  and  other 
of  his  majesty's  counsellors  and  servants  to  hear  the 
same.'  He  added  'that  they  all  by  proof  knew  his  wis- 
dom to  be  such,  that  it  was  not  needful  for  any  to  put 
him  in  mind  of  any  such  matters;  inferring,  moreover, 
how  dangerous  and  perilous  a  matter  it  is  .  .  .  for 
a  p)i*iiice  to^  suffer  such  insolent  words  at  his  subjects' 
hands,  who,  as  they  take  boldness  to  contrary  their 
sovereign  in  words,  so  want  they  no  will,  but  only  power 
and  strength,  to  overthwart  him  in  deeds.*  Besides  this, 
that  the  religion  by  the  queen  so  stiffly  maintained  did 
not  only  disallow  and  dissolve  the  policy  and  politic  gov- 
ernment of  princes,  but  also  taught  the  people  that  all 
things  ought  to  be  in  common.'  f  The  bishop  went  on 
to  assert  that  'whosoever  (saving  the .  reverence  due  to 
her  for  his  majesty's  sake)  should  defend  the  principles 
maintained  by  the  queen,  deserved  death,'  He  did  not, 
however,  dare,  he  said,  to  speak  of  the  queen,  unless  he 
were  sure  that  his  majesty  would  be  his  buckler.  But 
with  his  majesty's  consent  his  faithful  counsellors  would 
soon  tear  off  the  hypocritical  mask  of  heresy  and  would 
disclose  treasons  so  horrible  that  his  majesty  would  no 
longer  cherish  a  serpent  in  his  own  bosom. 

*  Fox,  Acts,  V.  p.  556. 

t  Gardiner's  malicious  interpretation  of  Acts  iv.  32,  where  it  is 
stated  that  the  Christians  had  all  thinf^s  in  common. 


CHAP.  X.  THE  king's  distrust.  289 

The  lord  chancellor  spoke  in  his  turn;  and  the  two 
conspirators  did  every  thing  they  could  to  stir  up  the 
anger  of  the  king  against  the  queen.  They  filled  his 
head  with  a  thousand  tales,  both  about  herself  and  about 
some  of  her  lady-attendants;  they  told  him  that  they 
had  been  favorable  to  Anne  Askew;  that  they  had  in 
theii'  possession  heretical  books;  and  that  they  were 
guilty  of  treason  as  well  as  of  heresy.  Suspicion  and 
distrust,  to  w^hich  the  king's  disposition  was  too  natu- 
ally  inclined,  took  possession  of  him,  and  he  required  his 
two  councillors  to  ascertain  whether  any  articles  of  law 
could  be  brought  forward  against  the  queen,  even  at  the 
risk  of  her  life.*  They  quitted  the  king's  presence,  prom- 
ising to  make  very  good  use  of  the  commission  entrusted 
to  them. 

The  bishop  and  the  chancellor  set  to  work  immediately. 
They  resorted  to  means  of  every  kind — tricks,  intrigues, 
secret  correspondence — for  the  purpose  of  making  out 
an  appearance  of  guilt  on  the  part  of  the  queen.  By 
bribing  some  of  her  domestics  they  were  enabled  to  get 
a  catalogue  of  the  books  which  she  had  in  her  cabinet. 
Taking  counsel  with  some  of  their  accomplices,  it  occurred 
to  them  that  if  they  began  by  attacking  the  queen,  this 
step  would  excite  almost  universal  reprobation.  They 
determined,  therefore,  to  prepare  men's  minds  by  making 
a  beginning  with  the  ladies  who  enjoyed  her  confidence, 
and  particularly  with  those  of  her  own  kindred — Lady 
Herbert,  afterwards  countess  of  Pembroke,  the  queen's 
sister,  and  first  lady  of  her  court;  Lady  Lane,  her  cousin- 
german;  and  Lady  Tyrwit,  who  by  her  virtues  had  gained 
her  entire  confidence.  Their  plan  was  to  examine  these 
three  ladies  on  the  Six  Articles;  to  institute  a  rigorous 
search  in  their  houses  with  a  view  to  find  some  ground 
of  accusation  against  Queen  Catherine;  and,  in  case  they 
should  succeed,  to  arrest  the  queen  herself  and  carry  her 

*  '  The  drawing  of  certain  articles  against  the  queen,  wherein  her 
life  might  be  touched.'— Fox,  Acts,  v.  p.  556. 
VOL.    vni.— 13 


290  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

off  hy  night,  in  a  hark,  to  the  Tower.  The  further  they 
proceeded  ^Yith  their  work  of  darkness,  the  more  they 
encouraged  and  cheered  each  other  on;  they  considered 
themselves  quite  strong  enough  to  strike  at  once  the 
great  blow,  and  they  resolved  to  make  the  first  attack  on 
the  queen.  They  therefore  drew  up  against  her  a  bill  of 
indictment,  which  purported  especially  that  she  had  con- 
travened the  Six  Articles,  had  violated  the  royal  procla- 
mation by  reading  prohibited  books,  and,  in  short,  had 
openly  maintained  heretical  doctrine.  Nothing  was  want- 
ing but  to  get  the  king's  signature  to  the  bill;  for  if,  with- 
out the  sanction  of  this  signature,  they  should  cast  sus- 
picions on  the  queen,  they  would  expose  themselves  to  a 
charge  of  high  treason."^ 

Henry  VIII.  was  now  at  Whitehall;  and  in  consequence 
of  the  state  of  his  health  he  very  seldom  left  his  private 
apartments.  But  few  of  his  councillors,  and  these  only 
by  special  ojder,  were  allowed  to  see  him.  Gardiner  and 
"VVriothesley  alone  came  to  the  jDalace  more  frequently 
than  usual  to  confer  with  him  on  the  mission  which  he 
had  entrusted  to  them.  Taking  with  them  their  hateful 
indictment,  they  went  to  the  palace,  were  admitted  to 
the  king's  presence,  and  after  a  suitable  introduction  they 
laid  before  him  the  fatal  document,  requesting  him  to  sign 
it.  Henry  read  it,  and  took  careful  note  of  its  contents; 
then  asked  for  writing  materials,  and  notwithstanding 
his  feebleness  he  signed  it.  This  was  a  great  victory  for 
the  bishop,  the  chancellor  and  the  Catholic  party ;  and  it 
was  a  great  defeat  for  the  Eeformation,  apparently  the 
signal  for  its  ruin.  Nothing  was  now  wanting  but  a  writ 
of  arrest,  and  the  chancellor  of  England  would  send  the 
queen  to  the  Tower.  Once  there,  her  situation  would 
be  hopeless. 

So  cleverly  had  the  plot  been  managed,  that  during 
the  whole  time  the  queen  had  neither  known  nor  sus- 

*  Fox,  Acts,  V.  p.  557.  Lord  Herbert's  Life  of  Henry  VIII. ,  p. 
624. 


CHAP.  X.  BILL    OF    INDICTMENT.  291 

pected  any  thing;  she  i3aid  her  usual  visits  to  the  king, 
and  had  gradually  allowed  herself  to  speak  to  him  on 
religion  as  she  used  to  do.  The  king  permitted  this 
without  gainsaying  her;  he  did  not  choose  to  enter  into 
explanations  with  her.  He  was,  however,  ill  at  ease. 
The  burden  was  oppressive;  and  one  evening,  just  after 
the  queen  left  him,  he  opened  his  mind  to  one  of  his 
physicians,  in  whom  he  placed  full  confidence,  and  said: 
'I  do  not  like  the  queen's  religion,  and  I  do  not  intend 
to  be  much  longer  worried  by  the  discourses  of  this  doc- 
toress.'  He  likewise  revealed  to  the  physician  the  pro- 
ject formed  by  some  of  his  councillors,  but  forbade  him, 
upon  pam  of  death,  to  say  a  word  about  it  to  any  liv- 
ing soul.  Apparently  forgetting  the  wives  whom  he  had 
already  sacrificed,  Henry  was  thus  coolly  preparing,  at 
the  very  time  when  he  w^as  himself  about  to  go  down  to 
the  grave,  to  add  another  victim  to  the  hecatomb. 

The  queen,  although  encompassed  with  deadly  ene- 
mies who  were  contriving  her  ruin,  was  in  a  state  of 
perfect  calmness,  when  suddenly  there  burst  upon  her 
one  of  those  heaAr^^  squalls  which  in  the  twinkhng  of  an 
eye  dash  the  most  powerful  vessels  against  the  rocks. 
The  chancellor,  contented  with  his  triumph,  but  at  the 
same  time  agitated,  snatched  up  the  paper  which,  now 
bearing  the  king's  signature,  ensured  the  death  of  the 
queen.  Vehement  passions  sometimes  distract  men  and 
produce  absence  of  mind.  In  this  case  it  appears  that 
Wriothesley  carelessly  thrust  the  paper  into  his  bosom, 
and  droj^ped  it  while  crossing  one  of  the  apartments  of 
the  palace.*  A  pious  woman  of  the  court,  happenino- 
to  pass  that  way  shortly  afterwards,  saw  the  paper  and 
picked  it  up.  Perceiving  at  the  first  glance  its  impor- 
tance she  took  it  immediately  to  the  queen.  Catherine 
opened  it,  read  the  articles  with  fear  and  trembhng,  and 

*  'Cum  enim  Cancellarius  ex  improviso  scriptum  illud  regis  manu 
notatum  e  sinu  in  quern  id  recondiderat  perdidisset.'— Gerdesius, 
Ann.,  iv.  p.  352. 


292  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  '  book  xv. 

as  soon  as  she  saw  Henry's  signature,  was  struck  as  by 
a  thunderbolt,  and  fell  into  a  frightful  agony.  Her  feat- 
ures were  completely  changed:  she  uttered  loud  cries, 
and  seemed  to  be  in  her  death-struggle.  She  too,  then, 
was  to  lay  down  her  life  on  the  scaffold.  All  her  atten- 
tions, all  her  devotion  to  the  kiog,  had  availed  nothing; 
she  must  undergo  the  common  lot  of  the  wives  of  Henry 
VIII.  She  bewailed  her  fate,  and  struggled  against  it. 
At  other  times  she  had  glimpses  of  her  own  faults  and 
uttered  reproaches  agaiust  herself,  and  then  her  distress 
and  her  lamentations  increased.  Those  of  her  ladies  who 
were  present  could  hardly  bear  the  sight  of.sowoful  a 
state;  and,  trembling  themselves,  and  supposing  that  the 
queen  was  about  to  be  put  to  death,'  they  were  unable 
to  offer  her  consolation.  The  remembrance  of  this  har- 
rowing scene  was  never  effaced  from  their  minds.* 

Some  one  brought  word  to  the  king  that  the  queen 
was  in  terrible  distress,  and  that  her  life  seemed  to  be  in 
danger.f  A  feeling  of  compassion  was  awakened  in  him, 
and  he  sent  to  her  immediately  the  physicians  who  were 
with  him.  They,  finding  Catherine  in  this  extremity, 
endeavored  to  bring  her  to  herself,  and  gi^adually  she 
recovered  her  senses.  The  physician  to  whom  Henry 
had  revealed  Gardiner's  project,  J  discovering  from  some 
words  uttered  by  the  queen  that  the  conspiracy  was  the 
cause  of  her  anxiety,  requested  leave  to  speak  to  her  in 
private.  He  told  her  that  he  was  risking  his  life  by  thus 
speaking  to  her,  but  that  his  conscience  would  not  allow 
him  to  take  part  in  the  shedding  of  innocent  blood.  He 
therefore  confirmed  the  foreboding  of  danger  which  was 
impending  over  her;  but  added  that  if  she  henceforward 

*  '  The  queen  fell  incontinent  into  a  great  melancliolj^  and  agonj', 
bewailing  and  taking  on  in  such  sort  as  was  lamentable  to  see,  as 
certain  of  her  ladies  and  gentlewomen,  being  yet  alive,  who  were 
then  present  about  her,  can  testify.' — Fox,  Acts,  v.  p.  558. 

t  '  Almost  to  the  peril  and  danger  of  her  life. ' — Ibid. 

X  It  seems  to  have  been  Dr.  Wendy. 


CHAP.  X.  DISTRESS    OF    THE    QUEEN.  293 

endea\ored  to  behave  with  humble  submission  to  his 
majesty,  she  would  regain,  he  did  not  doubt,  his  i^ardon 
and  his  favor. . 

These  words  were  not  enough  to  dehver  Catherine 
from  her  disquietude.  Her  danger  was  not  concealed 
fr-om  the  king;  and,  unable  to  endure  the  thought  that 
she  might  die  of  grief,  he  had  himself  carried  into  her 
room.  At  the  sight  of  the  king  Catherine  rallied  snffi- 
ciently  to  explain  to  him  the  des^Dair  into  which  she  was 
thrown  by  the  belief  that  he  had  totally  abandoned  her. 
Henry  then  spoke  to  her  as  an  affectionate  husband,  and 
comforted  her  with  gentle  words;  and  this  poor  heart, 
till  then  agitated  hke  a  stormy  sea,  gradually  became 
calm  again. 

The  king  could  now  forget  the  faults  of  the  queen; 
but  the  queen  herself  did  not  forget  them.  She  under- 
stood that  she  had  habitually  assumed  a  higher  position 
than  belonged  to  a  wife,  and  that  the  king  was  entitled 
to  an  assurance  that  this  state  of  things  should  be 
changed.  After  supper  the  next  evening,  therefore,  Cath- 
erine rose  and,  taking  with  her  only  her  sister,  Lady 
Herbert  on  whom  she  leaned,  and  Lady  Jane,  who  car- 
ried a  Hght  before  her,  went  to  the  king's  bed-chamber. 
When  the  three  ladies  were  introduced,  Henry  was  seated 
and  speaking  with  several  gentlemen  who  stood  round 
him  He  received  the  queen  very  coui'teously,  and  of  his 
own  accord,  contrary  to  his  usual  practice,  began  to  talk 
with  her  about  religion,  as  if  there  was  one  point  on 
which  he  wished  for  fui'ther  information  from  the  queen. 
She  rei^lied  discreetly  and  as  the  circumstances  required. 
She  then  added  meekly  and  in  a  serious  and  respectful 
tone,—'  Your  Majesty  doth  right  well  know,  neither  I 
myself  am  ignorant,  what  great  imperfection  and  weak- 
ness by  our  first  creation  is  allotted  unto  us  women,  to 
be  ordained  and  appointed  as  inferior  and  subject  unto 
.man  as  our  head;  from  which  head  all  our  direction 
ought  to  proceed.     And  that  as  God  made  man  in  his 


294  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

own  shape  and  likeness,  whereby  he  being  enclued  with 
more  special  gifts  of  p)erfection,  might  rather  be  stirred 
to  the  contemplation  of  heavenly  things  and  to  the 
earnest  endeavor  to  obey  his  commandments,  even  so 
also  made  he  woman  of  man,  of  whom  and  by  whom  she 
is  to  be  governed,  commanded  and  directed.  .  .  Your 
majesty  being  so  excellent  in  gifts  and  ornaments  of  wis- 
dom, and  I  a  silly  ]3oor  woman,  so  much  inferior  in  all 
resx^ects  of  nature  unto  you,  how  then  cometh  it  now  to 
pass  that  your  majesty  in  such  diffuse  causes  of  rehgion 
will  seem  to  requii^e  my  judgment  ?  Which  when  I 
have  uttered  and  said  what  I  can,  yet  must  I,  will  I, 
refer  my  judgment  ...  to  your  majesty's  w^isdom, 
as  my  only  anchor,  supreme  head  and  governor  here  in 
earth,  next  unto  God,  to  lean  unto.'  'Not  so  by  St. 
Mary,'  said  the  king;  '3^ou  are  become  a  doctor,  Kate,  to 
instruct  (as  we  take  it),  and  not  to  be  instructed  or 
directed  by  us.'  'If  your  majesty  take  it  so,'  replied  the 
queen,  '  then  hath  your  majesty  very  much  mistaken  me, 
who  have  been  of  the  opinion,  to  think  it  very  unseemly 
and  preposterous  for  the  woman  to  take  upon  her  the 
office  of  an  instructor  or  teacher  to  her  lord  and  hus- 
band, but  rather  to  learn  of  her  husband  and  be  taught 
by  him.  And  whereas  I  have,  with  your  majesty's  leave, 
heretofore  been  bold  to  hold  talk  with  your  majesty, 
wherein  sometimes  in  opinions  there  hath  seemed  some 
difference,  I  have  not  done  it  so  much  to  maintain  opin- 
ion, as  I  did  it  rather  to  minister  talk,  not  only  to  the 
end  3^0 ur  majesty  might  with  less  grief  pass  over  this 
painful  time  of  your  infirmity,*  being  attentive  to  our 
talk,  and  hoping  that  your  majesty  should  reap  some 
ease  thereby;  but  also  that  I,  hearing  your  majesty's 
learned  discourse,  might  receive  to  myself  some  profit 
thereby;  wherein  I  assure  your  majesty,  I  have  not 
missed  any  part  of  my  desire  in  that  behalf,  always  refer- 

*  'Was  rather  to  pass  away  the  time  and  pain  of  his  infirmity.* — 
Lord  Herbert's  Life  of  Henry  VIJL,  p.  G2i. 


CHAP.  X.  RECONCILIATION.  295 

ring  myself  in  all  snch  matters  unto  3'our  majesty,  as  by 
ordinance  of  nature  it  is  convenient  for  me  to  do.'  'And 
is  it  even  so?'  answered  the  king;  'and  tended  your 
arguments  to  no  worse  end?  Then  perfect  friends  we 
are  now  again,  as  ever  at  any  time  heretofore.'  Then,  as 
if  to  seal  this  promise,  Henry,  who  was  sitting  in  his 
chair,  embraced  the  queen  and  kissed  her.  He  added: 
'  It  does  me  more  good  at  this  time  to  hear  the  words  of 
your  mouth,  than  if  I  had  heard  present  news  of  a  hun- 
dred thousand  pounds  in  money  had  fallen  unto  me.' 
Lavishing  on  Catherine  tokens  of  his  affection  and  his 
happiness,  he  promised  her  that  such  misapprehensions 
with  regard  to  her  should  never  arise  again.  Then, 
resuming  general  conversation,  he  talked  on  various 
interesting  subjects  with  the  queen  and  with  the  lords 
who  were  present,  until  the  night  was  advanced:  when 
he  gave  the  signal  for  their  departure.  There  may  pos- 
sibly have  been  somew^hat  of  exaggeration  in  Catherine's 
words.  She  had  not  been  altogether  so  submissive  a 
learner  as  she  said;  but  she  felt  the  imperative  neces- 
sity of  entirely  dispersing  the  clouds  which  the  ill-will  of 
her  enemies  had  gathered  over  the  king's  mind,  and  it 
is  not  to  be  doubted  that  in  saying  w^hat  she  did  she 
uttered  her  inmost  thought. 

Meanwhile  the  queen's  enemies,  who  had  no  suspicion 
of  the  turn  things  were  taking,  gave  their  orders  and 
made  their  preparations  for  the  great  work  of  the  mor- 
row, which  w\as  to  confine  Catherine  in  the  Tower.  The 
day  was  fine,  and  the  king  wishing  to  take  an  airing  went 
in  the  afternoon  into  the  park,  accompanied  only  by  two 
of  the  gentlemen  of  his  bed-chamber.  He  sent  an  invi- 
tation to  the  queen  to  bear  him  company;  and  Catherine 
immediately  arrived,  attended  by  her  three  favorite  ladies 
in  waiting.  Conversation  began,  but  they  did  not  talk 
of  theology.  Never  had  the  king  appeared  more  amiable; 
and  his  good  humor  inspired  the  rest  with  cheerfulness. 
In  his  conversation  there  was  all  the  liveliness  of  a  frank 


296 


THE    REFORMATIOX    IN    EUROPE. 


communicative  disposition,  and  the  mirth,  it  seems,  was 
even  noisy.*  Suddenly,  forty  halberds  were  seen  gleam- 
ing through  the  park  trees.  The  lord  chancellor  was  at 
the  head  of  the  men,  and  forty  body-guards  followed  him. 
He  was  coming  to  arrest  the  queen  and  her  three  ladies 
and  to  conduct  them  to  the  Tower.  The  kinc-,  breakino- 
off  the  conversation  which  entertained  him  so  pleasantly, 
glanced  sternly  at  the  chancellor,  and  stepping  a  little 
aside  called  him  to  him.  The  chancellor  knelt  down  and 
addressed  to  the  king,  in  a  low  voice,  some  words  which 
Catherine  could  not  understand.  She  heard  only  that 
Henry  rei^lied  to  him  in  insulting  terms,  Tool,  madman, 
arrant  kQave ! '  At  the  same  time  he  commanded  the 
chancellor  to  be  gone.  Wriothesley  and  his  followers 
disappeared.  Such  was  the  end  of  the  conspiracy  formed 
against  the  king's  Protestant  wife  by  Wriothesley,  Gar- 
diner, and  their  friends.  Henry  then  rejoined  the  queen. 
His  features  still  reflected  his  excitement  and  anger;  but 
as  he  approached  her  he  tried  to  assume  an  air  of  seren- 
ity. She  had  not  clearly  understood  what  was  the  sub- 
ject of  conversation  between  the  king  and  the  chancellor; 
but  the  king's  words  had  startled  her.  She  received  Mm 
gracefully  and  sought  to  excuse  Wriothesley,  saying: 
'Albeit  I  know  not  what  just  cause  your  majesty  has  at 
this  time  to  be  offended  with  him,  yet  I  think  that  igno- 
ance,  not  will,  was  the  cause  of  his  error;  and  so  I  be- 
seech your  majesty  (if  the  cause  be  not  very  heinous),  at 
my  humble  suit  to  take  it.'  'Ah,  poor  soul!'  said  the 
king,  'thou  little  knowest  how  evil  he  deserveth  this  grace 
at  thy  hands.' f 

*  'In  the  midst  of  their  mirth.'— Fox,  Ads,  v.  p.  560. 

t  Fox,  Acts,  V.  p.  561.     Lord  Herbert's  Life  of  Henry  VIIL,  p.  625. 


THE   NEW   COURT.  297 


CHAPTER    XL 

CLOSE     OF     THE     REIGN     OF     HENRY     VIII. 

(1546— JANUARY,    1547.) 

Weighty  consequences  followed  tlie  miscarriage  of  the 
conspiracy  formed  against  the  queen.  It  had  been  aimed 
at  the  queen  and  the  Reformation;  but  it  turned  against 
Roman  CathoHcism  and  its  leaders.  The  proverb  was 
again  fulfilled, — '  Whoso  diggeth  a  pit  shall  fall  therein.' 
The  wind  changed;  Romanism  suffered  an  eclipse,  it  was 
no  longer  illumined  by  the  sun  of  royalty.  The  first  to 
fall  into  disgrace  with  Henry  VIH.  was,  as  we  have  seen, 
Wriothesley.  The  king  displaj'ed  his  coolness  in  various 
ways.  The  chancellor,  disquieted  and  alarmed  for  his 
own  pecuniary  interests,  was  annoyed  to  see  preparations 
for  establishing  a  new  Court  of  Augmentations,  by  which 
his  privileges  and  emoluments  would  be  lessened.  He 
earnestly  entreated  the  king  that  it  might  not  be  estab- 
lished in  his  time.  'I  shall  have  cause,'  he  wrote,  on 
October  16,  'to  be  sorry  in  my  heart  during  my  life,  if 
the  favor  of  my  gracious  master  shall  so  fail,  that  partly 
in  respect  of  his  j)oor  servant  he  do  not  somewhat  of  his 
clemency  temper  it.  Thus  I  make  an  end,  pra3dng  God 
long  to  preserve  his  Majesty.'  *  In  spite  of  all  his  efforts, 
he  lost  the  royal  favor,  and  the  new  court  which  he  so 
much  dreaded  was  erected. 

A  still  heavier  blow  fell  upon  Gardiner.  After  the  rec- 
onciliation between  Henry  and  Catherine,  he  w^as  obliged 
to  abstain  from  making  his  appearance  at  the  court. f  On 
December  2,  he  wrote  to  the  king:  'I  am  so  bold  to  mo- 
lest your  Majesty  with  these  very  letters,  which  be  only 
to  desire  your  Highness,  of  your  accustomed  goodness 

*  State  Papers,  i.  p.  882. 

t  'I  liave  no  access  to  your  majesty.' — State  Papers,  i.  p.  884. 
VOL.    vui. — 13* 


^^^  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE. 


BOOK  XV. 


and  clemency,  to  be  my  good   and  gracious  lord,  and 
to  continue  such  opinion  of  me  as  I  have  ever  trusted 
and,  by  manifold  benefits,  certainly  known  your  Majesty 
to  have  had  of  me.     .     .     declare  mine  inward  rejoice  of 
your  Highness'  favor,   and  that  I  would   not  willino-ly 
offend  your  Majesty  for  no  worldly  thing.'     This  man,''at 
other  times  so  strong,  now  saw  before  him  nothino-  but 
disgrace  and  became  excessively  fearful.     He  might  be 
overtaken  by  a  long  series  of  penalties.     Who  could  tell 
whether  Henry,  like  Ahasuerus  of  old,  would  not  inflict 
upon  the  accuser  the  fate  which  he  had  designed  for  the 
accused?     The  bishop,  restless,  wrote  to  Paget,  secretary 
of  state:  'I  hear  no  specialty  of  the  king's  majesty's  mis- 
contentment  in  this  matter  of  lands,  but  confusedly  that 
my  domgs  should  not  be  well  taken.'*     No  answe^  to 
either  of  these  two  letters  is  extant.     Towards  the  end 
of  December,  the  king  excluded  Gardiner  from  the  num- 
ber of  his  executors  and  from   the  council  of  reo-ency 
under  his  successor,  Edward;  and  this  involved  a  heavy 
loss  of  honor,  money,  and  influence.     Henry  felt  that  for 
the  guardianship  of  his  son  and  of  his  realm,  he  must 
make  his  choice  between  Cranmer  and  Gardiner.     Cran- 
mer  was  selected.    It  was  in  vain  that  Sir  Antony  Browne 
appealed   to   him,   and   requested   him  to  reinstate  the 
bishop  of  Winchester  in  this  office.     '  If  he  be  left  amon- 
you,'  said  the  king,  '  he  would  only  sow  trouble  and  divit 
sion.     Don't  speak  of  it.'     The  conspiracy  against  the 
queen  was  not  the  sole,  although  it  was  the  determining, 
cause  of  Gardiner's  disgrace. t 

This,  however,  was  but  the  beginning  of  the  storm. 

The  first  lord  of  the  realm  and  his  family  were  about  to 

be  attacked.     If  Henry  no  longer  struck   to   the  rioht 

he  struck  to  the  left;  but  he  dealt  his  blows  without'in- 

termission;  in  one  thing  he  was  ever  consistent,  cruelty. 

In  addition  to  the  suffering  caused  by  his  disease,  the 

*  State  Papers,  i.  p.  884. 

t  Lord  Herbert's  Life  of  Henry  VIIL,  p.  625. 


CHAP.  XI.  PARTIES    AT    THE    COURT.  299 

king  was  oppressed  by  anxiety  at  the  thought  of  the 
ambition  and  rebellion  which  might  snatch  the  crown 
from  his  son  and  create  disturbances  in  the  kingdom 
after  his  death.     The  court  was  at  this  time  divided  into 
two  parties.     One  of  these  was  headed  by  the  duke  of 
Norfolk,  who,  owing  to  his  position  as  chief  of  the  an- 
cient family  of  the  Howards,  alhed  even  to  the  blood 
royal,  was  next  to  the  king  the  most  mfluential  man  in 
England.     He  had  long  been  lord  treasurer,   and  had 
rendered  signal  services  to  the  crown.     Opposed  to  this 
party  was  that  of  the  Seymours,  who  had  not  hitherto 
played  any  great  part,  but  who  now,  as  uncles  to  the 
young  prince,  found   themselves  continually  advancing 
in  esteem  and  authority.     Norfolk  was  the  chief  of  the 
Cathohc  party;  and  a  great  number  of  evangehcal  Chris- 
tians had  been  burnt  while  he  was  at  the  head  of  the 
government.     His  son,  the  earl  of  Surrey,  was  likewise 
attached  to  the  doctrines  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  was 
even  suspected  of  having  associated  in  Italy  with  Car- 
dinal Pole.     The  Seymours,  on  the  other  hand,  had  al- 
ways shown  themselves  friendly  to  the  Keformation;  and 
while  Norfolk  supported  Gardiner,  they  supported  Cran- 
mer.     It  appeared  inevitable  that,  after  the  king's  death, 
war  would   break  out   between   these  chiefs,   and  what 
would  happen  then?     The  more  Henry's  strength  de- 
clined, the  more  numerous  became  the  partisans  of  the 
Seymours.     The  sun  was  rising   for  the  uncles  of   the 
young  prince,  and  was  setting  for  Norfolk.     The  duke, 
perceiving  this,   made  advances  to  the  Sej^mours.     He 
would  have  hked  his  son  to  marry  the  daughter  of  the 
earl  of  Hertford,  and  his  daughter,  widow  of  the  duke 
of  Kichmond,  the  natural  son  of  the  king,  to  marry  Sir 
Thomas  Seymour.     But  neither  Surrey  nor  the  duchess 
were  disposed  to  the  match.     There  was  therefore  noth- 
ing to  expect  but  a  vigorous  conflict;  and  the  king  chose 
that  the  victory  of  the  one  party  and  the  defeat  of  the 
other  should  be  determined  in  his  lifetnne  and  through 


300  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

his  intervention.  To  which  of  the  two  parties  would  the 
king  give  the  preference?  He  had  always  leaned  for  sup- 
port upon  Norfolk,  and  the  religious  views  of  this  old 
servant  were  his  own.  Would  he  separate  from  him  at 
this  critical  moment?  After  having  from  the  first  re- 
sisted the  Reformation,  would  he,  on  the  brink  of  the 
grave,  give  it  the  victory?  The  past  had  belonged  to 
Roman  Cathohcism;  should  the  future  beloug  to  the 
Gospel?  Should  his  death  behe  his  whole  life?  The 
infamous  conspiracy  formed  against  the  queen  by  the 
Catholic  party  would  not  have  been  enough  to  induce 
the  king  to  adopt  so  strange  a  resolution.  A  cir- 
cumstance of  another  kind  occurred  to  determine  his 
course. 

At   the   beginning    of   December,    1546,    Sir   Richard 
Southwell,  who  was  afterwards  a  member  of  the  privy 
council  under  Queen  Mary,  gave  the  king  a  warning  that 
the  powerful  family  of  the   Howards  would   expose  his 
son  to  great  danger.     Before  the  birth  of  Edward,  Nor- 
folk had  been  designated  as  one  of  the  claimants  of  the 
croT\Tn.     His  eldest  son  was  a  young  man  of  great  intel- 
hgence,  high  spiidt  and  indomitable  courage,  and  excelled 
in  military  exercises.     To  these  qualifications  he  added 
the  polish  of  a  courtier,  fine  taste  and  an  ardent  love  for 
the  fine  arts;  his  contemporaries  were  charmed  by  his 
poems;  and  he  was  looked  upon   as  the  flower  of  the 
English  nobihty.     These  brilhant  endowments  formed  a 
snare  for  him.     'His  head,'  people  said  to  the  king,   'is 
filled  with  aml^itious  projects.'     He  had  borne  the  arms 
of  Edward  the  Confessor  in  the  first  quarter,  which  the 
king  alone  had  the  right  to  do;  if,  it  was  added,  he  has 
refused  the  hand  of  the  daughter  of  the  earl  of  Hertford, 
it  is  because  he  asjures  to  that  of  the  princess  Mary;  and 
if  he  should  marry  her  after  the  death  of  the  king,  prince 
Edward  will  lose  tbe  crown. 

The   king   ordered   his   chancellor  to  investigate    the 
charges  against  the   duke   of  Norfolk   and  his  son,  the 


CHAP.  XL  THE    ARREST.  301 

earl  of  Surrey;  and  "Wriothesley  ere  long  presented  to 
him  a  paper,  in  the  form  of  questions,  in  his  (Wri- 
othesley's)  own  handwriting.  The  king  read  it  atten- 
tively, pen  in  hand,  hardly  able  to  repress  his  anger,  and 
underlined  with  a  trembling  hand  those  j^assages  which 
appeared  to  him  the  most  important.  The  following 
sentences  are  specimens  of  what  he  read: — 

'If  a  man  coming  of  the  collateral  line  to  the  heir  of  the 
crown,  who  ought  not  to  bear  the  arms  of  England  but 
on  the  second  quarter  .  .  .  do  ■presume  ...  to 
bear  them  in  the  first  quarter,  .  .  .  how  this  man's 
intent  is  to  be  judged.     .     . 

'  If  a  man  compassing  with  himself  to  govern  the  realm 
do  actually  go  about  to  rule  the  king,  and  should  for  that 
purpose  advise  his  daughter  or  sister  to  become  his 
harlot,  thinking  thereby  to  bring  it  to  pass  .  .  . 
what  this  importeth. 

'If  a  man  say  these  words, — If  the  king  die,  who 
should  have  the  rule  of  the  prince  but  my  father  or  I? 
what  it  importeth.'  * 

On  Saturday,  December  12,  the  duke  and  the  earl 
were  separately  arrested  and  taken  to  the  Tower,  one  by 
land,  the  other  by  the  river,  neither  of  them  being  aw^are 
that  the  other  was  suffering  the  same  fate.  The  king- 
had  often  shown  himself  very  hasty  in  a  matter  of  this 
kind;  but  in  this  case  he  was  more  so  than  usual.  He 
had  not  long  to  live,  and  he  desired  that  these  two  great 
lords  should  go  before  him  to  the  grave.  The  same 
evening  the  king  sent  Sir  Richard  Southw^ell,  Sir  John 
Gate,  and  Wymound  Carew  to  Kenninghall,  in  Norfolk, 
a»  principal  seat  of  the  family,  about  eighty  miles  from 
London.  They  travelled  as  swiftly  as  they  could,  and 
arrived  at  the  mansion  by  daybreak  on  Tuesday.  They 
had  orders  to  examine  the  members  of  the  famih',  and  to 
affix  seals  to  the  effects. 

*  This  paper  is  printed  in  Slate  Papers,  i.  p.  891.  The  words 
underlined  by  the  king  are  here  printed  in  italics. 


302  THE  refor:matiox  in  Europe.  book  xv. 

The  Howard  family,  unhappily  for  itself,  was  deeply 
divided.  The  duchess  of  Norfolk,  daughter  of  the  duke 
of  Buckingham,  an  irritable  and  passionate  woman,  had 
been  separated  from  her  husband  since  1553,  and  appar- 
ently not  without  reason.  She  said  of  one  of  the  ladies 
who  were  in  attendance  on  her,  Elizabeth  Holland, — 
'  This  woman  is  the  cause  of  all  my  unhappiness.'  There 
was  a  certain  coolness  between  the  earl  of  Surrey  and 
his  sister,  the  duchess  of  Richmond,  probably  because 
the  latter  leaned  to  the  side  of  the  Reformation.  Surrey 
had  also  had  a  quarrel  with  his  father,  and  he  was  hardly 
yet  reconciled  to  him.  A  house  divided  against  itself 
will  not  stand.  The  members  of  the  family,  therefore, 
accused  each  other;  the  duchess,  it  may  be  believed,  did 
not  spare  her  husband,  and  the  duke  called  his  son  a 
fool.  "When  Sir  Richard  Southw^ell  and  his  two  com- 
panions arrived  at  Kenninghall  on  Tuesday  morning, 
they  caused  gill  the  doors  to  be  securely  closed  so  that  no 
one  might  escape;  and  after  having  taken  some  evidence 
of  the  almoner,  they  requested  to  see  the  duchess  of 
Richmond,  the  only  member  of  the  family  then  at  the 
mansion,  and  Mistress  Elizabeth  Holland,  who  passed 
for  the  duke's  favorite.  These  ladies  had  only  just  risen 
from  their  beds,  and  were  not  ready  to  make  their  ap- 
pearance. However,  when  they  heard  that  the  king's 
envoys  requested  to  see  them,  they  betook  themselves  as 
quickly  as  possible  to  the  dining-room.  Sir  John  Gate 
and  his  friends  informed  them  that  the  duke  and  the 
earl  had  just  been  committed  to  the  Tower.  The  duch- 
ess, deeply  moved  at  this  starthng  news,  trembled  and 
almost  fainted  away.*  She  gradually  recovered  herself, 
and  kneeling  down  humbled  herself  as  though  she  were 
in  the  king's  presence.  She  said:  'Although  nature  con- 
strains me  sore  to  love  my  father,  whom   I  have  ever 

*  'Sore  perplexed,  trembling  and  like  to  foil  down.'— Letter 
from  Gate,  Southwell  and  Carew  to  Henry  VIII. — State  Papers,  i. 
p.  888. 


CHAP.  XI.  DIVISIONS    OF    THE    HOWARDS.  303 

thought  to  be  a  true  and  faithful  subject,  and  also  to 
desire  the  well-doing  of  his  son,  my  natural  brother, 
whom  I  note  to  be  a  rash  man,  yet  for  my  part  I  would 
nor  will  hide  or  conceal  any  thing  from  his  Majesty's 
knowledge,  specially  if  it  be  of  weight.'  The  king's 
agent  searched  the  house  of  the  duchess  of  Eichmond, 
inspected  her  cabinets  and  her  coffers,  but  they  found 
nothing  tending  to  compromise  her.  They  found  no 
jewels,  for  she  had  parted  with  her  own  to  pay  her 
debts.  Next,  they  visited  Elizabeth  Holland's  room, 
where  they  found  much  gold,  many  pearls,  rings  and 
precious  stones;  and  of  these  they  sent  a  list  to  the  king. 
They  laid  aside  the  books  and  manuscripts  of  the  diike; 
and  the  next  day  by  their  direction  the  duchess  of  Rich- 
mond and  Mistress  Holland  set  out  for  London,  where 
they  were  to  be  examined. 

Mistress  Holland  was  examined  first.  She  deposed 
that  the  duke  had  said  to  her  '  that  the  king  was  sickly, 
and  could  not  long  endui*e;  and  the  realm  like  to  be  in 
an  ill  case  through  diversity  of  opinions.'  The  duchess 
of  Richmond  deposed  'that  the  duke  her  father  would 
have  had  her  marry  Sir  Thomas  Seymour,  brother  to  the 
earl  of  Hertford,  which  her  brother  also  desired,  wishing 
her  withal  to  endear  herself  so  into  the  king's  favor,  as 
she  might  the  better  rule  here  as  others  had  done;  and 
that  she  refused.'  *  This  deposition  appears  to  corrobo- 
rate one  of  the  charges  brought  against  Norfolk  by  the 
chancellor.  Nevertheless,  the  supposition  that  a  father, 
from  ambitious  motives,  could  urge  his  daughter  to  con- 
sent to  incestuous  intercourse  is  so  revolting,  that  one 
can  hardly  help  asking  whether  there  really  was  any 
thing  more  in  the  case  than  an  exercise  of  the  natural 
induence  of  a  daughter-in-law  over  her  father-in-law. 
The  duchess  corroborated  the  accusation  touching  the 
royal  arms  borne  by  Surrey,  his  hatred  of  the  Seymours, 
and  the  ill  which  he  meditated  doing  them   after  the 

*  Lord  Herbert's  L'ife  of  Henry  VII J.,  p.  027. 


304  THE    REFORilATIOX    IX    EUROPE. 


BOOK    XV. 


king's  cleath;  and  slie  added  that  lie  bad  urged  her  not 
to  carry  too  far  the  reading  of  the  Holy  Scriptures. 

Various  other  depositions  having  been  taken,  the  duke 
and  his  son  were  declared  guilty  of  high  treason  (Jan- 
uary 7).  On  the  13th,  Surrey  was  tried  before  a  jury  at 
Guildhall.  He  defended  himself  with  much  spirit;  but 
he  was  condemned  to  death;  and  this  young  nobleman, 
only  thirty  years  of  age,  the  idol  of  his  countrymen,  was 
executed  on  Tower  Hill,  January  21.*  Public  feehng 
was  shocked  by  this  act  of  cruelty,  and  every  one  ex- 
tolled the  high  qualities  of  the  earl.  His  sister,  the 
duchess  of  Richmond,  took  charge  of  his  five  children, 
and  admii-ably  fulfilled  her  duty  as  their  aunt.f 

The  king  was  now  dangerously  ill,  but  he  showed  no 
signs  of  tenderness.  People  said  that  he  had  never  hated 
nor  ruined  any  one  by  halves;  and  he  was  determined, 
after  the  death  of  the  eldest  son,  to  sacrifice  the  father.' 
Norfolk  was  very  much  surprised  to  find  himself  a  pris- 
oner in  the  Tower,  to  which  he  had  consigned  so  many 
prisoners.  He  wrote  to  the  lords  to  let  him  have  some 
books,  for  he  said  that  unless  he  coidd  read  he  fell 
-asleep.  He  asked  also  for  a  confessor,  as  he  was  desi- 
rous of  receiving  his  Creator;  and  for  permission  to  hear 
mass  and  to  walk  outside  his  apartment  in  the  daytime. 
At  the  age  of  seventy-three,  after  having  taken  the  lead 
in  the  most  cruel  measures  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII., 
from  the  death  of  Anne  Boleyn  to  the  death  of  Anne 
Askew,  he  now  found  that  the  day  of  terror  was  approach- 
ing for  himself.  His  heart  was  agitated  and  fear  chilled 
him.  He  knew  the  king  too  well  to  have  any  hope  that 
the  great  and  numerous  services  which  he  had  rendered 
to  him  would  avaH  to  arrest  the  sword  already  suspended 

*  The  date  usually  given  is  the  19th.  We  foUow  Lord  Burleigh's 
Notes.— 'Merden'H  State  Papers. 

t  She  appointed  as  their  preceptor  John  Fox,  the  evangelical 
author  of  the  Acts  and  Monuments  of  the  Martyrs,  which  we  fre- 
quently quote. 


CHAP.  XI.  Norfolk's  appeal  to  the  king.  305 

over  bis  head.  Meanwhile  the  prospect  of  death  ahirmed 
him;  and  in  his  distress  he  wrote  from  his  prison  in  the 
Tower  to  his  royal  master: — 'Most  gracious  and  merciful 
sovereign  lord,  I,  your  most  humble  subject,  prostrate  at 
your  foot,  do  most  humbly  beseech  you  to  be  my  good 
and  gracious  lord.  .  .  In  all  my  life  I  never  thought 
one  untrue  thought  against  you  or  your  succession,  nor 
can  no  more  judge  or  cast  in  my  mind  what  should  be 
laid  to  my  charge  than  the  child  that  was  born  this 
night.  .  .  I  know  not  that  I  have  offended  any  man 
.  .  .  unless  it  were  such  as  are  angry  with  me  for 
being  quick  against  such  as  have  been  accused  for  sac- 
ramentaries.'  And  fancying  that  he  detected  the  secret 
motive  of  his  trial,  he  added:  'Let  me  recover  your  gra- 
cious favor,  with  taking  of  me  all  the  lands  and  goods  I 
have,  or  as  much  thereof  as  j)leaseth  your  Highness.'* 

The  charges  brought  against  Norfolk  and  Surrey  were 
mere  pretexts.  No  notice  having  been  taken  of  the  let- 
ter just  cited,  the  old  man,  who  was  anxious  by  any 
means  to  save  his  life,  determined  to  humble  himself 
still  further.  On  January  12,  nine  days  before  the  death 
of  Surrey,  in  the  hope  of  satisfying  the  king,  he  made, 
in  the  presence  of  the  members  of  the  privy  council, 
the  following  confession: — 'I,  Thomas,  duke  of  Norfolk, 
do  confess  and  acknowledge  myself  ...  to  have  of- 
fended the  king's  most  excellent  majesty,  in  the  disclos- 
ing ...  of  his  privy  and  secret  counsel  ...  to 
the  great  x^eril  of  his  Highness.  .  .  That  I  have  con- 
cealed high  treason,  in  keeping  secret  the  false  and  trai- 
torous act  .  .  .  committed  by  my  son  .  .  .  against 
the  king's  majesty  ...  in  the  putting  and  using  the 
arms  of  Edward  the  Confessor,  ...  in  his  scutch- 
eon or  arms.  .  .  Also,  that  to  the  peril,  slander,  and 
disinherison  of  the  king's  majesty  and  his  noble  son, 
Prince  Edward,  I  have  .  .  .  borne  in  the  first  quarter 
of  my  arms  .  .  .  the  arms  of  England.  .  .  Al- 
*  Lord  Herbert's  Life  of  Henry  VIII.,  p.  G30. 


306 


THE  rp:foiimatiox  in  europr. 


though  I  be  not  worthy  to  have    ...    the  king's  clem- 
ency and  mercy  to  be  extended  to  me,     .     .     .     yet  with 
a  most  sorrowful  and  repentant  heart  do   beseech   his 
Highness  to  have  mercy,  pity,  and  compassion  on  me.'  * 
All  was  fruitless;  Norfolk  must  die  like  the  best  ser- 
vants and  friends  of  the  king,  like  Fisher,  Sir  Thomas 
More,  and  Cromwell.     But  the  duke  could  not  be  con- 
demned  with  so  little  formality  as  Surrey.     The  king, 
therefore,  assembled  the  parliament;  a  bill  was  presented 
to  the  House  of  Lords,  and  the  three  readings  were  hur- 
ried through  on  January  18,  19,  20.     The  bill,  sent  down 
to  the  Commons,  was  passed  by  them,  and  was  sent  back 
on  the  24th.     Although  it  was  customary  to  reserve  the 
final  step  to  the  close  of  the  session,  the  king,  who  was 
in  haste,  gave  bis  assent  on  Thursday  the  27th,  and  the 
execution  of  Norfolk  was  fixed  for  the  morning  of  the 
next  day.     AU  the  preparations  for  this  last  act  were 
made  during  the  night;  and  but  a  few  moments  were  to 
intervene  before  this  once  powerful  man  was  to  be  led 
to  the  scaffold. 

Two  victims  were  now  awaiting  the  remorseless  scythe 
of  destiny.  Death  was  aj^proaching  at  the  same  time 
the  threshold  of  the  palace  and  that  of  the  prison.  Two 
men  who  had  filled  the  world  with  their  renown,  who 
during  theii'  lifetime  had  been  closely  united,  and  were 
the  foremost  personages  of  the  realm,  were  about  to  pass 
the  inexorable  gates  and  to  be  bound  with  those  bonds 
which  God  alone  can  burst.  The  only  question  was  which 
of  the  two  would  be  the  first  to  receive  the  final  stroke. 
The  general  expectation  was,  no  doubt,  that  Norfolk 
would  be  the  first,  for  the  executioner  was  already 
sharpening  the  axe  which  was  to  smite  bim. 

While  the  duke,  still  full  of  vigorous  life,  was  aw^aiting 

m  his  dungeon  the  cruel  death  which  he  had  striven  so 

much  to  avert,  Henry  VIII.  was  prostrate  on  his  sick  bed 

at  Whitehall.     Although  every  thing  showed  that  his  last 

*  Lord  Herbert's  Lift  of  Henry  VII L,  p.  G31. 


CHAP.  XI.  LAST    HOURS    OF    HENRY    YIII.  307 

hour  was  at  hand,  his  physicians  tlid  not  venture  to  in- 
form him  of  it;  as  it  was  against  the  law  for  any  one  to 
speak  of  the  death  of  the  king.  One  might  have  said 
that  he  was  determined  to  have  himself  declared  immor- 
tal by  act  of  j^arliament.  At  length,  however,  Sir  An- 
tony Denny,  who  hardly  ever  left  him,  took  courage 
and,  approaching  the  bedside  of  the  dying  monarch,  cau- 
tiously told  him  that  all  hope,  humanly  speaking,  was 
lost,  and  entreated  him  to  prepare  for  death.  The  king, 
conscious  of  his  failing  strength,  accused  himself  of  vari- 
ous offences,  but  added  that  the  grace  of  God  could  for- 
give him  all  his  sins.  It  has  been  asserted  that  he  did 
really  repent  of  his  errors.  '  Several  English  gentlemen,' 
says  Thevet,  'assured  me  that  he  was  truly  repentant, 
and  among  other  things,  on  account  of  the  injury  and 
crime  committed  against  the  said  queen  (Anne  Boleyn).'  * 
This  is  not  certain;  but  we  know  that  Denny,  glad  to 
hear  him.  speak  of  his  sins,  asked  him  whether  he  did 
not  wish  to  see  some  ecclesiastic.  'If  I  see  any  one,' 
said  Henry,  'it  must  be  Ai'chbishop  Cranmer.'  'Shall  I 
send  for  him?'  said  Denny.  The  king  replied:  'I  will 
first  take  a  little  sleep,  and  then,  as  I  feel  mj^self,  I  will 
advise  upon  the  matter.'  An  hour  or  two  later  the  king 
awoke,  and  finding  that  he  was  now  weaker,  he  asked  for 
Cranmer.  The  archbishop  was  at  Croydon;  and  when 
he  arrived  the  dying  man  was  unable  to  speak,  and  was 
almost  unconscious.  However,  when  he  saw  the  primate, 
he  stretched  out  his  hand,  but  could  not  utter  a  word. 
The  archbishop  exhorted  him  to  put  all  his  trust  in 
Christ  and  to  implore  his  mercy.  'Give  some  token 
with  your  eyes  or  hand,'  he  said,  'that  you  trust  in  the 
Lord.'  The  king  wrung  Cranmer 's  hand  as  hard  as  he 
could,  and  soon  after  breathed  his  last.  He  died  at  two 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  Friday,  January  28,  1547.f 

*  Thevet,  Cosmog.  i.  p.  IG. 

t  Fox,  Acts  V.  p.  689.     Lord  Herbert's  Life  of  Henry  VIIL,  p. 
634.     Original  Letters  (Ellis),  ii.  p.  137. 


BOOK  XV. 


308  THE  REFORMATION  IX  EUROPE. 

By  Henry's  death  Norfolk's  life  was  saved.  The  new 
government  declined  to  begin  the  new  reign  by  putting 
to  death  the  foremost  peer  of  England.  Norfolk  lived 
for  eight  years  longer.  He  spent,  indeed,  the  greater 
part  of  it  in  prison:  but  for  more  than  a  year  he  was  at 
liberty,  and  died  at  last  at  Kenninghall. 

Henry  died  at  the  age  of  fifty-six  years.     It  is  no  easy 
task  to  sketch  the  character  of  a  prince  whose  principal 
featm-e  was  inconsistency.     Moreover,  as  Lord  Herbert 
of  Cherbury  said,  his  history  is  his  best  portrait.     The 
epoch  in  which  he  hved  w^as  that  of  a  resm-rection  of  the 
human  mind.     Literature  and  the  arts,  political  liberty, 
and  evangehcal  faith  were  now  coming  forth  fi^om  the 
tomb    and   returning  to   life.     The   human  mind,   since 
the  outburst   of  bright  light  which    then  illumined  it, 
has  sometimes  given  itself  up,  it  must  be  confessed,  to 
strange  errors;  but  it  has  never  again  fallen  into  its  old 
sleep.  ^  There  were  some  kings,  such  as  Henry  VIII.  and 
Francis  L,'who  took  an  interest  in  the  revival  of  letters; 
but  the  greater  number  were  alarmed  at  the  revival  of 
freedom  and  of  faith,  and  instead  of  welcoming  tried  to 
stifle  them.     Some  authors,  and  particularly  Fox,  have 
asserted  that  if  death  had  not  prevented   him,   Henry 
VHL  would  have  so  securely  established  the  Reforma- 
tion as  not  to  leave  a  single  mass  in  the  kingdom.     This 
is  nothing  more  than  a  hypothesis,  and  it  appears  to  us 
a  very  doubtful  one.     The  king  had  made  his  will  two 
years  before  his  death,  when  he  was  setting  out  for  the 
war  with  France.     In  it,  his  chief  object  was  to  regulate 
the  order  of  succession  and  the  composition  of  the  coun- 
cil of  regency;  but  at  the  same  time  it  contains  positive 
signs  of  scholastic  Catholicism.     In  this  document  the 
kmg   says:    'We    do    instantly    desire    and   require    the 
blessed  Virgin  Maiy  His  mother,  with  all  the  holy  com- 
pany of  heaven,  continually  to  pray  for  us  and  with  us 
while  we  live  in  this  world,  and  in  time  of  passing  out 
of  the  same.' 


CHAP.  XI.  HIS    WILL.  309 

Moreover,  he  ordained  that  the  dean  and  canons  of 
the  chapel  royal,  Windsor,  and  their  successors  forever, 
should  have  two  priests  to  sa}^  masses  at  the  altar.* 
The  will  was  rewritten  on  December  18,  1546;  and  the 
members  of  the  Privy  Council  signed  it  as  witnesses. 
But  the  only  change  which  the  king  introduced  was  the 
omission  of  Gardiner's  name  among  the  members  of  the 
council  of  regency.  The  passages  respecting  the  Virgin 
and  masses  for  his  soul  were  retained. 

Henry  had  brought  into  the  world  with  him  remark- 
able capacities,  and  these  had  been  improved  by  educa- 
tion. He  has  been  praised  for  his  application  to  the 
business  of  the  State,  for  his  wonderful  cleverness,  his 
rare  eloquence,  his  high  courage.  He  has  been  looked 
upon  as  a  Maecenas,  and  pronounced  a  great  prince. 
His  abilities  certainly  give  him  a  place  above  the  average 
of  kings.  He  regularly  attended  the  council,  correspond- 
ed with  his  ambassadors,  and  took  much  pains.  In  pol- 
itics he  had  some  clear  views;  he  caused  the  Bible  to 
be  printed;  but  the  moral  sentiment  is  shocked  when  he 
is  held  up  as  a  model  The  two  most  conspicuous  feat- 
ures of  his  character  were  pride  and  sensuality;  and  by 
these  vices  he  was  driven  to  most  blameworthy  actions, 
and  even  to  crimes.  Pride  led  him  to  make  himself 
head  of  the  church,  to  claim  the  right  to  regulate  the 
faith  of  his  subjects,  and  to  punish  cruelly  those  who 
had  the  audacity  to  hold  any  other  opinions  on  matters 
of  religion  than  his  o^ti.  The  Reformation,  of  which  he 
is  assumed  to  be  the  author,  was  hardly  a  pseudo-reform; 
we  might  rather  see  in  it  another  species  of  r/eformation. 
Claiming  autocracy  in  matters  of  faith,  he  naturally 
claimed  the  same  in  matters  of  state.  All  the  duties  of 
his  subjects  were  summed  up  by  him  in  the  one  word 
obedience;  and  those  who  refused  to  bow  the  head  to  his 
despotic  rule  were  almost  sure  to  lose  it.     He  was  cov- 

*  The  will  is  to  be  found  in  Fuller,  Church  Ilistory  of  Britain,  pp. 
243-252,  in  Rymer,  Foedera,  &c. 


310  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xv. 

etons,  prodigal,  capricious,  suspicious;  not  only  was  lie 
fickle  in  liis  friendships,  but  on  many  occasions  he  did 
not  hesitate  to  take  his  victims  from  amongst  his  best 
friends.  His  treatment  of  his  wives,  and  especially  of 
Anne  Boleyn,  condemns  him  as  a  man;  his  bloody  per- 
secutions of  the  evangelicals  condemn  him  as  a  Christian ; 
the  scandalous  servility  which  he  endeavored,  and  not 
unsuccessfully,  to  engraft  in  the  nobles,  the  bishops,  the 
house  of  commons  and  the  people,  condemn  him  as  a 
kinof. 


BOOK  XVL 

GERMANY  TO   THE  DEATH   OF   LUTHER. 


CHAPTER    I. 

PROGRESS     OF     THE     REFORilATION     IN     GERMANY. 
(1520—1536.) 

The  light  of  tlie  Gospel  had  risen  upon  Europe,  and 
had  already  pervaded  the  central  and  southern  portions 
of  this  quarter  of  the  world.  A  new  age  had  begun. 
The  work  of  the  Reformation  was  not  done  like  that  of 
a  council,  by  articles  of  discipline;  but  by  the  proclama- 
tion of  a  Saviour,  living  and  ever-present  in  the  church; 
and  it  thus  raised  Christendom  from  its  fallen  state.  To 
the  chui'ch  in  bonds  in  the  rude  grasp  of  the  papacy  it 
gave  the  freedom  which  is  to  be  found  in  union  with 
God;  and  withdrawing  men  from  confessionals  and  from 
cells  in  which  they  were  stifled,  it  enabled  them  to 
breathe  a  free  air  under  the  vault  of  heaven.  At  the 
time  of  its  appearance,  the  vessel  of  the  church  had  suf- 
fered shipwreck,  and  the  Roman  Catholics  were  tossed 
about  in  the  midst  of  traditions,  ordinances,  canons,  con- 
stitutions, regulations,  decretals,  and  a  thousand  human 
decisions;  just  as  shipwrecked  men  struggle  in  the  midst 
of  broken  masts,  parted  benches,  and  scattered  oars. 
The  Reformation  was  the  bark  of  salvation  which  res- 
cued the  unhappy  sufferers  from  the  devouring  waters, 
and  took  them  into  the  ark  of  the  Word  of  God. 

The  Reformation  did  not  confine  itseK  to  gathering 
men   together,    it   also   gave  them  a  new  life.     Roman 


312  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xvi. 

CathoHcism  is  congealed  in  the   forms   of  the   Middle 
Ages.     Destitute    of    vitality,    possessing   no    fertilizing 
principle,  humanity  lay  buried  in  its  old  grave-clothes° 
The  Reformation  was  a  resuiTection.     The  Gospel  im- 
parts a  true,  pure,  and  heavenly  life,  a  life  which  does 
not  grow  old,  nor  fade,  nor  disappear  Hke  that  of  aU 
created  things,  but  is  continually  renewed,  not  indeed 
by  its  own  efforts,  but  by  the  power  of  God,  and  knows 
neither  old  age  nor  death.     Time  was  needed  for  the 
Gospel,  after  being  buried  for  ages  by  the  papacv,  to 
throw  off  all  its  swaddling-clothes,  and  resume  its*^  fi-ee 
and  mighty  progress;  but  its  advance  was  made  by  an 
impulse  from  on  high.     After  having  restored  to  Europe 
primitive  Christianity,  the  church  which  sprang  from  the 
Reformation  overthrew  the  ancient  superstitions  of  Asia, 
and  of  the  whole  world,  and  sent   a  life-giving  breath 
over  the   fields  of  death.     Churches   everywhere   called 
into    existence,   assemblies    of  men  abounding  in  good 
deeds,   these    are    the   testimonies  of  its  fertilit^^     The 
missionaries  of  this  Gospel,  although  they  lived  in  pov- 
erty, spent  their  days  in  obscurity,  and  often  encountered 
death  even  in  a  cruel  form,  nevertheless  accomi^Hshed  a 
work  more  beneficial  and  more  heroic  than  princes  and 
conquerors  have  done.     Rome  herself  was  moved  at  the 
sight  of  aU  the  stations  established,  all  the  Bibles  put 
into  circulation,  all  the  schools  founded,  aU  the  children 
educated,  and  all  the  souls  converted. 

There  is,  however,  one  point  on  which  the  papacy 
miagines  that  it  may  claim  a  triumph,  that  is,  unity;  and 
yet  on  this  very  point  it  fails.  Roman  Catholics  know 
no  other  unity  than  that  of  the  disciples  of  human 
science,— of  mathematics,  for  example.  Just  as  all  the 
pupils  in  a  school  are  agreed  about  the  theorems  of 
Euclid,  the  papacy  requires  that  all  the  faithful,  who  in 
her  opinion  ought  to  be  nothing  but  pupils,  should  be 
agreed  about  the  dogmas  which  she  estabhshes  in  her 
councils  or  in  her  Vatican  retreats.     Unity,  she  says,  is 


CHAP.  I.  EFFECTS    OF    THE    REFORMATION.  313 

the  assertion  of  the  same  decrees.  The  Gospel  is  not 
satisfied  with  this  scholastic  uniformity;  it  demands  a 
union  more  intimate,  more  profound,  more  vital — at 
once  more  human  and  more  divine.  It  requires  that  all 
Christians  should  'be  hkeminded,  having  the  same  love, 
being  of  one  accord,  of  one  mind;'  a  true  'fellowship  of 
the  Spirit;'*  and  this  union  it  founds  upon  Christ,  on 
the  truth— 'that  there  is  no  salvation  in  any  other,'  and 
on  the  fact  that  all  those  who  are  saved  have  in  Him 
the  same  righteousness,  the  same  redemption. f  Christ 
reveals  the  divine  nature  of  Christian  unity,— '  I  in 
them,'  he  said,  'that  they  maybe  one  as  we  are  one.' J 
This  is  assuredly  something  different  from  the  mechan- 
ical and  scholastic  unity  of  which  the  Koman  doctors 
make  their  boast.  The  unity  of  the  Gospel  is  not  a 
crystalhzation  like  the  unity  of  Rome,  it  is  a  movement 
full  of  life. 

All  kinds  of  human  progress  date  from,  the  Reforma- 
tion. It  i)roduced  religious  progress  by  substituting  for 
the  forms  and  the  rites  which  are  the  essence  of  Romish 
religion,  a  life  of  communion  with  God.  It  produced 
moral  progress  by  introducing,  wherever  it  was  estab- 
lished, the  reign  of  conscience  and  the  sacredness  of  the 
domestic  hearth.  It  produced  political  aod  social  prog- 
ress by  giviDg  to  the  nations  which  accepted  it,  an  order 
and  a  freedom  which  other  nations  in  vain  strive  to 
attain.  It  produced  progress  in  philosophy  and  in  sci- 
ence, by  showing  the  uuity  of  these  human  forms  of 
teaching  with  the  knowledge  of  God.  It  produced  lU'og- 
ress  in  education,  the  well-being  of  communities,  the 
prosperity,  riches,  and  gi'eatness  of  nations.  The  Refor- 
mation, originating  in  God,  beneficially  develops  what 
pertains  to  man.  And  if  pride  and  passion  sometimes 
happen  to  impede  its  movement,  and  to  thrust  within 
its  chariot  wheels  the  clubs  of  incredulity,  it  presently 

*  Phil.  ii.  1,2.  t  Acts  iv.  12. 

X  John  xvii.  22,  23. 
VOL.    vni. — 14 


314 


THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE. 


breaks  tliem,  and  pursues  its  victorious  course.  Its  pace 
is  more  or  less  speedy;  various  circumstances  make  it 
slow  or  swift;  but  if  at  one  time  it  is  slackened,  at 
another  time  it  is  accelerated.  It  has  been  in  action  for 
three  centuries,  and  has  accomplished  more  in  this  time 
than  had  been  effected  in  the  jDreceding  sixteen  centuries. 
It  is  upheld  by  a  mighty  hand.  If  the  truth  which  was 
again  brought  to  light  in  the  sixteenth  century  should 
once  more  be  entombed,  then  the  sun  being  veiled  the 
earth  would  be  covered  with  darkness;  it  would  no 
longer  be  possible  to  discern  the  way  of  salvation;  moral 
force  would  disappear,  freedom  would  depart,  modern 
civilization  would  once  more  sink  into  barbarism,  and 
humanity,  deprived  of  the  only  guide  competent  to  lead 
it  on,  would  go  astray  and  perish  hopelessly  in  the 
desert. 

We  have  narrated  in  our  early  volumes  the  great 
achievements  of  the  Eeformation  in  Germany,  at  Worms, 
Spire,  Augs*burg,  and  elsewhere.  While  these  events 
were  astonishing  all  Europe,  the  Spirit  of  God  was  gen- 
tly breathing,  souls  were  silently  awakening,  churches 
were  forming,  and  the  Christian  virtues  were  springing 
up  afresh  in  Christendom.  What  took  place  at  that 
period  was  very  much  like  what  frequently  happens  in 
the  world  of  natui^e.  In  the  higher  regions  there  are 
great  gales,  clouds  charged  with  electricity,  thunders, 
lightnings,  and  torrents  of  rain.  Then  in  the  lower 
regions,  in  the  valleys  and  on  the  plains,  the  fields 
refreshed,  reviving,  grow  green  again,  'and  the  earth 
brings  forth  first  the  fruit,  then  the  ear,  after  that  the 
full  corn  in  the  ear.' 

The  Eeformation  had  made  great  progress  in  Ger- 
many. The  Word  of  God  everywhere  advanced  with 
much  power;  and  the  waters  which  had  gushed  forth  at 
AVittenberg,  spreading  around,  quenched  the  thirst  of 
many  souls.  Believers  were  found  in  all  classes,  but 
especially  among  the  traders  of  the  towns. 


CHAP.  I.  JOHN    BUGEXHAGEN.  315 

In  an  island  of  tlie  Baltic,  formed  by  the  two  eastern 
arms  of  the  Oder,  and  belonging  to  Pomerania,  stands 
the  small  town  of  \Yollin,  formerly  a  nest  of  Danish 
pirates.  Here  was  born,  on  June  24,  1485,  a  man  of 
singular  goodness,  who  became  one  of  the  champions  of 
Christian  civilization  in  the  sixteenth  century,  John,  son 
of  the  councillor  Gerard  Bugenhagen.  He  entered  in 
1502  the  university  of  Greifswald,  a  town  situated  on  the 
same  sea,  and  ap^Dlied  himself  to  the  study  of  languages, 
the  humanities,  and  also  theology.  In  1505  he  went  to 
Treptow,  another  town  on  the  Baltic,  further  eastward, 
and  was  appointed  rector  of  the  school.  He  was  so  suc- 
cessful as  a  teacher  that  Bodelwin,  abbot  of  a  neighbor- 
ing convent,  invited  him  to  become  professor  of  theology 
in  a  college  instituted  for  the  teaching  of  the  sciences. 
Here  he  expounded  the  Scriptures,  for  the  most  part  ac- 
cording to  the  views  of  Augustine  and  Jerome.  Priests, 
monks,  and  townsmen  came  to  hear  him;  and  although 
he  was  not  ordained,  his  friends  strongly  urged  him  to 
preach.  This  he  did,  to  the  great  delight  of  his  hearers, 
among  whom  were  some  of  noble  rank.* 

'  Alas ! '  said  Bugenhagen,  afterwards,  '  I  was  still  in 
the  strait  bonds  of  pharisaic  piety,  and  I  had  no  true 
understanding  of  the  Holy  Scriptures.  We  were  all  so 
deeply  sunk  in  the  doctrine  of  the  pope,  that  we  had  not 
even  a  wish  to  know  the  doctrine  of  the  Word  of  God.' 
There  were  however  desires  and  longings  in  his  heart; 
but  what  he  wanted  remained  as  a  writing  in  cipher,  of 
w^hich  he  was  unable  to  discover  the  key.  It  was  quite 
suddenly  at  last  that  he  found  it. 

Towards  the  close  of  1520,  he  dined  with  some  pro- 
fessors and  friends  at  the  house  of  Otto  Slutov,  one  of 
the  patricians  of  the  town  and  inspector  of  the  church  of 
Treptow.     Slntov  had  just  received  a  copy  of  Luther's 

*  'Obter  nun  wohl  noch  niclit  geweyhet  war,  vermahneten  ihn 
docli  gute  Freunde  offentlicli  zu  predigen.' — Seckendorf,  Bisl.  des 
Lutherthums,  p.  43-1. 


316  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xvi. 

*Babylonisli  Captivity.'  'You  must  read  that,'  he  said 
to  Bngenhagen,  as  he  laid  the  volume  upon  the  tabic, 
around  which  the  guests  were  seated.  Availing  himself 
of  the  invitation,  the  rector  turned  over  the  leaves  of  the 
book  during  dinner-time,  and  after  having  read  some 
passages  he  said  aloud  to  the  company  present, — '  Since 
the  birth  of  Christ,  many  heretics  have  attacked  and 
roundly  abused  the  church;  but  among  them  there  has 
not  been  one  more  execrable  than  the  man  who  has 
written  this  book.'  He,  however,  took  away  the  volume 
by  leave  of  his  host,  read  it  and  reread  it,  meditated  and 
dehberately  weighed  its  contents;  and  at  each  perusal 
scales  seemed  to  fall  fi'om  his  eyes.  Some  days  after- 
wards, finding  himself  in  the  same  company,  he  made 
a  confession  to  them.  '  A^Tiat  shall  I  say  to  you  ?  The 
whole  world  is  blind  and  plunged  in  the  deepest  dark- 
ness. This  man  alone  sees  the  truth.'  He  read  to  his 
friends  page  after  page,  undertook  the  defence  of  each 
paragraph,  and  brought  most  of  them  to  the  same  con^dc- 
tions  that  he  had  received  himself.  J.  Kyrich,  J.  Lorich, 
the  deacon  Kettelhut,  Abbot  Bodelwin  and  others  ac- 
knowledged the  errors  of  the  papacy,  and  endeavored  to 
turn  people  from  theii'  superstitions  and  to  make  kno^-n 
to  them  the  merits  of  Jesus  Christ.  This  was  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Reformation  in  Pomerania. 

Bugenhagen  began  to  read  Luther's  other  writings; 
and  he  was  especially  charmed  with  his  exposition  of  the 
difference  betw^een  the  Law^  and  the  Gospel,  and  of  the 
doctrine  of  justification  by  faith.  Persecution  soon  be- 
gan, instigated  by  the  bishop  of  Camin.  Bugenhagen, 
who  earnestly  desired  to  see  the  places  whence  the  light 
had  come,  betook  himself  to  Wittenberg,  arriving  there 
in  1521,  shortly  before  the  departure  of  the  reformer  to 
Worms.  The  Pomeranian  w\as  joyfully  received  by  Lu- 
ther and  Melanchthon,  who  thenceforth  usually  called 
him  'Pomeranus.'  His  desire  was  to  be  a  student,  not 
a  teacher;  but  having  begun,  in  his  own  room,  to  explain 


CH.VP.  I.  CONVERSION    OF    BUGENHAGEN.  317 

the  Psalms  to  his  countrymen,  he  did  this  with  so  much 
clearness,  such  unction  and  evangelical  life,  that  Melanch- 
thon  requested  him  to  give  the  course  publicl}'.  He  now 
became  one  of  the  professors  of  the  University,  and  at  the 
same  time  pastor  of  the  parish  church.  He  was  after- 
wards (1536)  appointed  superinteudent-generaL  Me- 
lanchthon  and  Pomeranus  completed,  each  on  his  special 
side,  the  work  of  Luther.  Melanchthon  did  so  in  the 
scientific  sphere,  by  means  of  his  classical  culture,  and 
in  the  political  sphere  by  his  discretion.  Pomeranus, 
though  undoubtedly  inferior  to  both  of  them,  had  great 
exi^erieuce  and  much  knowledge  of  men,  and  he  pos- 
sessed at  the  same  time  gentleness  and  firmness,  abun- 
dance of  tact  and  a  practical  turn  of  mind,  and  to  all 
these  qualities  he  added  energetic  activity.  He  was  thus 
enabled  to  render  great  services  in  all  that  related  to 
ecclesiastical  organization.*  There  was  hardly  an  impor- 
tant church  in  whose  formation  his  assistance  was  not 
sought.  We  have  already  met  with  him  in  Denmark.f 
We  have  elsewhere  seen  how  the  Gospel  had  been 
brought  to  Erfurt  by  Luther  and  by  Lange,  how^  Fred- 
erick Myconius,  converted  partly  by  Tetzel's  excesses, 
had  preached  the  Gospel  at  Zwdckau,  and  how  the  word 
had  renovated  other  towns  in  connection  with  Witten- 
berg. When  a  friend  of  Luther,  Nicholas  Hausmann  for 
instance,  was  called  to  some  place  for  the  work  of  the 
Reformation,  and  came  to  ask  the  great  doctor's  advice, 
the  latter  answered:  'If  you  accept  the  call,  you  will 
make  enemies  of  the  pope  and  the  bishops;  but  if  you 
decline  it,  you  will  be  the  enemy  of  Christ.'  This  was 
enough  to  induce  them  to  enter  upon  the  work. J  The 
evangehcal  doctrine  had  been  pubhcly  preached  at  Frank- 

*  Seckendorf,  Hist,  des  Lniherihums,  p.  435,  &c.  Cramer,  Pomer. 
Chr.     Herzog's  Theol.  Ency.  ii.,  and  various  biographies. 

t  History  of  the  Eeformatlon,  second  series,  vii.  p.  270. 

t  '  Si  pasturam  assumis,  papre  et  episcoporum  hostem  te  facies; 
si  repuguaveris  Christi  hostis  eris.'— Gerdesins,  Hist  Ref.  ii.  p.  50. 


318  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xvi. 

fort-on-tlie-Main  by  Ibach,  just  after  tlie  famous  diet  of 
Worms.  Assemblies  of  evangelical  deputies  had  been 
held  there  in  June,  1530,  December,  1531,  and  May, 
1536,  and  this  town  had  joined  the  alliance  of  Smalkalde. 
The  cities  of  Lower  Saxony  were  the  first  to  be  touched 
by  the  Hght  which  proceeded  from  electoral  Saxony. 
Magdeburg,  where  Luther  had  been  at  school  and  had 
personal  friends,  had  early  shown  itself  friendly  to  evan- 
gelical principles.  One  day,  an  old  clothier  came  and 
stood  at  the  foot  of  the  monument  erected  in  this  town 
to  the  illustrious  Emperor  Otto  the  Great,  in  memory 
of  his  conquests  in  the  tenth  century;  and  the  zealous 
partisan  of  the  spiritual  conqueror  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tur}^  began  to  sing  one  of  Luther's  hymns  and  to  sell 
copies  of  it.  People  were  at  the  time  coming  out  of  a 
neighboring  church,  where  mass  had  been  said.  Many 
had  received  the  leaf,  but  the  burgomaster  who  was  pass- 
ing with' others  of  the  faithful  had  the  seller  arrested. 
This  caused  the  fire  which  was  smoulderiog  under  the 
embers  to  flame  forth.  The  parishioners  of  St.  Ulrich 
assembled  in  the  cemetery,  elected  eight  good  men  to 
undertake  the  government  of  the  church.  The  parish  of 
St.  John  took  part  in  the  movement;  and  all  declared 
that  they  attached  themselves  to  their  sovereign  pastor, 
bishop,  and  pope,  Jesus  Christ,  and  were  ready  to  fight 
bravely  under  this  glorious  captain.  On  June  23,  1524, 
the  citizens  met  together  in  the  convent  of  the  Augus- 
tines  with  seven  evangelical  pastors,  and  determined  to 
request  the  Council  that  nothing  but  the  Word  of  God 
should  any  longer  be  preached,  and  that  the  Lord's  Sup- 
per should  be  administered  regularly  in  both  kinds.  On 
July  17,  the  communion  was  thus  celebrated  in  all  the 
churches;  and  the  town-council,  on  the  23d  of  the  same 
month,  informed  the  elector  that  'the  immutable  and 
eternal  Word  of  God,  hitherto  obscured  by  thick  shad- 
ows, now  shone  forth,  by  God's  mercy,  more  brightly 
than  the  sun,  for  the  salvation  of  sinners,  the  happiness 


<^HAP.  I.  REFORMATION  AT  BRUNSWICK.  319 

of  the  faithful,  and  the  glory  of  God.'  *     They  requested 
the  elector  at  the  same  time  to  send  Amsdorff  to  them. 

Brunswick  followed  next.  The  Eeformation  was  in- 
troduced into  this  to\vn  chiefly  by  means  of  Luther's 
hymns,  which  were  sung  ahke  in  private  houses  and  in 
the  streets.  Incumbents  of  benefices  were  in  the  habit 
of  paying  young  ecclesiastics  to  preach  in  their  stead. 
These  deacons,  usually  called  'hireling  priests'  {Heuer- 
pfaffen),  generally  embraced  evangehcal  doctrines,  and 
induced  their  flocks  to  do  so  too.  Sometimes  one  of 
them  would  strike  up,  instead  of  the  hymn  to  the  Virgin 
Mary,  one  of  these  new  German  hymns,  and  all  the  con- 
gregation would  sing  it  with  him.  The  clergy  endeav- 
ored to  maintain  the  Scholastic  doctrine;  but  if  the 
people  heard  from  the  hps  of  their  old  pastors  false 
quotations  from  the  Holy  Scriptures,  voices  were  raised 
in  all  directions  to  correct  them.  The  ecclesiastics  in 
oflice  then  summoned  to  their  aid  Doctor  Sprengel,  a 
preacher  highly  esteemed  in  those  parts.  But  at  the 
close  of  his  sermon,  a  townsman  rose  and  said :  '  Priest, 
thou  Hest.'  He  then  struck  up  the  hymn  of  Luther 
beginning — 

0  Gott  vom  Himmel  sieh  darin— 

and  the  w^hole  congregation  sang  it  heartily  with  him. 
The  old  pastors  api)lied  to  the  Council  to  rid  them  of 
these  troublesome  deacons;  but  the  people,  on  the  other 
hand,  demanded  to  be  rid  of  their  useless  pastors. 

The  Council,  after  some  hesitation,  was  at  length  over- 
come by  the  evangelical  movement,  and  passed  a  decree 
(March  13, 1528)  that  the  pure  Word  of  God  alone  should 
be  preached  at  Brunswick.     'Christ  grant  that  his  glory 

*  'Das  untiberwindliclie  ewige  Worte  Gottes,  mit  einem  Sclintten 
verdunkelt,  nun  heller  als  die  Sonne.'— Seckendorf,  Uist.  ties  Luiher- 
thums,  p.  665.  Ranke,  Deutsche  Geschichte,  iii.  p.  376.  Gerdesius, 
Hist.  Eef.  ii.  p.  132. 


320  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xvi. 

may  increase !  '  *  said  Luther  when  lie  heard  the  news. 
At  the  same  time  the  Council  begged  the  Elector  of  Sax- 
ony to  send  Pomeranus,  who,  accordingly,  on  May  12, 
proceeded  to  Brunswick,  to  the  great  joy  of  all  the  peo- 
ple. So  admirably  did  he  execute  the  task  of  organiza- 
tion that  the  Brunswickers  entreated  the  Elector  to  allow 
him  to  remain  with  them  a  year  longer.  But  Luther 
assured  the  prince,  September  18,  1528,  that  the  doctor 
could  not  possibly  be  longer  spared.  'Wittenberg,'  he 
added,  'is  at  this  time  of  more  importance  than  three 
Brunswicks ! '  t  This  was  a  moderate  assertion;  Luther 
might  have  said  more.  For  the  church  of  Brunswick 
Pomeranus  drew  up  ordinances  on  schools,  preaching, 
the  church  festivals,  baptism,  the  Lord's  Supper,  and  dis- 
cipline. Sin  was  to  be  punished,  but  not  the  sinner.  He 
prepared  similar  constitutions  for  various  gi'eat  towns  in 
North  Germany.  The  mendicant  monks  now^  left  Bruns- 
wick, and  the  Reformation  was  established. 

The  assistance  of  Luther  and  Melanchthon  was  soon 
after  sought  by  a  more  important  town.  The  Gosj^el 
had  made  its  way  into  Hamburg;  but  the  j)riests  and 
especially  the  Dominican  Renssburg  opposed  it  with  all 
theh'  might.  The  citizens  required  of  the  Council  (April 
21,  1528)  that  the  preachers  should  be  examined  accord- 
ing to  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  that  all  those  who  were 
found  not  to  be  in  agreement  with  them  should  be  dis- 
missed. Next  day,  a  conference  between  the  two  parties 
was  held,  in  the  presence  of  the  senate  and  a  commission 
of  the  townsmen.  But  Eenssburg  spoke  in  Latin,  in 
order  that  the  laity  might  not  understand  him.  As  the 
Roman  Catholics  put  forward  exclusively  the  authority 

*  'Christus  faciat  gloriam  suam  crescere.'— Luther,  Epist.  iii.  p. 
290. 

t  *  So  liegt  auch  melir  au  Wittenberg  zu  dieser  Zeit  denn  an  drey 
Braunschweig.'— /{))(i  p.  377.  See  also  Kichter,  Evang.  Kirchen- 
ordnungen.  Seekendorf,  Hisi.  des  Lutherthums,  pp.  666,  919.  Ranke, 
Deutsche  Oeschichte,  iii.  p.  378. 


CHAP.  I.  HAMBURG    AND    LUBECK.  321 

of  the  Church,  five  of  their  number  were  banished  from 
the  town ;  and  some  of  the  most  influential  of  the  towns- 
men felt  it  necessary  to  escort  them,  lest  the  populace 
should  do  them  any  injury.  Pomeranus  was  at  this  time 
called  to  Hamburg,  to  organize  the  evangelical  church; 
and  when  the  Council  further  applied  for  an  extension  of 
the  time  of  his  sojourn,  Luther  on  this  occasion  sup- 
ported their  request.  Hamburg  was  for  him  undoubt- 
edly a  x^lace  of  greater  importance  than  Brunswick.  But 
the  town  made  very  large  demands.  On  May  12,  1529, 
Luther  wrote  to  the  Elector:  'The  Hamburgers  would 
fain  have  Pomeranus  stay  with  them  forever.'  *  Now, 
new  students  were  daily  arriving  at  Wittenberg,  and  the 
faculty  could  not  dispense  with  the  services  of  Pomeranus. 
Luther  therefore  entreated  the  Elector  to  recall  him,  and 
declared  himself  willing  to  persuade  the  Council  and  the 
University  to  do  the  same.  For  Hamburg  also  Pome- 
ranus drew  up  an  ecclesiastical  ordinance. 

At  Liibeck  a  powerful  and  compact  party,  composed 
of  the  clergy,  the  Council,  the  nobles,  and  the  principal 
men  of  business,  resisted  the  Keformation,  the  doctrines 
of  w^hich  were  steadily  gaining  ground  among  the  towns- 
men. A  psalm  in  German  having  been  sung  by  the 
domestic  servants  in  some  house,  the  whole  family  was 
punished,  and  Lather's  sermons  were  burnt  in  the  mar- 
ket-place in  1528.  Two  evangelical  ministers,  Wilhelmi 
and  Wahlhof,  were  expelled.  A  certain  priest,  John 
Kode,  preached  that  Christ  had  redeemed  only  the  fathers 
of  the  Old  Testament,  and  that  all  who  were  born  after 
him  must  obtain  their  salvation  by  their  own  merits. 
People  used  to  go  about  singing  to  him, — 

Celui  qni  doit  nous  mener  au  bercail, 
Nous  fait,  belas  !  tous  tomber  dans  la  fosse. 


*  'Dass  er  sollte  ewiglich  bey  Ihnen  bleiben.'— Luther,    Epist. 
hi.   p.    399.     Seckendorf,   Hist,   des  Luthedhians,   p.    92-1.     llicbter, 
Evang.  Kirchenonlnungcn. 
VOL.   vni. — 14* 


322  THE    REFOUMATIOX    IN    EUROPE.  book  xvi. 

At  a  great  meeting  of  the  townsfolk,  those  who  meant  to 
remain  Catholics  were  bidden  to  go  apart.  Only  one 
person  stirred  from  his  place.  The  Council  was  in  want 
of  money  and  demanded  it  of  the  townsmen,  who  in  reply 
demanded  religious  liberty.  In  1529  the  banished  min- 
isters were  recalled.  In  1530  the  Catholic  preachers  had 
to  evacuate  all  the  pulpits;  and  in  1531  Pomeranus  gave 
the  town  an  ecclesiastical  ordinance.* 


CHAPTER    IT. 

THE     PRINCIPALITY     OF     ANHALT. 

(1522—1532.) 

t 

The  Reformation  met  with  difficulties  in  the  princi- 
pality of  Anlialt,  but  the  young  princes  w^ho  now  ruled 
the  two  duchies  of  which  the  principality  consisted,  had 
had  a  pious  mother,  and  the  seed  which  her  hand  had 
sown  in  their  hearts  overcame  all  obstacles.  One  of  the 
princes,  Wolfgang,  had  held  intercourse  with  Luther  as 
early  as  1522  and  had,  as  we  have  seen,  most  wilhngly 
signed  the  Confession  of  Augsburg. f  The  other  three, 
however,  had  not  followed  his  example.  John,  on  the 
contrar}^,  had  signed  the  Compromise  of  Augsburg,  and 
it  was  Dot  easy  for  him  to  draw  back.  Surrounded  by 
powerful  neighbors  entirely  devoted  to  Rome,  the  elector 
of  Brandenburg,  Duke  George  of  Saxony,  and  the  arch- 
bishop elector  of  Mentz,  it  seemed  scarcely  possible  for 
them  to  extricate  themselves  from  the  net.  Joachim  was 
of  a  feeble  and  gloomy  temper.     Moreover,  Prince  George 

*  Seckendorf,  Blsi.  des  Lutherthuma,   p.  1160.     Kanke,  Deutsche 
Geschichte,  iii.  p.  384.     Richter,  Evnng.  Klrchenordnungen. 
f   llintory  of  the  Reformation,  First  Series,  vol.  iv.  book  xiv.  chap.  6. 


CHAP.  II.  DUKE    GEORGE    OF    AXHALT.  323 

was  an  ecclesiastic  at  tlie  age  of  eleven,  a  canon  of  Merse- 
burg  since  1524,  and  provost  of  the  chapter  of  Magde- 
burg, and  seemed  to  be  called  to  the  highest  offices  of 
the  church.  He  was  born  at  Dessau  in  1501.  From  his 
childhood  he  had  shown  a  strong  attachment  to  church 
ceremonies  and  to  the  traditions  of  the  fathers;  and  the 
doctrines  of  Luther  were  afterwards  depicted  to  him  in 
the  blackest  colors.  'This  man,'  they  told  him,  'pro- 
scribes good  books,  authorizes  bad  ones,  and  abolishes 
all  the  holy  ordinances.  All  bis  followers  are  Donatists 
and  Wickliffites.'  He  was  henceforth  a  vehement  op- 
ponent of  a  system  which,  according  to  his  judgment, 
was  destructive  of  Christianity.  When  the  ministers  of 
Magdeburg  attempted  to  win  over  the  members  of  the 
Chapter  to  the  Reformation,  he  roughly  rebuked  them. 
As  he  was  an  honest  man  and  was  desirous  of  qualifying 
himself  to  contend  against  the  errors  of  the  Protestants, 
he  began  to  search  for  arguments  in  the  Holy  Scriptures 
and  in  the  fathers  of  the  church,  but  it  was  not  possible 
for  him  to  find  any.  On  the  contrary,  he  was  utterly 
astonished  to  find  that  Holy  Scripture  was  opposed  to 
many  of  the  established  customs  of  the  chui'ch;  and  that 
in  what  was  called  the  new  doctrine  there  were  many 
articles  which  were  found  in  the  Bible,  and  which  had 
been  held  by  the  fathers.  His  mother,  although  she 
continued  in  the  church  and  counselled  her  sous  not  to 
violate  its  unity,  had  believed  that  she  was  saved  by 
grace  alone,  and  had  with  special  emphasis  professed 
this  faith  at  the  time  of  her  death,  George  had  em- 
braced this  faith  at  an  early  age  ;  and  the  bishop  of 
Merseburg  had  confirmed  him  in  it  by  rebuking  one  day 
a  preacher  who  had  exalted  human  merits,  and  to  whom 
he  had  said  energetically:  'Not  a  single  living  man  is 
righteous.'  He  repeated  the  words  three  times  in  the 
presence  of  George;  and  now  George  found  the  doctrine 
distinctly  asserted  in  the  sacred  writings.  He  wondered 
within  himself  whether  it  could  be  on  this  account  that 


324  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xyi. 

the  friends  of  Eome  spoke  of  the  Bible  as  a  heretical 
book  and  forbade  people  to  read  it.  But  at  other  times 
recogniziog  in  it  this  truth,  of  which  God  had  kept  alive 
a  spark  in  his  heart, '*'  he  was  not  a  little  alarmed,  for  he 
saw  that  it  was  the  very  doctrine  of  Luther.  '  I  see,'  he 
said  to  himself,  '  that  the  fathers  very  much  praised  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  considered  them  the  foundation,  and 
would  have  no  other.'  And  now  the  doctors  of  the 
church  refuse  to  test  their  teaching  by  Scripture!  He 
therefore  j)ut  to  some  of  them  the  question  on  what 
basis  the  doctrines  of  the  church  were  made  to  rest;  and 
they  could  not  tell  him.  He  observed  at  the  same  time, 
in  many  of  those  who  defended  abuses,  spiteful  passions, 
injustice,  and  calumny;  and  honest  George  was  at  a  loss 
what  to  think  about  it.  He  fell  into  a  deep  melancholy, 
a  state  of  restlessness  and  distress  of  mind  which  nothing 
could  reheve.f  'On  the  one  hand,'  said  he,  'I  see  the 
building  threatening  to  fall;  on  the  other  I  see  troubles, 
disagreements,  and  the  revolt  of  the  peasants.'  Luther 
had  indeed  opposed  this  revolt;  but,  for  all  that,  the 
prince  was  terrified  and  in  great  distress.  'What  shall 
I  do  ?  Which  side  must  I  take  ?  God  grant  that  I  may 
determine  to  do  only  that  which  is  right,  and  resolve  not 
to  act  against  my  own  conscience.'  He  w^as  haunted  by 
these  thoughts  day  and  night.  At  a  later  time  he  said: 
'  How  many  a  night  have  I  been  agitated  and  depressed, 
suffering  unutterable  heaviness  of  heart.  Something 
dreadful  appeared  before  me ;  He  knows,  from  whom 
nothing  is  concealed.  My  whole  being  shuddered.  How 
often  this  passage  came  into  my  mind, — "The  sword  with- 
out, and  terrors  within."  I  could  do  nothing  else  but  cry 
unto  God,  as  a  poor  sinner  w^ho  supphcates  his  grace.' 

*  '  Anfiinglicli  iiicht  wenig  erschrockt,  weil  Gott,  in  seinem  Herzen 
dies  Fiinldein  immer  eibalten.'— Seckendorf,  Hist,  des  LiithertJiums, 
p.  1414. 

t  '  Welches  alles  bey  ihm  grosse  Betriibuiss,  Bekiimmerniss  nnd 
Hcrzeusangst  erweckt.'  -Seckendorf,  Uhi.  dea  Luiherthums,  p.  1415. 


CHAP.  n.  HIS    ZEAL    FOR    THE    TRUTH.  325 

In  1530  he  received  a  copy  of  the  CoDfession  of  Augs- 
burg, which  Wolfgang  had  signed.  He  had  up  to  this 
time  read  very  Httle  the  writings  of  the  reformers;  and 
he  found  that  the  evangehcal  doctrine,  as  set  forth  in 
this  document,  w^as  entirely  different  from  what  had  been 
told  him.  The  fundamental  doctrines  of  the  apostoHcal 
churches  were  clearly  asserted  in  it,  and  the  ancient  her- 
esies were  convincingly  refuted.  The  refutation  of  the 
Protestant  Confession  dra^\Ti  up  by  the  Roman  doctors 
disgusted  him.  He  now  began  to  read  the  works  of  Lu- 
ther, and  was  struck  by  the  fact  that  the  author  exhorted 
men  to  good  works,  although  he  would  have  no  one  place 
confidence  in  them.  He  found,  indeed,  that  Luther  was 
sometimes  rather  fiery;  'but,'  said  he,  'so  are  Jeremiah, 
Isaiah,  Ezekiel  and  other  prophets.'  He  found  that  the 
Gospel  of  Christ  was  again  in  the  pulpits.  He  recollect- 
ed that  his  mother  had  one  day  said  to  him  with  sor- 
row,— '  How  is  it  that  our  preachers,  when  they  have  to 
speak  of  the  Gospel  of  Christ,  do  so  with  less  warmth 
than  the  new  ministers?'  And  he  thought  within  him- 
self,— 'While  the  poor  people  to  whom  the  cowl  of  St. 
Francis,  satisfaction,  and  theii'  own  merits  are  recom- 
mended, die  wretchedly,  those  who  are  now  directed  to 
Jesus  Christ  leave  this  world  with  joyful  hearts.' 

Ere  long  this  prince,  who  was  subsequently  known  as 
George  the  Pious,  showed  himself  zealous  for  the  truth, 
and  gained  over  his  brothers  John  and  Joachim  to  the 
Gospel.  On  Holy  Thursday,  1532,  when  a  Dominican 
who  preached  at  Dessau  had  vigorously  contended 
against  the  practice  of  administering  the  Sapper  in 
both  kinds,  George  dismissed  him.  The  three  brothers 
now  gave  complete  freedom  to  the  Reformation.  Duke 
George  of  Saxony  took  care  to  warn  them  that  they 
would  draw  upon  themselves  the  Emperor's  displeasure, 
and  that  George  would  not  attain  to  the  high  honors 
w^hich  he  had  had  reason  to  hope  for.  But  all  this  was 
ineffectual.     Towards  the  close  of  the  summer,  Luther 


326  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  svi. 

wrote  to  the  princes  in  the  following  terms:  'I  have 
heard,  illustrious  princes,  that  by  the  power  of  the  Spirit 
of  Christ  an  end  has  been  put  in  your  dominions  to 
impious  abuses,  and  that  you  have  introduced  the  prac- 
tices of  Christian  communion,  not  without  exposing 
yourselves  to  great  danger  and  to  the  threats  of  powerful 
princes.  I  give  God  thanks  that  He  has  imparted  to  the 
three  brothers  the  same  spirit  and  the  same  strength. 
Christ,  the  "weak"  king,  is  in  truth  and  forever  the 
king  almighty,  and  such  are  the  works  which  he  acconi- 
j^lishes.  He  acts,  he  lives,  he  speaks,  both  in  himself 
and  in  his  members.  The  beginnings  of  every  work  of 
God  are  weak,  but  the  results  are  invincibly  strong.  The 
roots  of  all  trees  are  at  first  mere  slender  filaments, 
or  rather  a  sort  of  pulp  which  solidifies;  nevertheless 
from  them  are  produced  those  huge  trees,  those  oaks, 
of  which  are  constructed  vast  buildings,  ships  and  ma- 
chines.* Jivery  work  of  God  begins  in  weakness  and  is 
completed  in  strength.  It  is  otherwise  with  the  works 
of  men.'  On  September  14,  Luther  sent  his  friend  Haus- 
mann  to  the  princes  as  pastor,  'a  man  who  loves  the 
Word  of  God  and  teaches  it  with  discretion.'  Prince 
George,  on  the  ground  of  his  ecclesiastical  offices,  con- 
sidered himself  to  be  invested  with  a  legitimate  authority 
in  the  church  of  his  own  dominions.  Luther  calls  him 
'  right  reverend  bishop.'  When  he  heard  how  much 
George  had  to  suffer  'on  the  part  of  Satan,  the  world, 
and  the  flesh,'  and  that  machinations  of  all  kinds  were 
set  on  foot  for  attacking  him,  he  made  haste  to  fortify 
him,  writing  to  him  as  follows: — 'Christ  himself  bath 
said — "Be  of  good  comfort,  I  have  overcome  the  world." 
If  the  world  be  overcome,  so  likewise  is  the  prince  of  the 
world;  for  when  a  kingdom  is  conquered  the  king  also 
is  conquered.     And  if  the  prince  of  this  world  be  con- 

*  'ODinium  arbornm  radices  in  i^riucipio  sunt  tenuia  fila  .  .  . 
et  tamen  producunt  trabes  et  robora  quibus  tante  moles  domonim, 
uaviuui,  et  macliinarum  coustruuntur.'— Luther,  Epist.  iv.  p.  400. 


CHAP.  n.  PRINCE    JOACHIM.  327 

quered,  all  that  proceeds  from  him  shares  his  defeat, — 
fury,  wrath,  sin,  death,  hell,  and  all  the  arms  in  which 
he  confidently  trusted.  Glory  be  to  God,  who  hath  given 
us  the  victory.'* 

Prince  Joachim,  a  feebler  man  than  George,  found 
himself  assailed  by  j)owerful  princes  who  exerted  them- 
selves to  turn  him  away  from  the  Gospel,  and  his  res- 
olution was  shaken.  Luther  therefore  endeavored  to 
strengthen  him.  'Let  your  Highness  but  call  to  mind,' 
said  he,  '  that  Christ  and  His  word  are  higher,  greater, 
and  surer  than  a  hundred  thousand  fathers,  councils, 
and  popes,  whom  the  Scriptures  call  sinners  and  sheep 
gone  astray.  Let  your  Highness  then  be  full  of  courage. 
Christ  is  greater  than  all  devils  and  all  princes.' f  A 
year  later,  Luther,  understanding  that  Joachim  had 
fallen  into  a  state  of  melancholy,  wrote  several  letters 
to  him.  *A  young  man  like  you,'  he  wrote  to  him, 
*  ought  to  be  always  cheerful.  I  counsel  you  to  ride  on 
horseback,  to  hunt,  to  seek  for  j^leasant  society  in  which 
you  may  piouslj^  and  honorably  enjoy  yourself.  Solitude 
and  melancholy  are  penalties  and  death  for  all,  but  espe- 
cially for  a  young  man.  God  commands  us  to  be  joyful. 
"Rejoice,"  says  the  Preacher,  "rejoice,  O  young  man, 
in  thy  youth,  and  let  thy  heart  cheer  thee  in  the  days 
of  thy  youth."  '  | 

On  March  IG,  1534,  a  meeting  was  held  of  all  the  eccle- 
siastics of  the  principality  of  Anhalt;  when,  in  spite  of 
the  opposition  of  the  archbishop,  they  were  ordered  to 
celebrate  the  Lord's  Supper,  according  to  the  institution 
of  Christ.  Prince  George  appointed  to  the  livings  men 
who  had  studied  at  "Wittenberg,  and  sent  his  candidates 
to  Luther  for  examination  and  consecration. 

The  country,  which  takes  its  name  from  the  ancient 
castle  of  Anhalt,  the  walls  of  which  are  still  to  be  seen 

*  '  Victo  regno,  victus  est  rex.' — Lnther,  Episf.  iv.  p.  440. 
t   'CbrisUis  ist  grosser  dauu  alle  Fiirsten.' — Epist  iv.  j).  448. 
X  Eccles.  xi.  9. 


328  THE    REFORMATION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xvi. 

iu  the  forest  of  Harzegerocle,  was  one  of  tliose  in  which 
the  Reformation  was  most  peacefully  carried  out. 

■\Ve  have  elsewhere  treated  of  the  reformation  of  Bre- 
men, of  xlugsburg,  and  of  Wiirtemberg.  Pomerania  was 
not  yet  reformed,  although  Pomeranus,  the  reformer  to 
whom  it  had  given  birth,  took  so  prominent  a  part  in 
the  work  in  many  towns  and  countries.  The  duke,  Bo- 
gislas,  and  the  bishoj)  of  Camin  were  resolutely  opposed 
to  the  Reformation;  but  here  and  there  amongst  the 
townsmen  were  ardent  aspirations  towards  the  Gospel; 
and  occasionally,  likewise,  there  were  excesses  and  de- 
struction of  images.  The  clergy  and  the  nobles  w^ere  on 
the  side  of  the  pope;  the  towns  were  for  the  Bible;  and 
the  two  camps  were  almost  at  war.  The  duke  on  his 
travels,  in  1523,  passed  through  Wittenberg,  and  the 
bishop  of  Camin,  as  curious  as  the  duke,  appears  to  have 
accompanied  him.  The  reformer  in  his  sermon  spoke, 
amongst  other  things,  of  the  carelessness  and  luxury  of 
bishops.  The  duke  smiled  and  looked  at  his  compan- 
ion.* Bogislas  sent  for  Luther,  conversed  with  him  in 
a  friendly  manner,  and  said:  'I  should  like  for  once  to 
confess  to  3'ou.'  'I  am  quite  willing,'  said  the  reformer; 
'  my  only  fear  is  that  as  your  Highness  is  a  great  prince, 
you  are  also  a  great  sinner.'  The  duke  made  frank  reply 
that  this  was  only  too  true.  The  duke  felt  also  the  in- 
fluence of  his  son,  the  young  prince  Barnim,  who  had 
studied  at  Wittenberg  from  1518  to  1521,  and  who  had 
attended  the  disputation  at  Leipsic  in  1519.  His  brother 
George,  on  the  other  hand,  brought  up  at  the  court  of 
Duke  George  of  Saxony,  had  there  imbibed  a  hatred 
of  the  Gospel.  After  the  death  of  Bogislas,  these  two 
princes  became  leaders  of  the  two  opposing  parties. 
Barnim  sent  word  to  the  allies  of  Smalcalde — 'Wh;it  my 
brother  builds  up,  I  shall  cast  down.'  The  mother  of 
George  appeared  friendly  to  his  x^^^i'P^^^g;   and  her  son 

*  '  Solle  der  Herzog  geliichelt  unci  den  Bischof  angeseben  liaben. '  — 
Seckendorl",  Hist,  des  Luiherthums,  p.  599. 


CHAP.  II.  WESTPHALIA.  329 

Philip  having  come  to  an  understanding  with  Barnim, 
a  diet  was  convoked,  in  1533,  at  Treptow.  The  towns 
laid  before  it  a  scheme  of  reformation,  which  was  well 
received;  and  Pomeranus  was  summoned  to  settle  the 
new  order  of  things.  The  nobility,  however,  and  the 
clergy,  particularly  the  bishop  of  Camin,  still  energeti- 
cally opposed  the  evangelical  work. 

The  conflict  was  severe  in  Westphalia.*  Evangelical 
truth  was  well  received  in  some  places.  Children  used 
to  sing  Luther's  hymns  at  the  doors  of  houses;  the  mem- 
bers of  a  family  would  sing  them  by  the  fireside;  the 
most  fearless  ventured  to  do  the  same  in  the  open  air, 
at  first  in  the  evening  twilight,  and  then  in  the  daytime. 
At  length  some  ministers  arrived.  Monks  and  nuns  were 
now  seen  quitting  their  convents  and  embracing  the  Gos- 
pel. At  other  places,  as  for  instance  at  Lemgo,  the 
pastor,  at  first  stoutly  opposed,  would  set  out  for  some 
reformed  towTi  in  order  to  see  how  matters  were  going 
on  there,  and  on  his  return  would  reform  his  own  chuich. 
But  in  some  districts  violent  resistance  was  offered.  At 
Soest,  a  conflict  took  place  between  a  victim  and  the  ex- 
ecutioner. The  latter  having  made  an  ineffectual  stroke 
and  inflicted  only  a  severe  wound,  the  victim,  a  robust 
man  of  the  lower  class,  snatched  away  the  weapon,  re- 
pulsed the  executioner  and  his  assistant,  and  was  carried 
off  in  triumph  by  the  crowd  to  his  own  house,  where, 
however,  he  died  on  the  follow^ing  day,  of  the  blow  which 
he  had  received. 

In  other  places  a  struggle  between  cruelty  and  human- 
ity took  place  among  the  persecutors,  and  on  some 
occasions  humanity  triumphed.  At  Paderborn,  a  town 
in  which  Charlemagne  held  several  diets  and  where  many 
Saxons  were  baptized,  the  community  without  asking- 
leave  of  higher  authorities  had  opened  the  churches  to 
evangelical  preaching.  Hermann,  elector  of  Cologne, 
who  subsequently  entertained  very  diff'erent  views,  being 

*  Eanke,  Deutsche  Geschichte,  iii.  p.  492. 


330  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xvi. 

named  administrator  of  the  bishopric,  arrived  in  the 
town  attended  by  guards  and  by  influential  men  of  the 
country  who  were  devoted  to  the  x^apacy.  Appealed  to 
by  these  men,  by  the  chapter,  and  by  the  council  which 
implored  him  to  punish  the  illegal  proceedings  of  the 
townsfolk,  he  allowed  at  first  things  to  take  their  course. 
The  people  were,  however,  called  together  in  the  garden 
of  a  convent  at  which  the  elector  was  staying.  They 
were  told  that  he  was  desirous  of  taking  a  gracious  leave 
of  them.  The  townsfolk  arrived;  but  they  suddenl^^ 
found  themselves  encompassed  by  armed  men,  and  the 
leaders  of  the  evangelical  party  w^ere  seized  and  cast  into 
prison.  They  were  put  to  the  torture;  they  were  led  out 
to  the  scaffold,  around  which  the  people  were  gathered, 
and  the  approaches  to  which  were  covered  with  gravel 
intended  to  absorb  the  blood  of  the  victims,  and  there 
sentence  of  death  was  read  to  these  honest  and  pious 
citizens.  Ij^othing  now  remained  but  to  behead  them. 
The  chief  executioner  came  forward  and,  turning  to  Her- 
mann and  all  the  dignitaries  around  him,  said:  'These 
men  are  innocent,  I  would  sooner  die  than  behead  them.' 
At  the  same  time  a  voice  was  heard  from  the  midst  of 
the  crowd;  it  was  that  of  an  aged  man  who  came  for- 
ward with  difficult}',  leaning  on  his  staff.  'I  also  am 
guilty  like  those  you  have  condemned,  and  I  ask  to  be 
put  to  death  with  them.'  The  wives  and  daughters  of 
the  prisoners  had  assembled  in  a  neighboring  house. 
The  door  now  opened,  and  they  approached,  some  smit- 
ing themselves  on  the  breast,  others  with  dishevelled  * 
hair;  they  cast  themselves  at  the  feet  of  the  elector  and 
entreated  pardon  for  these  innocent  men.  Hermann, 
who  was  not  cruel,  could  not  refrain  from  tears,  and  he 

*  'Trateu  aus  einem  ualieu  Hause  die  Frauen  unci  Juugfraueu 
der  Stadt  hervor,  jeiier  mit  ofiener  Briist,  diese  mit  zerstreuten 
Haaren  .  .  .' — Eanke,  Deutsche  Geschichte,  iii.  p.  49G.  Hamel- 
niann,  Hist,  renovaii  Evangelii.  Seckeudorf,  Hist,  des  Lutherthums, 
p.  1291. 


CHAP.  m.  THE    SPIRITUALS.  331 

grauted  the  pardon  wliicli  was  sought  at  his  hands. 
Nevertheless,  the  evangehcal  doctrine  was  prohibited  in 
the  town.  The  people  were  even  forbidden  to  engage 
domestic  servants  who  came  from  places  where  the  new 
doctrine  was  professed.* 

We  have  elsewhere  seen  how  some  countries  and  towns 
more  or  less  recently  reformed,  had  felt  the  need  of  union 
after  the  decree  of  the  diet  of  Augsburg,  of  1530,  and 
had  formed  at  Smalcalde,  March  29,  1531,  an  alliance  for 
six  years,  by  which  they  engaged  to  defend  each  other,  f 
Under  these  cii'cumstances,  and  considering  that  the 
Sultan  Sol}TQan  was  advancing  towards  Austria  vdth  an 
immense  army,  the  Emperor  had  determined  to  treat 
with  the  Protestants,  and  the  religious  peace  of  Niirn- 
berg  was  concluded,  July  23,  1532.  The  leaguers  of 
Smalcalde,  nevertheless,  were  still  subject  to  molestation, 
for  various  reasons,  by  the  tribunals  of  the  Empire. 
The  landgrave  of  Hesse,  by  a  bold  measure,  re-estab- 
lished the  Protestant  duke,  Ulrich  of  Wiirtemberg,  in 
his  dominions,  thus  opening  them  to  the  Reformation 
and  increasing  the  power  of  the  League  of  Smalcalde. | 


CHAPTER    III. 

THK     TRIUMPH     OF     TUE     ANABAPTISTS    OF     MUNSTER. 
(1533.) 

Unfortunately,  there  was  going  on  at  this  time  a 
fanatical  movement,  which  the  Roman  Catholics  were 
fain  to  turn  to  account  against  the  Reformation,  but 
which  in  truth  furnished  no  ground  of  reproach  agaiust  it; 

*  Compromise  of  October  18,  1532. 

t  ITisf.  of  the  Beformaiion,  Second  Scries,  vol.  ii.  book  ii,  chap.  21. 
\  History  of  the  Reformation,   Second  Series,   vol.   ii.    chaps.    22 
and  23. 


332  THE    REFOUMATIOX    IN    EUROPE.  book  xvi, 

for  the  attitude  of  the  Reformation  towards  the  fanatics 
was  chiefly  one  of  resistance  and  suppression.  When 
after  a  long  winter  the  sj)ringtide  comes  again,  it  is  not 
only  the  good  seed  which  grows  up,  but  weeds  too  appear 
in  abundance.  It  could  not  happen  otherwise  in  this 
new  springtide  of  the  church,  which  is  called  the  Refor- 
mation. The  mightiest  power  of  the  Middle  Ages — the 
Papacy — was  assailed.  In  place  of  the  opinions  which  it 
had  professed  and  imposed  on  the  world  for  ceutuiies, 
the  reformers  presented  evangehcal  doctrine.  It  was 
easy  to  understand  that  not  all  who  rejected  the  view^s  of 
the  Roman  pontiffs  would  accept  those  of  the  reformers, 
but  that  many  would  invent  or  adopt  others. 

There  w^as  a  diversity  of  doctrines,  and  sometimes, 
even  within  the  limits  of  a  single  party,  all  manner  of 
opinions.  This  was  the  case  with  the  so-called  Spiritual^^j 
who  have  been  erroneously  named  Anabaptists,  for  oppo- 
sition to^fant  baptism,  so  far  from  being  their  distinct- 
ive doctrine,  was  hardly  their  badge.  They  held  in  gen- 
eral the  power  for  good  of  the  natural  will  (fi-ee-will). 
Haetzer  denied  the  divinity  of  Christ,  and  led  a  bad  life. 
Many  of  them  said,  'Christ  took  nothing  of  human 
nature  from  his  mother,  for  the  Adamic  nature  is  ac- 
cursed.' There  were  some  who  looked  upon  the  ob- 
servance of  Sunday  as  an  antichristian  practice.  These 
fanatics  fancied  themselves  alone  to  be  the  children  of 
God,  and  like  the  Israelites  of  old  believed  that  they 
were  called  to  exterminate  the  wicked.  Oue  of  this  sect, 
Melchior  Hoffmann,  after  being  in  turn  in  kings'  courts 
and  in  ignominious  imprisonment,  went  into  Alsace,  sup- 
posing that  at  Strasburg  the  new  Jerusalem  was  to  come 
down  from  heaven,  and  that  from  this  town  would  go 
forth  the  messengers  charged  to  gather  together  God's 
elect.  Almost  all  of  them  expected  that  the  end  of  the 
world  was  very  near  at  hand,  and  some  even  fixed  the 
day  and  the  hour. 

These  fanatics,  in  consequence  of  the  persecution  to 


CHAP.  m.  BERNARD    ROTTMANX.  333 

^vliich  tbey  were  subjected  in  Soiitli  Germany,  in  Switzer- 
land, and  in  Holland,  turned  their  steps  towards  the 
'regions  bordering  on  the  Rhine,  where  more  freedom  was 
to  be  enjoyed,  and  where  the  Reformation  was  not  yet 
thoroughly  organized.  Munster,  in  Westphalia,  was  a 
strong  town,  fortified  with  a  citadel,  and  the  seat  of  a 
bishop,  with  a  cathedral,  and  a  numerous  body  of  clergy. 
Near  the  town  stood  a  church  dedicated  to  St.  Maurice; 
here  a  false  reformer  preached  a  false  reformation.  This 
preacher  was  one  Bernard  Rottmann,  a  fiery  man,  eloquent 
and  daring,  who  had  to  some  extent  apprehended  the 
reformed  doctrine,  but  whose  heart  remained  unaflected 
by  it.  As  he  used  to  deliver  fine  discourses,  the  towns- 
people flocked  to  hear  him;  and  at  length  requested  that 
he  should  be  called  into  Munster.  Some  influential  men 
among  the  Roman  Catholics,  acquainted  with  the  man, 
and  anxious  to  avoid  any  disturbance,  offered  him  money 
to  go  away.*  Rottmann  accepted  the  money  and  took 
his  departure,  thus  giving  the  measui-e  of  his  faith  and 
zeal.  He  then  visited  several  towns  and  universities  in 
Germany,  but  made  no  stay  anywhere,  and  in  the  course 
of  a  few  months  returned  to  Munster.  Some  of  the  citi- 
zens and  the  ftopulace,  who  were  very  fond  of  listening  to 
his  declamation,  joyfully  welcomed  him;  but  the  bishop 
and  the  clergy  were  opposed  to  his  preaching  in  the 
churches.  His  partisans  now  set  up  a  pulpit  for  him  in 
the  market-place,  and  his  hearers  increased  in  number 
daily.  Two  pastors  from  Hesse,  taking  Rottmann  for  a 
minister  of  good  standing,  joined  him,  and  drew  uj)  a 
statement  of  the  errors  of  Rome  in  thu'ty-one  articles, 
and  submitted  it  to  the  council.  The  priests  were  then 
assembled  at  the  town-hall,  and  the  council  laid  the  doc- 
ument before  them.  'This  is  indeed  our  doctrine,'  they 
said,  'but  we  are  not  prepared  to  defend  it.'  They  were 
consequently  deprived.     The  bishop,   who    had    quitted 

*  '  Mediocrem  pecuniaj  summam  ei  dant  pontificii.' — Gcrdcsius, 
Hist.  lieform.  iii.  p.  93. 


334  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xvi. 

Munster,  resolved  to  cut  off  the  supply  of  food  to  tlie 
town — a  measiu-e  not  exactly  within  a  pastor's  function, 
whose  call  is  to  feed  his  flock.  The  townsmen,  provoked, 
arrested  most  of  the  canons  and  the  priests  and  impris- 
oned them;  and  it  was  arranged  in  1533,  that  evangelical 
doctrine  should  be  j^reached  in  the  six  churches  of  the 
town,  and  that  the  old  abuses  should  be  no  longer  allowed 
except  in  the  cathedral.* 

Among  the  most  respected  inhabitants  of  Munster  was 
the  syndic  Wiggers,  whose  wife,  continually  followed  by 
a  host  of  admirers,  was  a  person  of  doubtful  character. 
She  had  a  great  admiration  for  Bottmann,  and,  clever 
woman  as  she  was,  knew  how  to  captivate  him.  Her 
husband  died  shortly  afterwards,  and  the  rumor  was 
spread  that  she  had  poisoned  him.f  This  is,  however, 
uncertain.  Whatever  the  fact  may  be,  Rottmann  mar- 
ried her,  and  thus  showed  again,  that  although  he  was  a 
preacher  erf  the  Gospel,  he  did  not  practise  it.  Honor- 
able men  now  withdrew  from  his  society.  This  circum- 
stance, with  others,  drove  him  to  take  an  extreme  course. 

In  1533  a  very  large  number  of  enthusiasts  from 
the  Netherlands  arrived  at  Munster.  One  of  these,  Sta- 
preda,  from  Meui's,  became  Bottmann's  colleague,^  and 
preached  vigorously  their  particular  doctrines.  J  Rott- 
mann, abandoned  by  his  old  friends,  threw  himself  into 
the  arms  of  these  new  ones,  and  strongly  advocated  their 
views.  Great  alarm  was  excited  in  Hesse.  Hermann 
Busch,  of  Marburg,  came  to  Munster  to  oppose  the 
fanatics,  and  in  consequence  of  a  dispute  between  him 
and  Rottmann  the  adherents  of  the  latter  received  or- 
ders to  leave  the  town.  They  concealed  themselves  for  a 
time  and  then  reappeared.    The  pastor  Fabritius,  sent  to 

*  'Unci  allcin  im  Tbiirme  die  alten  Missbrauche  beybobalten 
wurden.' — Seckendorf,   Hist,  des  Lutherthums,  p.   IIGS. 

t  'Amore  Rotmani  viriim  veneno  iuteremit.' — Manlius,  Excerpta, 
p.  485. 

X  Sleidan,  De  statu  religionis,  lib.  x. 


CHiP.  ra.  MATTIIISSON    AND    BOCKHOLD.  335 

Mimster  by  the  laudgrave  of  Hesse,  who  was  gi^owing 
more  and  more  alarmed,  earnestly  exhorted  the  senate 
and  the  people  to  be  steadfast  in  sound  doctrine.  But 
one  of  the  visionaries,  pretending  to  be  led  by  divine 
inspiration,  went  about  the  town  towards  the  end  of 
December,  1533,  exclaiming:  'Repent  ye  and  be  baptized, 
or  the  wrath  of  God  will  destroy  you.'  *  Ignorant  men 
w^ere  filled  with  terror  and  hastened  to  obey. 

At  the  beginning  of  1534,  the  strength  of  the  party 
was  augmented  by  the  arrival  of  some  famous  recruits. 
On  January  13  two  men  made  their  entrance  into  Mun- 
ster,  strangely  apparelled,  with  an  air  of  enthusiasm  in 
their  countenances  and  in  their  actions,  and  honored  by 
the  visionaries  as  their  leaders.  These  were  a  prophet 
and  an  apostle;  the  former,  John  Matthisson,  a  baker  from 
Haarlem,  the  latter,  John  Bockhold,  a  tailor  from  Ley- 
den.f  Bockhold  had  made  his  journeyman's  tour,  had 
run  over  Germany,  and  also,  it  was  said,  had  visited  Lis- 
bon. On  returning  to  his  native  land,  he  had  taken  a 
sho^)  at  Leyden,  near  the  gate  which  leads  to  the  Hague. 
The  working  men  who  rallied  round  the  prophet  had  in 
general  very  little  relish  for  w^ork.  This  youthful  tailor, 
for  example,  felt  it  very  irksome  to  sit  all  day  with  his 
legs  crossed,  threading  needles  and  sewing  pieces  of  stuff 
and  buttons.  General  tradition  represents  Bockhold  as 
a  tailor,  but  it  is  stated  by  some  writers  that  he  was  a 
cloth-merchant.  His  father  held  some  office  in  the  ma- 
gistracy at  the  Hague;  but  his  mother,  a  native  of  West- 
phalia, belonged  to  the  servant  class.  However  this  may 
be,  he  gave  up  his  shoj),  and  took,  in  conjunction  with 
his  wife,  a  public- bouse  for  the  sale  of  beer  and  other 
drinks;  and  here  he  led  a  gay  and  even  a  dissolute  life. 
The  new  tavern-keeper  had  not  read  much,  but  he  had 
a  certain  amount  of  education  and  a  good  address.     He 

*   '  Sin  minus  jam  ira  Dei  vos  obruet.' — Gerdesius,  iii.  p.  98. 

t   'Johannes  a  Leidis  artificio  sartut:' — Coclilaeus,  Acta  Lulheri, 


330  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xti. 

was  keen,  crafty,  ambitious,  daring,  eTbquent,  and  full  of 
animation.*  There  were  at  tliis  time  in  most  of  the 
towns  in  the  Netherlands,  and  particularly  at  Leydeu, 
poetical  societies;  and  John  Bockhold  was  ambitious  to 
shine  as  an  orator.  He  made  speeches  which  were  re- 
markable for  Huency  and  copiousness  of  diction.  He  even 
composed  comedies  and  acted  in  them.  He  took  part 
in  the  conversations,  and  caught  the  spirit  of  opposition 
to  the  church  which  prevailed  in  these  assembhes.  He 
made  acquaintance  with  some  of  the  enthusiasts;  was 
fascinated  by  the  notion  of  a  new  kingdom  in  which  they 
were  to  be  leading  men;  and  thought  that  he  should  be 
able  to  find  there  better  than  elsewhere  a  great  part  to 
play  himself.  Matthisson,  as  we  have  stated  chose  Bock- 
hold for  one  of  his  apostles. 

At  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  these  two  men,  there  was 
living  at  Munster  a  notable  townsman  named  Bernard 
Knipperdolling.  This  man  having  been  in  Sweden  had 
associated  with  some  of  the  enthusiasts  of  that  country. 
He  was  now  eager  to  receive  into  his  house  two  persons 
already  so  famous.  The  latter  set  to  work  without  delay. 
Their  wish  was  to  make  Munster  the  capital  of  the  sect, 
and  with  a  view  to  this  they  made  use  of  all  means  cal- 
culated to  gain  over  men's  minds.  By  their  figure,  theii* 
unusual  attire,  their  fervor,  their  eloquence,  and  their  en- 
thusiasm, they  produced  a  powerful  impression.  These 
men  were  bold,  but  also  shrewd,  and  sought  to  propitiate 
every  body.  Bockhold  succeeded  even  in  gaining  access 
to  the  evangelical  ministers.  He  spoke  to  them  at  first 
in  the  pure  language  of  the  Gospel;  then  he  asked  one 
or  another,  what  he  thought  of  this  or  that  point  on 
which  the  visionaries  had  peculiar  views.  If  their  an- 
swers were  not  such  as  he  required,  or  if  x^assages  of 
Scripture  were  noted  in  support  of  their  opinions,  he 
would  smile,  and  sometimes  shrug  his  shoulders.     It  was 

*  Gerdesius,  Hist.  Reform,  iii.  p.  95.  Eanke,  Deutsche  Geschichte, 
iii.  p.  531. 


CHAP.  m.  THEIR    PROCEEDINGS    AT    MUNSTER.  337 

not  long  before  his  friends  and  he  openly  proclaimed  the 
new  kingdom  of  which  they  were  the  forerunners.  But 
the  evangelical  ministers  imjolored  the  people  to  remain 
faithful  to  pure  doctrine  and  to  maintain  it  against  the 
fanatics.* 

Women  were  the  first  to  believe  in  that  earthly  and 
heavenly  kingdom  which  was  thus  proclaimed,  and  which 
was  flattering  at  the  same  time  to  their  senses  and  their 
understanding.  First  some  nuns,  then  some  women  of 
the  middle  class,  and  afterwards  men  embraced  the  doc- 
trines published  by  Bockhold.  Eottmann,  who  by  his 
wrong-doing  had  forfeited  the  good  opinion  of  the  evan- 
gelicals, now  threw  himself  into  the  arms  of  the  new 
party,  which  received  him  most  favorably;  and  he  began 
to  preach  with  his  utmost  eloquence  the  fantastic  king- 
dom of  the  visionaries.  The  crowd  that  flocked  to  listen 
to  his  sermons  was  immense,  and  to  hear,  people  said, 
was  to  be  converted.  The  report  became  current  that 
he  possessed  a  secret  charm,  of  such  sovereign  power 
that  all  persons  on  whom  he  chose  to  practise  it  were 
immediately  enchanted  and  bound  to  the  sect.  It  was 
the  charm  of  novelty,  of  pride,  and  of  error.  Women, 
who  joined  the  party,  sharply  rebuked  the  burgomaster 
because  he  was  friendly  to  Fabritius,  the  pious  evangel- 
ical minister  fi^om  Hesse,  who  declined  to  become  a  con- 
vert to  the  new  kingdom.  Working  men  wanted  to  be 
reputed  masters.  A  blacksmith's  boy  began  to  preach 
the  new  Gospel;  and  when  the  council  ordered  him  to  be 
imprisoned,  all  his  comrades  assembled  and  compelled 
the  magistrate  to  release  him. 

A  collision  between  the  two  parties  seemed  inevitable. 
On  Februrary  8  (1534),  the  enthusiasts,  beheving  them- 
selves strong  enough,  took  up  arms  and  suddenly  seized 
the  great  square;  the  evangehcals  remaining  masters  of 
the  walls  and  the  gates  of  the  cit3\     The  latter  were  the 

*  'Et  a  fanaticis  hominibus  incorruptam  defendere. ' — Gerdesius, 
Hist  Reform,  iii.  p.  95. 
VOL.    vni. — 15 


338  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xvt. 

stronger  party,  and  many  talked  of  making  an  attack 
with  artillery  upon  the  fanatical  multitude  and  of  expel- 
ling the  intruders  from  the  town.  While  the  most  pru- 
dent men  were  engaged  in  deliberation,  the  illumines  had 
the  strangest  visions.  'I  see,'  said  one,  'a  man  with  a 
golden  crown;  in  one  hand  he  holds  a  sword,  in  the 
other  a  rod.'  Many  declared  that  '  the  town  was  filled 
with  ruddy-brown  flames,  and  that  the  horseman  of  the 
Apocalyj^se,  mounted  on  a  white  horse,  was  advancing, 
conquering  and  to  conquer.'  The  good  pastor  Fabritius, 
whom  they  had  scandalously  insulted,  pleaded  on  behalf 
of  them.  He  entreated  that  the  mad  ones  should  be 
leniently  dealt  with.  In  other  quarters  it  was  expected 
that  there  would  be  a  vigorous  resistance  and  great 
slaughter.  Men  of  conciliatory  disposition  would  fain 
avoid  shedding  the  blood  of  their  fellow-citizens;  and 
some  were  afraid  that  the  bishojD,  who  was  near  with  his 
troops,  would  take  advantage  of  the  conflict  to  get  pos- 
session of  the  town.*  Two  proposals  were  made  to  the 
visionaries;  liberty  secured  to  both  sides  in  matters  of 
rehgion,  but  submission  to  the  magistrates  in  civil  mat- 
ters. This  was  a  victory  for  the  enthusiasts;  the}^  were 
triumphant,  and  'then*  countenances,'  says  one  of  them- 
selves, 'became  of  a  magnificent  color.' f 

This  was,  indeed,  the  beginning  of  theu'  kingdom. 
They  now  summoned  their  adepts  to  Munster  from  all 
quarters,  and  these  came  in  crowds,  especially  from  Hol- 
land. The  period  for  the  election  of  the  Council  hav- 
ing arrived  (February  20,  1534),  not  one  of  the  former 
magistrates  was  re-elected.  Some  working  men,  who 
pretended  to  be  illuminated  by  the  Spirit,  superseded 
them  and  distributed  all  offices  among  their  own  friends. 
KnipperdoUiug   was   named   burgomaster.     A  few  days 

*  'Per  earn  pugnam  urbe  potiretur.' — Coclilffius,  Acta  Lutheri, 
p.  251. 

t  Arnold,  Kirch en-THstorie.  Ranke,  Deutsche  Geschichte,  iii.  p. 
533. 


CHAP.  HI.  A    MOURNFUL    SPECTACLE.  339 

later  (February  27)  there  was  held  at  the  town-hall  a 
great  meetmg  of  the  Christians,  as  they  called  themselves. 
The  prophet  Matthisson  remained  for  some  time  motion- 
less, and  seemed  to  be  asleep.  Suddenly  he  rose  and 
exclaimed:  'Drive  away  the  children  of  Esau  (the  Evan- 
gelicals) ;  the  inheritance  belongs  to  the  children  of 
Jacob.'  The  streets  were  at  the  time  almost  impassable 
in  consequence  of  a  storm  of  wind  with  rain  and  snow; 
but  the  enthusiasts  dashed  into  the  midst  of  it,  impet- 
uously rushing  about,  and  crying  out  with  all  their  might, 
'Wicked  ones,  begone ! '  They  forcibly  entered  people's 
houses,  and  expelled  from  them  all  who  would  not  join 
their  party.  All  the  magistrates,  the  nobles,  and  the 
canons  who  were  still  in  the  town,  were  compelled  to 
leave  it;  the  poor  likewise.  The  unfortunate  city  pre- 
sented at  this  time  the  most  mournful  spectacle.  Moth- 
ers, in  terror,  would  snatch  up  their  children  half-naked 
in  their  arms  and  go  away  pale  and  trembling  from  their 
abodes,  carrying  with  them  nothing  but  some  beverage 
to  refresh  the  poor  little  ones  on  the  way.  Young  lads 
with  a  scared  look,  holding  in  their  hands  a  bit  of  bread 
which  their  schoolmasters  had  given  them  to  comfort 
them  or  to  allay  their  hunger,  went  side  by  side  with 
their  parents,  with  bare  feet,  through  the  snow;  and  old 
men,  leaning  on  their  staffs,  quitted  the  town  at  a  slow 
pace.  But  on  reaching  the  gates,  the  wanderers  were 
searched;  from  the  mothers  the  fanatics  took  away  the 
beverage  intended  for  their  young  children,  from  the 
lads  the  bread  which  they  were  carrying  to  their  mouths, 
and  from  the  old  men  the  last  small  coins  which  they 
had  taken  up  at  the  moment  of  their  departure,*  and 
then  they  drove  them  all  out  of  the  town.  They  went 
forth  at  hap-hazard,  not  knowing  whither  they  were  to 

*  'Vascula  cervisiae  plena  quo  mtilieres  fatigatos  in  itinere  par- 
vnlos  recreaturse  videbautur,  adimerent  .  .  .  manibus  panes  .  .  . 
ad  leniendam  famem  .  .  .  raperent.' — Coclilasus,  Acta  Lidheri, 
p.  252. 


340  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xvi. 

go,  having  notlimg  to  eat  or  to  drink,  and  dejDriyed 
of  the  pitiful  savings  of  a  long  and  laborious  hfe.* 
The  prophet  MatthissoD  had  at  first  intended  that  all 
those  T^ho  did  not  accept  the  new  kiDgdom  should  be 
put  to  death.  But  they  did  them  the  favor  of  only 
banishiug  them,  pillaged,  however,  and  almost  naked, 
taking  from  them  their  coats  if  they  happened  to  be 
good,f  and  then  drove  them  away,  crying  out,  '  Wicked  ! 
Pagans ! ' 

The  new  community  was  now  organized;  and  Matthis- 
son  ere  long  exercised  over  it  supreme  authority.  Proph- 
ets who  gave  themselves  out  for  inspired  did  not  wait 
for  the  millennial  kingdom,  or  for  the  resurrection  of  the 
dead,  or  for  the  advent  of  the  Saviour.  They  were  quite 
equal,  they  thought,  to  their  task.  They  despised  knowl- 
edge. They  j)rohibited  all  intercourse  with  the  pagans, 
that  is  to  say,  the  evangelicals.  Those  who  received  the 
new  baptism  indispensable  for  admission  into  their  im- 
aginary kingdom,  and  they  alone,  were  saints.  Mar- 
riages previously  solemnized  were  annulled;  laws  were 
abolished  on  the  ground  that  they  were  opposed  to  liber- 
ty. All  distinctions  of  rank  were  suppressed;  commu- 
nity of  goods  was  established;  and  all  the  proj^ert}^  of 
those  who  were  banished  was  thrown  into  a  common 
fund.  At  the  same  time,  seeing  that  their  first  duty  was 
to  break  with  a  corrupt  world,  that  irreconcilable  enemy 
of  the  saints,  orders  were  given  to  destroy  all  those  evil 
things  of  which  the  men  of  the  world  made  use.  Images, 
organs,  painted  windows,  clocks,  seats  adorned  with 
sculptures,  musical  instruments,  and  other  things  of  a 
similar  kind,  were  removed  into  the  market-place,  and 
there  solemnly  broken  to  pieces.  The  masterpieces  of 
the  painters  of  the  Westphalian  school  were  not  spared. 
Books  and  manuscripts,  even  the  rarest,  were   some  of 

*  Kersenbroik,  quoted  by  Ranke,  Deutsche  Geschichle,  iii.  p.  526. 
Ilamelmann,  121G.     Corvimis  apiid  Schardhnn,  ii.  p.  315. 

t   'Vestem  non  ad  niodum  bonam.' — Cochlasus,  Acta  Lutheri. 


CH-'^P-  ni.  TERROR.  341 

tliem  burnt  and  others  thrown  nj^on  dunghills.*  This 
was  all  done,  they  declared,  by  divine  insj^iration.  Peo- 
ple were  at  the  same  time  ordered  to  dehver  u])  all  gold, 
silver,  jewels,  ornaments,  and  other  precious  things. 
Property  was  superseded  by  communism;  and  any  one 
who  faHed  to  bring  these  superfluities  to  the  public  office 
was  put  to  death.  The  leading  fanatics  divided  among 
themselves  the  fine  houses  of  the  canons,  the  patricians, 
and  the  senators,  and  settled  in  them  in  i)lenty  and  com- 
fort. A  large  number  of  adventurers  in  quest  of  fortune, 
and  of  fanatics  who  coveted  the  good  things  of  the  world 
more  than  they  acknowledged,  arrived  at  Munster  from 
Holland  and  the  neighboring  countries.  They  looked 
upon  it  as  a  fine  opportunity,  and  were  eager  to  have  a 
share  of  the  spoil,  and  ready  enough  to  lay  hands  on 
a  krge  portion  of  it.  To  each  handicraft  some  special 
duty  was  assigned.  The  tailors  for  examj^le,  were  charged 
to  see  that  no  new  form  of  dress  was  introduced  into 
the  community.  These  people  made  it  a  matter  of  as 
much  moment  to  avoid  the  fashion  as  other  people  did 
to  follow  it. 

Meanwhile,  the  main  business  was  the  defence  of  the 
town.  Young  lads  even  were  in  training  for  this  task, 
and  not  without  good  reason;  for  in  the  month  of  May, 
1531,  the  bishop  of  Munster  invested  the  episcopal  city.' 
He,  however,  made  no  progress;  for  the  town,  admirably 
fortified,  was  situated  on  a  plain,  and  there  was  no  rising 
ground  in  its  neighborhood  on  which  the  besiegers  could 
establish  themselves.  Some  of  the  soldiers  who  were 
taken  prisoners  in  the  sorties  were  beheaded  by  order  of 
the  prophets;  and  theii-  heads  were  set  up  on  the  walls, 
to  show  their  comrades  what  fate  awaited  them.f 

The  prophet  Matthisson,  who  had  at  least  the  virtue 
of  courage,  was  kiUed  in  an  attack  made  by  the  besieged. 

*   'Intus  bumanis  excrenientis  illitos.'— Kersenbroik,  Bellonaana- 
bapt.     Sleidan,  De  statu  religlonis,  lib.  x.  jj.  150. 
t  Cocblasus,  p.  252. 


342  THE    REFORMATIOX    IN    EUROPE.  book  xvt. 

Bockhold  took  his  place.  He  was  not  so  brave,  but  was 
more  ambitious  than  his  predecessor,  and  appUed  himself 
to  the  organizing  of  this  strange  communit}-.  The  magis- 
trates were  nominated  by  Kottmann  the  preacher  and 
Bockhold  the  prophet.  Their  decrees  were  executed  by 
Knipperdolling.  This  man  had  authority  to  put  to  death, 
without  form  of  trial,  any  one  who  was  detected  in  vio- 
lating the  new  laws.  For  this  purpose  he  was  always 
accompanied  by  four  satellites,  each  carrying  a  drawn 
sword;  and  thus  attended  he  paraded  the  streets,  at  a 
slow  pace,  and  with  a  penetrating  glance  which  spread 
terror  all  around. 


CHAPTER    IV. 


THE     ANABAPTISTS     OF     MUNSTER.       EXCESSES. 
(1535.) 

It  was  not  long  before  the  new  king  gave  the  rein 
to  his  passions.  Munster  became  the  scene  of  the  gross- 
est debaucheries  and  the  most  revolting  cruelties.  Fa- 
naticism is  usually  accompanied  by  immorality,  and  with 
faith  morality  is  thrown  overboard.  Bockhold,  not  con- 
tented with  Matthisson's  ojffice,  wanted  also  to  have  his 
wife,  the  beautiful  Divara.  He  was  ah-eady  married,  but 
that  was  of  no  consequence.  He  began  to  preach  polyg- 
amy, adducing  the  examples  of  the  Old  Testament,  but 
passing  by  what  the  New  says,  that  God  in  the  begin- 
ning ordained  the  union  of  one  man  with  one  woman, 
an  institution  confirmed  and  sanctioned  by  the  Saviour. 
This  scandalous  proceeding  was  at  first  opposed  by  sev- 
eral members  of  the  communit}^  and  there  was  even  an 
evangelical  reaction.  At  the  head  of  the  gainsayers  was 
a  blacksmith.     Some  of  the  prophets  were  arrested,  and 


CHAP.  IV.  THE    KING    OF    THE    UNITERSE.  343 

there  was  talk  of  recalling  the  exiles.  The  evangelical 
party  seemed  to  be  on  the  point  of  revival;  but  the 
enthusiasts  were  the  stronger  party,  and  their  opponents 
were  shot  or  beheaded. 

The  prophets  became  more  numerous.  A  working 
goldsmith,  named  Tausendschiu',  pretended  to  great  rev- 
elations. Urged  on,  no  doubt,  by  Bockhold,  he  called 
together  the  whole  body  of  the  saints,  and  said, — '  The 
will  and  the  commandment  of  the  Father  who  is  in 
heaven  is  that  John  of  Leyden  should  have  the  empire 
of  the  whole  world,  that  he  should  go  forth  from  the 
town  with  a  powerful  army,  that  he  should  put  to  death 
indiscriminately  all  princes  and  kings,  and  that  destroy- 
ing all  the  wicked  he  should  take  possession  of  the 
throne  of  David  his  father.'  *  Bockhold,  who  was  pres- 
ent, at  first  kept  silent,  and  appeared  to  know  nothing  of 
this  revelation.  But  when  Tausendschur  had  finished, 
the  Leyden  tailor  fell  on  his  knees,  and  said  that  ten 
days  before  the  same  things  had  been  revealed  to  him, 
but  that  he  had  refrained  from  announcing  them,  lest  he 
should  seem  desirous  of  the  sovereignty.  At  length,  he 
said,  he  submitted  to  the  will  of  God,  applying  to  himself 
this  saying  of  Ezekiel,— '  David  my  servant  shall  be  their 
king,  and  he  shall  make  an  everlasting  covenant  with 
them.'  He  therefore  declared  himself  ready  to  under- 
take the  conquest  of  the  world.  This  scheme  was,  doubt- 
less, on  his  part,  a  mere  piece  of  trickery,  but  it  abun- 
dantly served  his  ambition.  The  madmen  and  fools  who 
beheved  in  it,  voluntarily  submitted  to  the  man  who  was 
to  be  king  of  the  universe;  and  the  hope  of  occupying 
the  chief  places  in  this  universal  kingdom  filled  them 
with  zeal  for  the  support  of  Bockhold.  Even  if  there 
were  any  doubters,  they  knew  that  the  impostor  would 
not  hesitate  to  cut  off  their  heads,  if  that  should  be 
necessary  for  the  establishment  of  his   empire.     Bock- 

*  '  Reges  atqiie  principes  omues  promiscue  interficiat.'— Sleidan, 
lib.  X.  p.  161.     Gerdesius,  Hist  Ref.  iii.  p.  102. 


344  THE    REFORiLVTION    IX    EUROPE.  book  xtt. 

hold,  ^vhose  mother  was  a  serf  of  Westphalia,  assumed 
in  the  capital  of  this  provmce  the  pomp  and  attire  of  a 
king.  He  surrounded  himself  with  a  court  composed  of 
a  large  number  of  officers  and  magistrates.  The  churches 
were  pillaged;  and  the  king  and  his  ministers  decked 
themselves  with  the  silk  vestments  enriched  wdth  gold 
and  silver  which  they  took  out  of  the  churches,  from  the 
officiating  ministers  and  from  the  most  wealthy  citizens. "^ 
He  had  a  seal  made,  representing  the  world  with  two 
swords  which  p)ierced  it  through  and  through.  This 
he  hung  about  his  neck  on  a  gold  chain  adorned  with 
precious  stones,  as  a  symbol  of  his  power.  He  bore  a 
golden  sword  with  a  silver  hilt;  and  on  his  head  he  had 
a  triple  crown  made  of  the  finest  gold.  To  all  this  osten- 
tation the  ex-journeyman,  now  a  king,  added  debauchery. 
Besides  Divara,  who  was  his  queen,  he  took  fifteen  wives, 
all  under  twenty  years  of  age,  and  he  declared  that  he 
would  haye  three  hundred.t  His  queen  and  these  young 
girls  he  attired  magnificently.  Each  of  his  apostles  and 
other  adherents  also  had  several  wives.  He  considered 
it  necessary  to  keep  his  followers  in  a  state  of  drunken- 
ness, to  prevent  them  from  foreseeing  the  catastrophe 
which  w^as  impending  over  them.  He  assumed  the  title 
of  king  of  the  new  temjile,  and  rode  about  the  town 
invested  with  the  insignia  of  his  office,  and  escorted  by 
his  guards.  All  who  met  him  were  obliged  to  fall  on 
their  knees.  Three  times  a  week  he  made  his  appearance 
in  the  public  square,  and  sat  upon  a  lofty  throne,  a 
sceptre  in  his  hand  and  a  crown  upon  his  head,  and 
surrounded  by  a  body  of  his  satellites.  In  this  position 
he  delivered  his  judgments.  Knipperdolling,  one  step 
below  him,  with  a  drawn  sword  in  his  hand,  held  himself 
in   readiness   to   execute   them.     ^\^osoever  wished   to 

*  '  Se  suosqae  ministros  exornavit  liolosericis,  auratisque  et  ar- 
genteis  indumeutis,  quoe  ex  tcmplis  abstulerat.' — Cochlgeus,  p.  253. 

f  'Duxit  qiiindecim  tixores  et  trecentas  se  ducturum  declaravit.' 
— Sleidan,  lib.  x.  p.  IGl.     Gerdesius,  iii.  p.  123. 


CHAP.  IV.  A    SUPPER.  345 

bring  any  matter  before  him  was  compelled  to  fall  on  his 
knees  twice  in  approaching  the  throne,  and  then  to 
i:)rostrate  himself  with  his  face  to  the  ground. 

In  October  there  was  a  great  religious  festival,  which 
Bockhold  called  the  Lord's  Sujoper.  A  table  of  4,200 
covers  was  prej^arcd  for  men  and  women.  The  king, 
the  queen,  and  their  princi23al  officers,  served  on  the 
occasion.  Bockhold  perceiving  a  stranger  in  the  crowd 
ordered  him  to  be  arrested  and  brought  before  him. 
'  Wherefore,'  said  he,  '  hast  thou  not  on  a  wedding  gar- 
ment?' He  pretended  to  believe  that  the  man  was  a 
Judas,  and  ordered  him  to  be  expelled;  then  going  out 
himself,  he  beheaded  him  with  his  own  hands.  He  then 
re-entered,  exulting  and  smiling  at  this  exploit.* 

When  the  repast  was  over,  he  asked  if  they  were  all 
ready  to  do  the  will  of  God.  'All,'  they  replied.  'Well, 
then,'  said  the  king,  '  this  will  is  that  some  of  you  should 
go  forth  to  make  known  the  wonderful  things  which  God 
has  done  for  us.'  He  forthwith  nominated  six  of  them 
to  go  to  Osnabruck,  and  the  same  number  to  go  to  vari- 
ous other  towns  in  the  neighborhood.  He  gave  to  each 
of  them  a  piece  of  gold  of  the  value  of  nine  florins  and 
a  viaticum.  On  the  same  evening  these  apostles  quitted 
Munster;  and  on  their  arrival  at  the  towns  Avhich  had 
been  assigned  to  them,  they  made  their  entrance,  filling 
the  air  with  horrible  outcries.  '  Be  converted,'  they  said, 
as  they  went  along  the  streets;  'repent!  The  time  which 
God  in  his  mercy  leaves  you  is  short.  The  axe  is  laid 
at  the  root  of  the  tree.  If  you  do  not  receive  peace, 
your  town  will  soon  be  destroyed.'  Next,  presenting 
tliemselves  to  the  assembled  senate,  they  spread  their 
cloaks  upon  the  ground,  threw  down  their  pieces  of 
goldjf  and  said, — 'We  proclaim  peace  to  you;  if  you 
receive  it  bring  hither  what   you  possess  and  -place  it 

*  Ranke,  iii.  p.  540. 

t  'Coram  senatu  expandcutes  in  teiTa  pallia  sua,'  &c.  — Coclila3US, 
p.  25i. 

VOL.   \iii.— 15* 


346  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xn. 

with  this  gold.  Our  king  will  ere  loDg  have  conquered 
the  whole  world  and  subdued  it  to  righteousness.'  Those 
envoj^s  who  had  been  desjDatched  to  the  towns  belonging 
to  the  bishop  of  Munster  were  at  first  favorably  received ; 
but  presently  they  were  all  arrested,  and  several  were 
put  to  the  tortui'e.  Not  one  of  them,  however,  would  ac- 
knowledge himself  in  error.  *We  wait  for  new  troops 
from  Friesland  and  from  Holland,  and  then,'  repeated 
they,  '  the  king  will  go  forth  and  will  subdue  the  whole 
earth.'  They  suffered  the  extreme  penalty  of  the  law, 
as  men  guilty  of  sedition. 

The  king  encountered  difficulties  not  only  in  the  neigh- 
boring towns,  but  likewise  in  his  own  capital,  and  even 
in  his  harem.  There  was  at  Munster  a  woman  of  great 
courage  and  determination,  who  boasted  that  no  man 
should  ever  marry  her.  John  of  Leyden  commanded 
that  she  should  be  carried  off  and  placed  in  the  number 
of  his  wives;  but  the  woman,  with  her  independence  of 
character,  finding  the  morals  and  the  manners  of  this 
harem  intolerable,  made  her  escape.  This  was  in  the 
king's  eyes  a  very  great  crime.  He  therefore  had  her 
arrested,  conducted  her  himself  to  the  great  square,  cut 
off  her  head  with  his  own  hand,  and  then,  filled  with 
wrath  and  vengeance,  trampled  her  body  in  the  dust. 
Bockhold  had  ordered  that  all  his  other  wives  should 
be  present  at  this  hateful  scene,  and  had  directed  them 
to  sing  a  hymn  of  praise  after  the  execution.  These  un- 
happy creatures  did,  accordingly,  strike  up  their  song  in 
the  presence  of  the  mutilated  and  desecrated  body  of 
their  companion.* 

*  Kersenbroik,  Eacumer,  Geschichte  Europas,  ii.  p.  467.  Eanke, 
iii.  p.  542. 


CHASTISEMENT.  347 


CHAPTER   V. 

THE    ANABAPTISTS     OF     MXJNSTER.       CHASTISEMENT. 

(1535—1536.) 

The  landgrave  Philip  of  Hesse  having,  meanwhile,  en- 
tered Westphalia  with  the  troops  which  had  just  made 
the  conquest  of  Wiirtemberg,  Munster  was  soon  so  com- 
pletely invested  that  nothing,  and  especially  no  food 
suppHes,  could  any  longer  enter  the  town.  The  dearth 
became  more  and  more  severe,  and  the  miserable  people 
were  driven  to  have  recoui'se  for  sustenance  to  the  most 
unaccustomed  food.  They  ate  the  flesh  of  horses,  dogs 
and  cats,  dormice,  grass,  and  leather;  they  tore  up  books 
and  devoured  the  parchment.  Half  the  population  of 
the  town,  it  was  said,  died  of  starvation.  These  fanatics 
had  trusted  in  the  word  of  their  king  and  prophet,  and 
had  awaited  with  confidence  the  succor  which  he  prom- 
ised them;  but,  as  this  succor  did  not  arrive,  mui'mui'S 
began  to  be  heard  from  some  of  them,  and  others  ap- 
l^eared  to  go  mad.  Bockhold  had  told  them  that,  if  it 
were  necessary  for  saving  his  people,  '  the  stones  would 
be  turned  into  bread.'  Consequently,  some  of  these  vota- 
ries might  be  seen  stopping  in  the  streets,  biting  the 
stones  and  attempting  to  tear  them  to  pieces,  in  expecta- 
tion of  their  being  converted  into  nourishment.*  At 
length  despair,  madness,  and  inhumanity  proceeded  to 
the  bitterest  extremities.  The  wife  of  the  senator  Men- 
ken, one  of  the  working  men  raised  to  this  dignity  by 
Bockhold,  killed  her  three  children,  salted  their  bodies, 
and  placed  the  parts  thus  cured  in  jars,  in  this  way  mak- 

*  '  In  lapides  aliqaoties  dentes  aciiisse  referuntur,  sperantes  juxta 
regis  vaticiuium  illos  converses  iii  in  panem.' — Gerdesius,  iii.  p.  151. 


348  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xvi. 

ing  abominable  provision  for  her  own  subsistence,  and 
on  this  she  fed  day  by  day.*  The  wretched  inhabitants 
of  this  ill-fated  town  wandered  with  tottering  steps  about 
the  streets,  the  skin  wi"inkled  over  their  fleshless  bones, 
their  necks  long  and  lank,  hardly  able  to  sustain  the 
head,  their  eyes  haggard  and  opening  and  shutting  with 
sudden  jerk,  their  cheeks  hollow  and  emaciated,  with  lips 
which  death  seemed  to  be  about  to  close,  corpses  in 
appearance  rather  than  living  beings.  In  the  midst  of 
this  appalling  spectacle  which  recalls  the  greatest  dis- 
tresses recorded  in  history,  even  the  destruction  of  Je- 
rusalem, there  was,  it  is  said,  in  the  king's  j^alace  abun- 
dance, feasting,  and  debauchery,  f 

The  enthusiasts,  during  this  time,  were  causing  much 
trouble  in  Holland;  but  they  did  not  succeed  in  bringing 
help  to  their  brethren.  At  the  beginning  of  1535  a  cer- 
tain number  of  them  proposed  to  burn  Ley  den;  fifteen 
were  arretted  and  beheaded.  In  February  others  ran 
naked  about  the  streets  of  Amsterdam  by  night,  crying 
out,  '  Woe !  woe  !  woe ! '  They  also  were  executed.  Near 
Franeker,  in  Friesland,  three  hundred  of  them  assembled 
and  took  possession  of  a  convent;  but  they  were  all  put 
to  death.  Bockhold,  impatient  to  get  the  succor  of 
which  he  was  in  sore  need,  delegated  Jan  van  Geelen, 
a  clever,  crafty  man,  to  stir  wp  a  revolt  in  Holland,  and 
to  return  to  his  aid  with  an  army  which  should  rai^e 
the  siege  of  Munster,  and  help  him  to  conquer  the  world. 
Jan  van  Geelen,  by  a  feigned  renunciation  of  his  errors, 
obtained  a  pardon  from  Queen  Mary.  Having  entered 
Holland,  he  was  able  secretly  to  attract  a  large  num- 
ber of  followers;  and  in  a  short  time  he  conceived  the 

*  'Cum  triiim  liberorum  mater  facta  esset,  eos  omnes  Occident, 
sale  condierit  et  coraederit.  .  .  .  Infontmm  maniis  ac  pedes, 
urbe  capta,  in  salsamentis  dicuntur  reperti.' — Gerdesias,  iii.  p.  15-4. 

t  Hortens.  in  Ep.  nd  Ernsmum,  p.  152.  Kcrseubroik,  in  Bello 
Monast.  p.  59.  Gerdesius,  iii.  p.  104.  Ranke,  iii.  p.  555.  Eaeiimer, 
Geschlchte  Europas,  ii.  p.  4G7. 


I 


CHAP.  V.  CAPTURE  OF  MUNSTER.  349 

project  of  surprising  Amsterdam  by  night.  He  did,  in 
fact,  get  possession  of  the  town-hall;  but  the  townsmen, 
aroused  by  the  tocsin,  drove  away  the  fanatics  with  can- 
non-shot, not  without  suffering  great  losses  themselves, 
particularly  in  the  death  of  a  burgomaster.  The  rebels 
were  cruelly  treated.  Many  of  them  were  stretched  upon 
butchers'  blocks,  had  their  hearts  torn  out,  and  were  then 
quartered.  On  all  these  occasions  a  certain  number  of 
women  were,  as  usual,  drowned.* 

These  successive  defeats  made  an  impression  on  Bock- 
hold  and  his  partisans.  They  lost  all  hope  of  aid  from 
Holland.  The  landgrave,  Philip  of  Hesse,  one  of  the 
most  powerful  chiefs  of  Protestantism,  had  brought  up 
his  forces  to  put  an  end  to  the  scandals  of  Munster.  The 
bishop  of  this  city,  impelled  by  the  desu'e  to  reconquer 
it,  had  assembled  for  the  purpose  some  Roman  Catholic 
soldiers.  One  of  Bockhold's  men  escaped  from  the  town 
and  pointed  out  the  way  to  capture  it.f  In  the  night  of 
June  24,  1535,  two  hundred  lansquenets  cleared  the  foss 
and  scaled  the  wall  at  a  point  where  it  was  ver^'  low. 
They  were  no  sooner  within  the  town,  than  they  uttered 
cries  and  beat  the  drum.  The  men  of  the  king  of  Zion 
leaped  out  of  their  beds  and  ran  to  arms.  The  conflict 
began  and  was  for  a  moment  doubtful;  but  one  of  tbe 
city  gates  having  been  opened  from  within,  the  army  of 
the  besiegers  entered  and  the  fight  became  terrible.  A 
hundred  and  fifty  horse  or  foot  soldiers  lost  their  hves. 
On  the  side  of  the  besieged  many  also  fell,  and  amongst 
others  Rottmann  who,  resolved  not  to  suffer  the  disgrace 
of  captivity,  threw  himself  with  intrcjiidity  into  the  midst 
of  the  fire  and  perished.  The  king  and  two  of  his  princi- 
pal counsellors,  Knipperdolling  and  the  pastor  Crediting, 
made  their  escape  and  hid  themselves  in  a  strong  tower, 
where  they  hoped  to  escape  the  notice  of  the  conquer- 

*  Brandt,  Bcform.  i.  p.  51. 

t  'A  railite  transfuga  episcopo  .  .  ,  via  iiidicata  .... 
capieudi  civitatem.' — Gerdesins,  iii.  p.  104. 


350  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xvi. 

ors.*  But  the  soldiers  penetrated  into  their  place  of 
concealment,  dragged  them  out  and  made  them  prison- 
ers. Bockhold  at  first  braved  it  out,  and  assuming  the 
air  of  a  king  spoke  arrogantly  to  the  bishop.  Two  theo- 
logians of  Hesse  endeavored  to  bring  him  to  repentance; 
but  he  obstinately  held  to  his  opinion,  admitting  no  supe- 
rior to  himself  on  earth.  Reflection,  however,  wrought 
a  change.  Bockhold  was  not  a  fanatic,  but  an  impostor; 
and  he  felt  that  the  only  way  to  save  his  life  was  to 
abjure  his  errors.  He  asked  for  a  second  conference 
■with  the  two  Hessians  and  feigned  conversion.  'I  con- 
fess,' he  said  to  them,  'that  the  resistance  I  have  offered 
to  authority  was  unlawful;  that  the  institution  of  polyg- 
amy was  rash,  and  that  the  baptism  of  children  is  obliga- 
tory. If  pardon  should  be  granted  me,  I  pledge  myself 
to  obtain  from  all  my  adherents  obedience  and  submis- 
sion." He  likewise  acknowledged  that  he  had  deserved 
to  die  ten.  times  over.  This  was  the  behavior  of  a  knave, 
willing  to  abandon  even  his  imposture,  if,  by  so  doing, 
he  might  save  his  life.  Knipperdolhng  and  Crechting, 
on  the  contrary,  persisted  in  their  views,  and  asserted 
tbat  they  had  followed  the  guidance  of  God.  Cruelty 
of  various  kinds  was  inflicted  on  these  wretched  men. 
They  were  led  about  publicly,  during  the  month  of  their 
detention,  like  strange  animals,  as  a  spectacle  to  the 
several  princes  and  their  courts,  to  whom  they  and  their 
pretended  king  were  made  a  subject  of  ridicule. f  Bock- 
hold did  not  derive  from  his  confessions  the  advantage 
which  he  expected.  The  three  leaders  were  all  sentenced 
to  the  same  punishment,  the  penalty  of  high  treason  to  a 
supreme  head.  This  took  place  in  February,  1536.  In 
the  barbarous  period  of  the  Middle  Ages  imagination 
had  been  racked  for  the  invention  of  the  most  cruel 
punishments.     These  three  wretches  were  conducted  to 

*   'Ilex  vero  latitans  in  turri  qiiadam.' — Cocblffiiis,  p.  255. 
t   'Hue,    illuc,    ad    priucipes   ducebantur  spectaculi   et  ludibrii 
causa.' — Gerdesius,  iii.  p.  105. 


CHAP.  V.  EXECUTIONS.  351 

the  great  square  of  Miiuster,  where  Bockhold,  as  king, 
had  borne  the  sceptre  and  the  triple  crown,  and  his  ex- 
ecutive minister  KnipperdolHng  the  sword.  They  were 
then  laid  out  naked;  and  their  bodies  were  plucked  to 
pieces  with  hot  pincers,  until  at  length,  amidst  hideous 
tortures,  pincers,  fire,  sword  and  excruciating  sufferings 
had  put  an  end  to  their  life.*  This  process  lasted  an 
hour.  Cochlseus  himself  exclaims, — 'Cruel,  horrible  pun- 
ishment! a  terrible  example  to  all  rebels!'  Knipperdol- 
Hng and  Crechting  bore  with  courage  the  frightful  inflic- 
tion, and  Bockhold,  apparently  recovering  good  sense, 
was  determined  not  to  die  the  death  of  a  coward.  Not  a 
groan  escaped  him.  After  he  had  breathed  his  last  they 
pierced  his  heart  with  a  dagger. 

It  was  Philip  of  Hesse  and  his  soldiers  of  the  reformed 
party  who  chiefly  contributed  to  put  an  end  to  the  dis- 
orders and  cruelties  of  which  Munster  had  been  the 
scene.  The  only  result  of  this  episode  for  Protestantism 
was  to  demonstrate  that  it  had  no  connection  with  the 
fanaticism  of  these  would-be  inspired  ones.  Protestant 
opinion  was  on  this  occasion  distinguished  by  various 
characteristic  features.  Its  intention  was  that  punish- 
ment should  be  inflicted  not  for  the  religious  doctrine  of 
the  enthusiasts,  but  only  for  their  rebellion  and  other 
ordinary  crimes.  There  have  been,  indeed,  and  there 
are  especially  at  the  present  time  a  large  number  of  pious 
and  zealous  Christians  who  advocate  adult  baptism;  and 
we  are  bound  to  respect  them  although  we  do  not  share 
their  views.  Moreover  the  baptism  practised  by  the 
enthusiasts  of  Munster,  was  not  that  of  the  sect  of  Bap- 
tists; it  was  a  proceeding  w^hich  denoted  adhesion  to  the 
fanatical  system  the  triumph  of  which  they  pretended  to 
insure,  a  ceremony  such  as  is  adopted  in  many  secret 
societies.     The  essential  characteristics  of  their  system 

*  'Supplicio  ultimo  candentibus  forcipibus  distract!  decessenint.' 
— Sleidan,  lib.  x.  p.  IGG.  Heresbach,  Epist.  ad  Krnsmum,  Corvinus. 
Gerdesius,  iii.  p.  105.     Eaiike,  iii.  p.  5G1.     Brandt,  lief.  i.  p.  54. 


352  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  x\j. 

were  their  alleged  visions,  their  tinquestioiiable  licen- 
tiousness, the  confusion  which  they  brought  upon  the 
institutions  of  social  hfe,  their  tyranny  and  their  cruelty. 

Various  opinions  were  entertained  as  to  the  punish- 
ment which  ought  to  be  inflicted  on  them.  Luther  by  a 
letter  expressed  clearly  and  briefly  what  he  thought  on 
the  subject.  He  was  not  greatly  troubled.  'It  does  not 
disturb  me  much,'  he  said;  'Satan  is  in  a  rage,  but  the 
Scripture  stands  fast.'*  The  landgrave  Philip  was  al- 
ways an  advocate  of  the  most  lenient  measures;  he  had 
no  desire  that  the  punishment  of  death  should  be  inflict- 
ed upon  them,  as  had  been  done  in  other  countries.  He 
consented  only  to  their  being  imprisoned;  and  he  insisted 
that  they  should  be  instructed.  The  evangehcal  towns 
of  Upper  Germany  acted  upon  the  same  principle  and 
refused  to  stain  their  hands  with  the  blood  of  these 
uuhaj^py  men.  But  it  was  decreed  by  a  majority  of  the 
Germanic  Diet,  that  all  enthusiasts  who  persisted  in 
their  false  doctrines  should  be  put  to  death.  Thus  were 
confounded,  as  it  has  been  said,  two  things  as  remote 
from  each  other  as  heaven  and  earth,  evangelical  doctrine 
and  the  confusion  introduced  into  churches  and  states  by 
these  fanatics.  The  unfortunate  men  were  put  to  death, 
vvliGther  they  were  visionaries  or  not;  and  not  only  wcie 
culpable  disorders  put  down  with  a  strong  hand,  but 
evangelical  doctrine  was  also  banished  from  Munster.f 

Three  causes  especially  contributed  to  bring  about 
these  hideous  disorders  of  the  fanatics.  First,  the  blood}' 
persecutions  carried  on  by  Charles  V.  in  the  Netherlands 
against  all  those  who  desired  to  worship  God  Recording 
to  their  conscience;  next,  the  doctrines  of  the  enthusiasts, 

*  'Parum  euro.  Satan  furit  sed  stat  Scriptiira.' — Luther,  Epp. 
iv.  p.  548. 

t  *  Si  qui  improviile  commiscerent  ea  qu;«  toto  tamen  ca-lo  clista- 
l)ant,  Evangelii  purioiis  professiouem  cum  violentis  illis  Ecclesiaruia 
et  Eerumpuhlicaruin  pcrturbatoribus.' — Gerdesius,  iii.  p.  106.  Com- 
promise of  the  Diet  of  1529.     Seckendorf,  Eaeumer,  Rauke. 


CHAP.  V.  CAUSES    OF    THE    DISORDERS.  353 

mingled  sometimes  with  immorality,  which  Tanchelme 
of  Antwerp,  Simon  of  Tournay,  Amalric  of  Bena,  the 
Turlupines,  the  Pseudo-Cathari,  and  the  Brethren  of  the 
Free  Spirit,  had  for  centuries  professed  in  different  coun- 
tries, and  especially  in  the  Netherlands  and  on  the  banks 
of  the  Ehine,  and  which  had  lately  been  revived  there  by 
emissaries  from  Germany;  and  finally,  the  need  for  a 
change  in  the  social  order  felt  at  this  period  by  the  least 
industrious  and  most  fanciful  men  of  the  lower  orders, 
and  especially  of  the  class  of  artisans. 

After  the  terrible  catastrophe  which  put  an  end  to  the 
kingdom  of  Zion,  there  still  remained,  undoubtedly,  some 
enthusiasts  and  libertines,  particularly  David  Joris.  But 
many  of  them  settled  down  and  returned  to  more  W'hole- 
some  doctrines.  One  of  these,  XJbbo  of  Leuwarden,  had 
been  consecrated  bishop  of  the  new  sect  and  had  in  turn 
consecrated  others,  Menno  Simonis  in  particular.  Ubbo 
made  jDublic  confession  of  his  error;  'I  have  been  miser- 
ably mistaken,'  he  said,  '  and  I  shall  lament  it  as  long  as 
I  live.'  * 

We  have  narrated  the  horrible  episode  of  Munster,  and 
w^e  have  exhibited  it  like  one  of  those  placards  which  we 
have  sometimes  met  wdth  in  the  Alps,  nailed  to  a  post 
near  an  abyss,  on  which  were  to  be  read  such  words  as 
these, — '  Traveller,  beware  !  any  one  approaching  falls  and 
rolls  over,  and  hurled  fi'om  rock  to  rock,  is  dashed  to 
pieces  and  killed,  the  sad  victim  of  his  rashness.' 


TRIUxMPII   IN   DEATH. 
(The  uight  of  the  18(h  February,  1546,  at  Eisleben. ) 

Luther  had  throughout  his  life  refused  the  aid  of  tlie 
secular  arm,  as  his  desire  was  that  the  truth  should  tri- 
umph only  by  the  powder  of  God.  However,  in  1540,  in 
spite  of  his  eftbrts,  war  was  on  the  point  of  breaking  out, 

*  'Deplorabo  quoad  vixcro.'  —  Ubbonis  Co)ifessio,  in  Gerclesius,  iii. 
p.  113. 


354  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xvi. 

and  it  was  the  will  of  God  that  his  servant  should  be 
sjoared  this  painful  spectacle. 

The  Counts  of  Mansfeld,  within  whose  territories  he 
was  born,  having  become  involved  in  a  quarrel  with  their 
subjects  and  with  several  Lords  of  the  neighborhood,  had 
recourse  to  the  mediation  of  the  reformer.  The  old  man 
— he  was  now  sixty-three — was  subject  to  frequent  attacks 
of  giddiness,  but  he  never  spared  himself.  He  therefore 
set  out,  in  answer  to  the  call,  and  reached  the  territory 
of  the  Counts  on  the  28th  of  January,  accompanied  by 
his  friend  the  theologian  Jonas,  who  had  been  with  him 
at  the  Diet  of  Worms,  aod  by  his  two  sons,  Martin  and 
Paul,  the  former  now  fifteen,  and  the  latter  thirteen,  years 
of  age.  He  was  respectfully  received  by  the  Counts  of 
Mansfeld,  attended  by  a  hundred  and  twelve  horsemen. 
He  entered  that  town  of  Eisleben  in  which  he  was  born, 
and  in  which  he  was  about  to  die.  That  same  evening 
he  was  very  unwell  and  was  near  fainting. 

Nevertheless,  he  took  courage  and,  applying  himself 
zealously  to  the  task,  preached  four  times,  attended 
twenty  conferences,  received  the  sacrament  twice,  and 
ordained  two  ministers.  Every  evening  Jonas  and  Mi- 
chael Coelius,  pastor  of  Mansfeld,  came  to  wish  him 
good-night.  'Doctor  Jonas,  and  you  Master  Michael,' 
he  said  to  them,  '  entreat  of  the  Lord  to  save  his  chui'ch, 
for  the  Council  of  Trent  is  in  great  wrath.' 

Luther  dined  regularly  with  the  Counts  of  Mansfeld. 
It  was  evident  from  his  conversation  that  the  Holy 
Scriptures  grew  daily  in  importance  in  his  ejes.  '  Cicero 
asserts  in  his  letters,'  he  said  to  the  Counts  two  days 
before  his  death,  '  that  no  one  can  comprehend  the  sci- 
ence of  government  who  has  not  occupied  for  twenty 
years  an  important  place  in  the  republic.  And  I  for  my 
part  tell  you  that  no  one  has  understood  the  Holy  Script- 
ures who  has  not  governed  the  churches  for  a  hundred 
years,  with  the  prophets,  the  Apostles  and  Jesus  Christ.' 
This  occurred  on  the  16th  of  February.     After  saying 


CHAP.  V.  Luther's  prayer.  355 

these  words  lie  wrote  them  down  in  Latin,  laid  them 
upon  the  table  and  then  retired  to  his  room.  He  had 
no  sooner  reached  it  than  he  felt  that  his  last  hour  was 
near.  'When  I  have  set  my  good  lords  at  one,'  he  said 
to  those  about  him,  'I  will  return  home;  I  will  lie  down 
in  my  coffin  and  give  my  body  to  the  worms.' 

The  next  day,  February  17,  his  weakness  increased. 
The  Counts  of  Mansfeld  and  the  prior  of  Anhalt,  filled 
with  anxiety,  came  to  see  him.  'Pray  do  not  come,'  they 
said,  'to  the  conference.'  He  rose  and  walked  up  and 
down  the  room  and  exclaimed, — 'Here,  at  Eisleben,  I 
was  baptized.  Will  it  be  my  lot  also  to  die  here  ? '  A 
little  while  after  he  took  the  sacrament.  Many  of  his 
fi'iends  attended  him,  and  sorrowfully  felt  that  soon  they 
would  see  him  no  more.  One  of  them  said  to  him, — 
*  Shall  we  know  each  other  in  the  eternal  assembly  of  the 
blessed  ?  We  shall  be  all  so  changed ! '  '  Adam,'  replied 
Luther,  '  had  never  seen  Eve,  and  yet  when  he  awoke  he 
did  not  say  "Who  art  thou?"  but,  "Thou  art  flesh  of 
my  flesh."  By  what  means  did  he  know  that  she  was 
taken  from  his  flesh  and  not  from  a  stone?  He  knew 
this  because  he  was  filled  with  the  Holy  Spirit.  So  like- 
wise in  the  heavenly  Paradise  we  shall  be  filled  with  the 
Holy  Spii'it,  and  we  shall  recognize  father,  mother,  and 
friends  better  than  Adam  recognized  Eve.' 

Having  thus  spoken,  Luther  retired  into  his  chamber 
and,  according  to  his  daily  custom,  even  in  the  winter 
time,  opened  his  window,  looked  up  to  heaven  and  began 
to  pray.  '  Heavenly  Father,'  he  said,  '  since  in  thy  great 
mercy  thou  hast  revealed  to  me  the  downfall  of  the  pope, 
since  the  day  of  thy  glory  is  not  far  off,  and  since  the 
light  of  thy  Gospel,  which  is  now  rising  over  the  earth 
is  to  be  difi'used  through  the  whole  world,  keej)  to  the 
end  through  thy  goodness  the  church  of  my  dear  native 
country;  save  it  from  falHng,  preserve  it  in  the  true  pro- 
fession of  thy  word,  and  let  all  men  know  that  it  is  indeed 
for  thy  work  that  thou  hast  sent  me.'     He  then  left  the 


356  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xti. 

window,  returned  to  his  friends,  and  about  ten  o'clock  at 
night  retired  to  bed.  Just  as  he  reached  the  threshold  of 
his  bedroom  he  stood  still  and  said  in  Latin,  'In  man  us  tuas 
commendo  spiritum  meum,  redemisti  me,  Deus  veritatis  ! ' 

The  18th  of  February,  the  day  of  his  departure,  was 
now  at  hand.  About  one  o'clock  in  the  morning,  sensi- 
ble that  the  chill  of  death  was  creeping  over  him,  Luther 
called  Jonas  and  his  faithful  servant  Ambrose.  '  Make  a 
fire,'  he  said  to  Ambrose.  Then  he  cried  out, — '  O  Lord 
my  God,  I  am  in  great  pain !  What  a  weight  upon  my 
chest!  I  shall  never  leave  Eisleben.'  Jonas  said  to  him, 
'  Our  heavenly  Father  will  come  to  help  you  for  the  love 
of  Christ  which  you  have  faithfully  preached  to  men.' 
Luther  then  got  up,  took  some  turns  up  and  down  his 
room,  and  looking  up  to  heaven  exclaimed  again, — '  Into 
thine  hand  I  commit  m^^  spiiit;  thou  hast  redeemed  me, 
O  God  of  truth  ! ' 

Jonas  in  alarm  sent  for  the  doctors,  "Wild  and  Ludwig, 
the  Count  and  Countess  of  Mausfeld,  Drachstadt,  the 
town-clerk,  and  Luther's  children.  In  great  alarm  they 
all  hastened  to  the  spot.  'I  am  dying,'  said  the  sick 
man.  'No,'  said  Jonas,  'joii  are  now  in  a  perspiration 
and  will  soon  be  better.'  'It  is  the  sweat  of  death,'  said 
Luther,  'I  am  nearly  at  my  last  breath.'  He  was  thought- 
ful for  a  moment  and  then  said  with  faltering  voice, — 'O 
my  heavenly  Father,  the  God  and  Father  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  the  God  of  all  consolation,  I  thank  thee 
that  thou  hast  revealed  to  me  thy  well-beloved  Son, 
Jesus  Christ,  in  whom  I  have  believed,  whom  I  have 
preached,  whom  I  have  confessed,  whom  the  pope  and 
all  the  ungodly  insult,  blaspheme,  and  persecute,  but 
whom  I  love  and  adore  as  my  Saviour.  O  Jesus  Christ, 
my  Saviour,  I  commit  my  soul  to  thee !  O  my  heavenly 
Father,  I  must  quit  this  body,  but  I  believe  with  perfect 
assurance  that  I  shall  dwell  eternally  with  thee,  and  that 
none  shall  pluck  me  out  of  thy  hands.' 

He  now  remained  silent  for  a  little  while;  bis  prayer 


CHAP.  V.  HIS    LAST    HOURS.  357 

seemed  to  have  exhausted  liim.  But  presently  his  coun- 
tenance again  grew  bright,  a  holy  joy  shone  in  his  feat- 
ures, and  he  said  ^Yith  fuhiess  of  faith, — '  God  so  loved 
the  world  that  he  gave  his  only  begotten  Son,  that  who- 
soever believeth  in  him  should  not  perish,  but  have  ever- 
lasting life.'  A  moment  afterwards  he  uttered,  as  if  sure 
of  victory,  this  word  of  David,* — '  He  that  is  our  God  is 
the  God  of  salvation ;  and  unto  God  the  Lord  belong  the 
issues  from  death.'  Dr.  Wild  went  to  him,  and  tried  to 
induce  him  to  take  medicine,  but  Luther  refused.  '  I  am 
departing,' he  said,  'I  am  about  to  yield  up  my  spirit.' 
Then  returning  to  the  saying  which  was  for  him  a  sort 
of  watchword  for  his  departure,  he  said  three  times  suc- 
cessively without  interruption, — '  Father !  into  thine  hand 
I  commit  my  spirit.  Thou  hast  redeemed  me,  O  God  of 
truth !     Thou  hast  redeemed  me,  O  God  of  truth ! ' 

He  then  closed  his  eyes.  They  touched  him,  moved 
him,  called  to  him,  but  he  made  no  answer.  In  vain 
they  applied  the  cloths  which  the  town-clerk  and  his 
wife  heated,  in  vain  the  Countess  of  Mansfeld  and  the 
physicians  endeavored  to  revive  him  with  tonics.  He 
remained  motionless.  All  who  stood  round  him,  per- 
ceiving that  God  was  going  to  take  away  from  the  church 
militant  this  mighty  warrior,  were  deeply  affected.  The 
two  physicians  noted  from  minute  to  minute  the  ap- 
proach of  death.  The  two  boys,  Martin  and  Paul,  kneel- 
ing and  in  tears,  cried  to  God  to  spare  to  them  their 
father.  Ambrose  lamented  the  master,  and  Coelius  the 
friend,  whom  they  had  so  much  loved.  The  Count  of 
Mansfeld  thought  of  the  troubles  which  Luther's  death 
might  bring  on  the  Empire.  The  distressed  Countess 
sobbed  and  covered  her  eyes  with  her  hands  that  she 
might  not  behold  the  mournful  scene.  Jonas,  a  little 
apart  from  the  rest,  felt  heartbroken  at  the  thought  of 
the  terrible  blow  impending  over  the  Reformation.  He 
wished  to  receive  from   the  dying  Luther  a  last   tcsti- 

*  Psalm  Ixviii,  20. 


358  THE    REFORMATION    IN    EUROPE.  book  xti. 

mony.  He  therefore  rose,  and  went  up  to  his  friend, 
and  bending  over  him,  said, — '  Reverend  father,  in  your 
dying  hour  do  you  rest  on  Jesus  Christ,  and  stedfastly 
rely  upon  the  doctrine  which  you  have  preached? '  'Yes,' 
said  Luther,  so  that  all  who  were  present  could  hear 
him.  This  was  his  last  word.  The  pallor  of  death  over- 
spread his  countenance;  his  forehead,  his  hands,  and  his 
feet  turned  cold.  They  addressed  him  by  his  baptismal 
name,  *  Doctor  Martin,'  but  in  vain,  he  made  no  response. 
He  drew  a  deep  breath  and  fell  asleep  in  the  Lord.  It 
was  between  two  and  three  o'clock  in  the  morning. 
*  Truly,'  said  Jonas,  to  whom  we  are  indebted  for  these 
details,  '  thou  lettest.  Lord,  thy  servant  depart  in  peace, 
and  thou  accomplishest  for  him  the  promise  which  thou 
madest  us,  and  which  he  himself  wrote  the  other  day  in 
a  Bible  presented  to  one  of  his  friends:  Verily,  veril}^,  I 
say  unto  you,  if  a  man  keep  my  saying,  he  shall  never 
see  death'.'* 

Thus  passed  Luther  into  the  presence  of  his  Master, 
in  fuU  reliance  on  redemption,  in  calm  faith  in  the  tri- 
umph of  truth.  Luther  was  no  longer  here  below,  but 
Jesus  Christ  is  with  his  ]3eople  evermore  to  the  end  of 
the  world,  and  the  work  which  Luther  had  begun  lives, 
is  stiU  advancing,  and  will  extend  to  all  the  ends  of  the 
earth. 

*  Jolin  viii.  51. 


APPENDIX. 


Transanpt  of  'Indulgence'  of  Leo  X.—llie   words   wliich  are 
abbreviated  in  the  original  being  written  in  full. 

AiiBERTUs  dei  et  apostolice  sedis  gratia  .  sancte  Mogimtinensis 
sedis  .  ac  Magdeburgensis  ecclesie  Archiepiscopus  .  primas  . 
et  sacri  Romani  imperii  in  germania  arichicancellarius  . 
princeps  :  elector  ac  administrator  Halberstattensis  .  Marchio 
Brandenburgensis  .  Stettinensis  .  Pomeranie  :  Cassuborum 
Sclauorumque  dux  |  Burggi-auius  .  Nurenbergensis  Rugieque 
princeps  .  Et  guardianus  fratrum  ordinis  minorum  de  obser- 
uantia  conuentiis  Moguntini  .  Per  sanctissimiim  |  dominum 
nostrum  Leonem  Papam  decimum  per  prouincias  Mogunti- 
nensem  ac  Magdeburgensem  ac  illarum  et  Halberstattenses 
ciuitates  et  dioceses  necnon  terras  |  et  loca  illustrissimi  et 
illustrium  Principum  dominorum  Marcliionum  Brandenburg- 
ensium  temporali  dominio  mediate  uel  immediate  subiecta 
nuncii  et  com  missarii  :  ad  infrascripta  specialiter  deputati  . 
Vniuersis'et  singulis  presentes  literas  inspecturis  Salutem  in 
domino  .  Notum  facimus  quod  sanctissimus  dominus  |  noster 
Leo  diuina  prouidentia  Papa  decimus  modernus  :  omnibus  et 
singulis  utriusque  sexus  christifidelibus  :  ad  reparacionem 
fabrice  basilice  prin  cipis  apostolorum  sancti  Petri  de  vrbe  : 
iuxta  ordinationem  nostram  manus  porrigentibus  adiutrices  : 
vltra  plenissimas  indulgentias  ac  alias  gratias  et  facultates 
quas  christifideles  ipsi  obtinere  possunt  :  iuxta  literarum  apo- 
stolicarum  desuper  confectarum  continentiam  misericorditer 
etiam  in  domino  indulsit  atque  concessit  :  vt  idoneum  pos- 
sint  I  eligere  confessorem  presbytcrum  secularem  .  uel  cuiusuis 
etiam  mendicautium  ordinis  regularem  .  qui  eorum  confessions 
diligenter  audita  .   pro  commissis  per  eligentem  |  delictis  et 


360  APPENDIX. 

excessibns  :  ac  peccatis  qnibuslibet  :  quantnmcumque  grani- 
bus  et  enormibus  :  etiam  in  dicte  sedi  reseruatis  casibus  :  ac 
censnris  ecclesiasticis  :  etiam  ab  |  homine  ad  alicuiiis  instan- 
tiam  latis  .  de  consensu  partium  etiam  ratione  interdicti  in- 
cursis  .  et  quarum  absolutio  eidem  sedi  esset  siDecialiter  res- 
eruata.  Preterqnam  macliina  tionis  in  personam  summi 
pontificis  :  occisionis  episcoporum  aut  aliorum  superiorum 
prelatornm  et  iniectionis  mannum  violentarum  in  illos  aut 
alios  prelatos  .  falsificationis  |  literarum  apostolicarum  .  de- 
lationis  armorum  et  aliorum  proliibitorum  ad  partes  infidelium 
ac  sententiarum  et  censurarum  occasione  aluminum  tulfe  * 
apostolice  de  partibus  infidelium  ad  fideles  contra  prohibi- 
tionem  apostolicam  delatorum  incursarum  semel  in  vita  et  in 
mortis  articulo  quotiens  ille  imminebit  .  licet  mors  tunc  non 
subsequatur  |  Et  in  non  reseruatis  casibus  totiens  quotiens  id 
petierint  plenarie  absoluere  et  eis  penitentiam  salutarem  ini- 
ungere  .  necnon  semel  in  vita  et  in  dicto  mortis  articulo  : 
plenariam  omnium  peccatorum  indulgentiam  et  remissionem 
impendere  .  Necnon  per  eos  emissa  pro  tempore  uota  que- 
cumque  (vltramarino  :  visitationis  |  liminum  apostolorum  et 
sancti  Jacobi  in  compostella  :  religionis  et  castitatis  votis 
dumtaxat  exceptis)  in  alia  pietatis  opera  commutare  auctori- 
tate  apostolica  |  possit  et  valeat.  Indulsit  quoque  idem  sanc- 
tissimus  dominus  noster  j^refatos  benefactores  eorumque  par- 
entes  defunctos  qui  cum  cliaritate  decesserunt  in  precibus  :  | 
suffragiis  :  elemosjnis  :  ieiuniis  :  orationibus  :  missis  :  Loris 
canonicis  :  disciplinis  :  peregrinationibus  :  et  ceteris  omnibus 
spiritualibus  bonis  que  fiunt  :  et  fieri  poterunt  in  tota  vniuer- 
sali  sacrosancta  ecclesia  militante  :  et  in  omnibus  membris 
eiusdem  in  perpetuum  participes  fieri.  Et  quia  deuotus  | 
Philippus  Kessel  f  presbyter  ad  if)sam  fabricam  et  necessarian! 
instaurationem  |  sui)radicte  basilice  principis  apostolorum 
iuxta  sanctissimi  domini  nostri  Pape  intentionem  et  nostram 
ordinationem  de  bonis  suis  contribuendo  se  gratum  |  exliibait . 
In  cuius  rei  signum  presentes  literas  a  nobis  accepit  Ideo 
eadem  auctoritate  apostolica  nobis  commissa  :  et  qua  fungi- 
mur  in  hac  parte  |  ipsi  quod  dictis  gratiis  et  indulgentiis  vti 
et  eisdem  gaudere  i)ossit  et  valeat  per  presentes  concedimus 

*  See  Note,  p.  361. 

t  This  name  has  first  been  written  Keschel— altered  to  Kessel. 


APPENDIX.  361 

et  largimur.  Datum  Angiiste  |  sub  sigillo  per  nos  ad  hec  or- 
dinato  .  Die  xv  Mensis  Aprilis  Anno  domini  M.D.xvij. 

Forma  absolutionis  totieus  qiiotiens  in  vita. 

Misereatur  tni  &c.  Dominus  noster  Jesus  cliristus  per  mer- 
itum  sue  i^assionis  te  absoluat  :  auctoritate  cuius  et  apostolica 
mihi  in  liac  parte  commissa  :  et  |  tibi  concessa  ego  te  absoluo 
ab  omnibus  peccatis  tuis  .  In  nomine  jDatris  et  filii  et  spiritus 
sancti  Amen. 

Forma  absolutionis  et  plenissime  remissionis  :  semel  in  vita 
et  in  mortis  articulo. 

Misereatur  tui  &c.  Dominus  noster  Jesus  christus  per  mer- 
itum  sue  passionis  te  absoluat  :  et  ego  auctoritate  ipsius  et 
apostolica  mihi  in  hac  parte  commissa  :  et  tibi  |  concessa  te 
absoluo  .  primo  ab  omni  sententia  excommunicationis  maioris 
vel  minoris  si  quam  incurristi  .  deinde  ab  omnibus  pecca- 
tis tuis  :  conferendo  tibi  plenissimam  omnium  |  peccatorum 
tuorum  remissionem  remitteudo  tibi  etiam  penas  jjurgatorii  in 
quantum  se  claues  sancte  matris  ecclesie  extendunt.  In  nom- 
ine ]3atris  et  filii  et  spii-itus  sancti  Amen. 

Note. — If  one  effect  produced  by  tlie  perusal  of  this  often- 
talked-of  document  be  surprise  at  the  extent  of  the  remis- 
sions offered  to  those  who  should  '  stretch  out  a  helping  hand 
towards  the  repair  of  the  fabric  of  the  Church  of  the  prince 
of  the  apostles,  St.  Peter  of  Eome,'  another  surely  is  amaze- 
ment at  the  seeming  incongruity  of  the  exceptions.  '  Indul- 
gence '  is  extended  to  crimes  and  excesses  and  any  kind  of  sin, 
however  'grave  and  enormous,'  but  is  withheld  not  only  from 
*  conspiracy  against  the  person  of  the  Pope,  murder  of  Bishops 
or  other  superior  prelates,  laying  violent  hands  on  them  or  on 
other  prelates,  forgery  of  apostolic  letters,  exportation  of  arms 
and  other  forbidden  goods  to  heathen  parts, '  but  also  from  tJie 
importation  of  alum  from  heathen  to  CJtriatian  parts,  contnrri/  to 
the  apostolic  prohibition,  by  which  the  faithful  tvho  wanted  alum 
were  required  to  use  only  that  obtained  from  Tolfa  belonging  to 
the  Pope. 

Superficially  regarded,  this  last  exception  is  suggestive  of  a 
commercial  monopoly  enforced  by  the  threat  of  spiritiud  pen- 
alties ;  and  so  clearly  has  it  been  seen  that  a  damaging  signifi- 
cance might  readily  be  attached  to  it,  that  the  accuracy  of  the 
passage  has  frequently  been  doubted.  M.  Audin,  who  in  his 
VOL.   vni.— 16 


362  APPENDIX. 

Histoire  de  Martin  Luther,  vol.  i.  pp.  429-432,  gives  a  copy 
of  the  'Indulgence,'  renders  the  passage  thus:  'occasione 
aluminum  [sic)  sanctae  ecclesise,'  &c.  By  using  the  word  sic, 
and  by  appending  the  note  '  Tire  d'une  source  protestante  par 
un  protestant,'  M.  Audin  would  seem  to  have  intended  to 
suggest  not  merely  that  he  doubted  the  correctness  of  the 
copy  to  which  he  had  had  access,  but  also  that  the  apparently 
objectionable  features  of  the  document  might  be  attributable 
to  inaccuracy. 

But  transactions  of  which  the  causes  are  imperfectly  under- 
stood may  give  rise  to  very  erroneous  opinions  ;  and  in  this 
case  even  the  most  cursory  glance  at  the  state  of  Europe 
during  the  pontificate  of  Pius  II.,  when  the  alum  works  of 
Tolfa  came  into  existence,  will  show  that  there  were  grave 
reasons  for  treating  the  importation  of  alum  as  a  most  heinous 
offence — reasons  which  might  well  affect  the  decrees  of  the 
Pope,  and  which  had  not  lost  their  importance  in  the  time  of 
LeoX. 

Until  the  discovery  that  alum  could  be  obtained  from  the 
hiUs  near, Tolfa,  the  Italians  had  been  dependent  for  their 
supplies  of  this  commodity,  which  they  used  in  very  consid- 
erable quantities,  upon  the  Turks,  who,  it  is  to  be  borne  in 
mind,  had  but  a  few  years  previously  taken  Constantinople, 
and  who  were  now  the  scourge  and  dread  of  Christendom. 
The  Papal  view  as  to  the  use  to  which  the  discovery  should 
be  turned  is  shown  in  the  following  extract  from  a  brief  of 
Pius  II.  :— 

*Item  quoniam  diebus  nostris  faciens  nobiscum  Dominus 
misericordiam  suam  de  absconditis  terrse,  uberrimas  pretiosi 
aluminis  venas  autea  nunquam  inventas  miraculo  quodam  in 
montibus  nostris,  qui  in  patrimonio  B.  Petri  in  Tuscia  prope 
arcem  Tolpham  sunt  patefecit,  volens  videlicet,  ne  ultra  ex 
fidelium  pecunia  Turchorum  in  eos  persecutio  cresceret,  sed 
ilia  ad  defensionem  nostram  uti  j)Ossemus,  justum  et  pietati 
su?e  jDlacitum  reputantes,  fructum  omnem,  qui  antehac  ex 
comx3ortato  in  Christian itatem  transmarino  alumine  penes  im- 
pios  Turchos  in  Christianorum  exitium  erat,  modo  ad  nos  in 
sufifragium  ecclesise  catholicse  transeat,  praesertim  cum  alumen 
nostrum,  magistra  experientia,  virtute  perfectius,  pretio  villus, 
numero  autem  sit  adeo  abundans,  ut  usui  Christianorum  in 


APPENDIX.  303 

omnem  partem  satisfacere  possit,  ex  parte  omuipotentis  Dei 
Patris,  et  Filii,  et  Spiritus  sancti,  ac  nostra  ex  hoc  sancto 
trilnmali  apostolica  voce  hortamur  atque  requirimus  omnes, 
et  singulos  profitentes  iiomen  Christianum,  ne  posthac  alumen 
a  Turchis  aliisque  infidelibus  emant,  &c.  Dat.  Romse  apad  S. 
Petrum  anno  MCDLXIII.  vii.  id.  Aprilis,  pontificatus  nostri 
anno  v.'    (Eaynaldus,  'Annales  Ecclesiastici, '  torn.  29,  p.  376). 

In  his  'History  of  Inventions,  Discoveries,'  &c.  [Bohi's 
Sfandard  Library),  Beckmann,  who,  in  treating  of  Alum, 
quotes  several  accounts  of  the  works  at  Tolfa,  says: — 'The 
Pope  himseK  has  left  us  a  very  minute  history  of  this  dis- 
covery, and  of  the  circumstances  which  gave  rise  to  it; '  and, 
alluding  to  the  conflicting  statements  respecting  the  disco- 
verer, he  adds: — 'But  as  I  do  not  wish  to  ascribe  a  falsehood 
to  the  Pontiff,  I  am  of  opinion  that  the  history  of  this  dis- 
covery must  have  been  best  known  to  him.  He  has  not,  in- 
deed, established  the  year  with  sufficient  correctness  ;  but 
we  may  conclude  from  his  relation  that  it  must  have  been 
1460  or  1465.*  The  former  is  the  year  given  by  FeUcian 
Bussi ;  and  the  latter  that  given  in  the  History  of  the  City 
of  Civita  Yecchia. '  Beckmann's  rendering  of  the  Pope's  his- 
tory, though  the  account  is  here  and  there  open  to  criticism, 
throws  much  light  on  the  iDassage  in  the  Indulgence  and  is 
otherwise  very  interesting.  It  is  in  these  terms: — 'A  little 
before  that  period  came  to  Kome  John  di  Castro,  with  whom 
the  Pontiff  had  been  acquainted  when  he  carried  on  trade  at 
Basle,  and  was  banker  to  Pope  Eugenius.  His  father,  Paul, 
was  a  celebrated  lawyer  of  his  time,  who  sat  many  years  in 
the  chair  of  Padua,  and  filled  all  Italy  with  his  decisions  ;  for 
lawsuits  were  frequently  referred  to  him,  and  judges  paid 
great  respect  to  his  authority,  as  he  was  a  man  of  integrity 
and  sound  learning.  At  his  death  he  left  considerable  riches, 
and  two  sons  arrived  to  the  age  of  manhood,  the  elder  of 
whom,  following  the  profession  of  the  father,  acquired  a  very 
extensive  knowledge  of  law.  The  other,  who  was  a  man  of 
genius,  and  who  applied  more  to  study,  made  himself  ac- 
quainted with  grammar  and  history;  but,  being  fond  of  trav- 
elling, he  resided  some  time  at  Constantinople,  and  acquired 
much  wealth  by  dyeing  cloth  made  in  Italy,  which  was  trans- 

*  Pius  n.  died  in  1464. 


364  APPENDIX. 

ported  thither  and  committed  to  his  care,  on  account  of  the 
abundance  of  alum  in  that  neighborhood.  Having  by  these 
means  an  opportunity  of  seeing  daily  the  manner  in  which 
alum  was  made,  and  from  what  stones  or  earth  it  was  ex- 
tracted, he  soon  learned  the  art.  When,  by  the  will  of  God, 
that  city  was  taken  and  plundered  about  the  year  1453,  by 
Mahomet  H. ,  Emperor  of  the  Turks,  he  lost  his  whole  prop- 
erty; but,  happy  to  have  escaped  the  fire  and  sword  of  these 
cruel  people,  he  returned  to  Italy,  after  the  assumption  of 
Pius  II.,  to  whom  he  was  related,  and  from  whom  he  ob- 
tained, as  an  indemnification  for  his  losses,  the  office  of  Com- 
missary-General over  all  the  revenues  of  the  Apostolic  Cham- 
ber, both  within  and  without  the  city.  While  in  this  situation 
he  was  traversing  all  the  hills  and  mountains,  searching  the 
bowels  of  the  earth,  leaving  no  stone  or  clod  unexplored,  he 
at  length  found  some  alum-stone  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Tolfa.  Old  Tolfa  is  a  town  belonging  to  two  brothers,  sub- 
jects of  the  Church  of  Rome,  and  situated  at  a  smaU  distance 
from  Civita  Vecchia.  Here  there  are  high  mountains,  retir- 
ing inland  from  the  sea,  which  abound  with  wood  and  water. 
While  Castro  was  examining  these,  he  observed  that  the  grass 
had  a  new  apx)earance.  Being  struck  with  wonder,  and  in- 
quiring into  the  cause,  he  found  that  the  mountains  of  Asia, 
which  enrich  the  Turkish  treasury  by  their  alum,  were  covered 
with  gTass  of  the  like  kind.  Perceiving  several  white  stones, 
which  seemed  to  be  minerals,  he  bit  some  of  them,  and  found 
that  they  had  a  saltish  taste.  This  induced  him  to  make 
some  experiments  by  calcining  them,  and  he  at  length  ob- 
tained alum.  He  rejDaired  therefore  to  the  Pontiff,  and  ad- 
di-essing  him  said,  "I  announce  to  you  a  victory  over  the 
Turk.  He  draws  yearly  from  the  Christians  above  three  hun- 
dred thousand  pieces  of  gold,  jDaid  to  him  for  the  alum  with 
wliich  we  dye  wool  dijfferent  colors,  because  none  is  found 
here  but  a  little  at  the  island  of  Hiscla,  formerly  called 
Aenaria,  near  Puteoli,  and  in  the  cave  of  Vulcan  at  Lipari, 
which,  being  formerly  exhausted  by  the  Romans,  is  now 
almost  destitute  of  that  substance.  I  have,  however,  found 
seven  hills  so  abundant  in  it,  that  they  would  be  almost  suf- 
ficient to  supply  seven  worlds.  If  you  will  send  for  work- 
men, and  cause  furnaces  to  be  constructed,  and  the  stones  to 
be  calcined,  you  may  fiu-nish  alum  to  all  Europe;  and  that 


APPENDIX.  365 

gain  which  the  Turk  used  to  acquire  by  this  article  being 
thrown  into  your  hands  will  be  to  him  a  double  loss.  Wood 
and  water  are  both  plenty,  and  you  have  in  the  neighborhood 
the  port  of  Ci\dta  Vecchia,  where  vessels  bound  to  the  West 
may  be  loaded.  You  can  now  make  war  against  the  Turk: 
this  mineral  will  supply  you  with  the  sinews  of  war,  that  is 
money,  and  at  the  same  time  deprive  the  Turk  of  them." 
These  words  of  Castro  appeared  to  the  Pontiff  the  ravings  of 
a  madman :  he  considered  them  as  mere  dreams,  like  the  pre- 
dictions of  astrologers;  and  all  the  cardinals  were  of  the  same 
opinion.  Castro^  however,  though  his  pro^Dosals  were  often 
rejected,  did  not  abandon  his  project,  but  applied  to  his  Holi- 
ness by  various  persons,  in  order  that  exx^eriments  might  be 
made  in  his  jDresence  on  the  stones  which  he  had  discovered. 
The  Pontiff  employed  skilful  people,  who  jjroved  that  they 
really  contained  alum ;  but  lest  some  deception  might  have 
been  practised,  others  were  sent  to  the  place  where  they  had 
been  found,  who  met  with  abundance  of  the  Uke  kind.  Artists 
who  had  been  emj^loyed  in  the  Turkish  mines  in  Asia  were 
brought  from  Genoa ;  and  these,  having  closely  examined 
the  nature  of  the  j)lace,  declared  it  to  be  similar  to  that  of 
the  Asiatic  mountains  which  produce  alum  ;  and,  shedding 
tears  for  joy,  they  kneeled  down  three  times,  worshipping  God, 
and  praising  his  kindness  in  conferring  so  valuable  a  gift  ou 
our  age.  The  stones  were  calcined,  and  produced  alum  more 
beautiful  than  that  of  Asia,  and  superior  in  quality.  Some  of 
it  was  sent  to  Venice  and  to  Florence,  and,  being  tried,  was 
found  to  answer  beyond  expectation.  The  Genoese  first  pur- 
chased a  quantity  of  it,  to  the  amount  of  20,000  pieces  of  gold; 
and  Cosmo  of  Medici  for  this  article  laid  out  afterwards  sev- 
enty-five thousand.  On  account  of  this  service,  Pius  thought 
Castro  worthy  of  the  highest  honors  and  of  a  statue,  which 
was  erected  to  him  in  his  own  country,  with  this  inscription: 
— "To  John  di  Castro,  the  Inventor  of  Alum;"  and  he  re- 
ceived besides  a  certain  share  of  the  profit.  Immunities  and 
a  share  also  of  the  gain  were  granted  to  the  two  brothers,  lords 
of  Tolfa,  in  whose  land  the  aluminous  mineral  had  been  found. 
This  accession  of  wealth  to  the  Church  of  Rome  was  made,  by 
the  diWne  blessing,  under  the  Pontificate  of  Pius  II. :  and  if  it 
escape,  as  it  ought,  the  hands  of  tyrants,  and  be  prudently 
managed,  it  may  increase  and  afford  no  small  assistance  to  the 


366  APPENDIX. 

Roman  Pontiffs  in  supporting  the  burdens  of  the  Christian 
religion — Pii  Secundl  Comment  .  rer  .  memorab  .  qucE  temp  . 
suia  contigeriint.  Franco/.  1614, /o/.  ^9,  185' 

Dr.  Georg  Voig-t,  in  his  *Enea  Silvio  de  Piccolomiui  als 
Papst  Pius  der  Zweite  und  sein  Zeitalter,'  vol.  iii.  pp. 
546-48,  says:— 

*  Ein  Gllickszufall  brachte  dem  Papste  noch  eine  ganz 
unerwartete  Quelle  von  Einnahmen.  Unter  ihm  wurden  die 
beriihmten  Alaungruben  von  Tolfa  entdeckt.  Der  genannte 
Giovanni  de  Castro,  ein  Mann  der  riihrigsten  Industrie,  der 
zu  Konstantinopel  die  Farbung  italienischer  Zeuge  betrieben, 
bei  der  Eroberung  der  Stadt  jedoch  nichts  als  sein  Leben  und 
seine  techuischen  Kenntnisse  davongetragen,  war  der  Finder. 
Umherschweifend  auf  dem  einsamen  culturlosen  Waldgebirge, 
das  sich  unweit  Civita-vecchia  mit  seinen  Ausliiufern  bis  zum 
Meer  erstreckt,  stobernd  unter  den  Steinen,  Erden  und  Pflan- 
zen  mit  dem  eigenthlimlichen  Antriebe  solcher  Naturen,  be- 
merkte  er  zunachst  ein  Kraut,  das  er  auf  den  alaunhaltigen 
Bergen  Asiens  gesehen,  dann  weisse  Steine,  die  der  salzige  Gesch- 
mack  und' gar  die  Auskochung  als  Alaun  erwies.  Freudig  eilte 
er  zum  Papste  und  verkundete  ihm  den  Sieg  liber  die  Tiirken, 
zunachst  den  ludustriellen,  da  der  Orient  durch  den  Alaun 
jahrlich  iiber  300,000  Ducaten  von  den  Christen  verdiene. 
Yon  anderer  Seite  wird  der  Astrolog  Domenico  di  Zaccaria 
aus  Padua  wenigstens  als  Miteutdecker  angegeben.*  Pius 
indess  erwiihnt  nur  de  Castro.  Er  und  die  Cardiniile  hielten 
die  Entdeckung  anfangs  fdr  eine  alchymistische  Triiumerei. 
Doch  bestatigten  Sachverstiindige,  dass  das  Gestein  wirklich 
Alaun  und  dass  es  in  jenen  Bergen  in  betriebsfiihiger  Masse 
vorhanden  sei ;  das  reichliche  Wasser  der  Gegend  und  der 
nahe  Seehafen  begiinstigten  den  Ban.  Es  wurden  Gewerb- 
sleute  aus  Genua  berufen,  die  einst  bei  den  Tiirken  den 
asiatischen  Alaun  behandelt ;  sie  weinten  vor  Freude,  als  sie 
das  Mineral  erkannten,  nach  der  Abkochung  zeigte  sich  seine 
Giite  :  80  Pfund  hatten  den  Werth  von  100  Pfund  tlirkischen 
Alauns.  Proben  wurden  nach  Venedig  und  Florenz  versandt. 
Genuesische  Kaufleute  schlossen  zuerst  ein  en  Ankauf  fiir 
20,000  Ducaten  ab.  Dann  Cosimo  de'  Medici  einen  fiir 
75,000.  Der  Papst  fasste  den  Vorsatz,  das  Geschenk  Gottes 
auch  zur  Ehre  Gottes,  zum  Tlirkenkriege  zu  verwenden  ;  er 

*  '  Gaspar  Veronensis,  p.  1038,  1043.' 


APPENDIX.  367 

crmahnte  alle  Christen,  fortan  nur  von  ihm,  niclit  von  den 
Unglaubigen  den  Alann  einzukaiifen,  ziimal  da  der  seinige 
nach  der  ErfaSriing  besser  und  billiger  sei.  *     Schon  im  Jalire 

1463  wiirde  tlichtig  in  den  Gruben  von  Tolfa  gearbeitet,  8,000 
Meusclien  waren  dabei  beschiiftigt :  der  Finder  wie  die  Besit- 
zer  des  vorher  unfruchtbaren  Districtes  erhielten  eine  Quote 
des  Gemnnes,  der  dem  apostolischen  Schatze  jiihrlich  gegen 
100,000  Ducaten   einbrachte.     In  der  Wahlcajjitulation  von 

1464  warden  siimmtliclie  Einkiinfte  von  Alaun  flir  den  Tiirk- 
enkrieg  bestimmt. '  f 

From  Dr.  Voigt's  statements  that  as  early  as  the  year  1463, 
8,000  men  were  employed  in  the  alum-works  of  Tolfa,  and 
that  the  profit  to  the  apostolic  treasury,  after  the  claims  of 
the  discoverer  and  the  proprietors  had  been  duly  recoguized, 
amounted  to  100,000  ducats  a  year,  and  from  the  date  of  the 
Pope's  Brief  quoted  above,  it  would  seem  that  the  discovery 
could  scarcely  have  been  made  later  than  1462,  the  year 
assigned  to  it  by  Niccolo  della  Tuccia. 

The  following  extract  from  R.  Harrison's  translation  of 
A.  von  Eeumont's  'Lorenzo  de'  Medici,'  carries  on  somewhat 
further  the  history  of  this  famous  mine  and  of  its  position  in 
regard  to  the  Papal  Government  : — 

*  The  Pope's  affection  and  confidence  were  shown  in  various 
ways.  The  Roman  depository,  i.e.,  the  Receiver's  office,  was 
handed  over  to  the  Medici,  with  the  permission  to  choose  as 
their  representative  Giovanni  Tornabuoni,  director  of  the 
Roman  bank.  New  privileges  were  also  granted  to  them  in 
connection  with  their  share  in  the  farming  of  the  alum -works 
of  Tolfa.     It  was  an  important  concession.     In  the  days  of 

*  '  Diese  Anfforderung  nimmt  sich  in  der  Griindonnerstagsbulle 
V.  7  April,  1463,  bei  Raynaldus,  1463,  n.  84  etwas  wunderhch  neben 
den  Fliicheu  aus.' 

t  '  Die  ausfuhrhchste  Nachricht  giebt  Pius,  Comment,  p.  185,  186, 
einige  werthvoUe  Notizen  Niccolo  della  Tuccia,  Cronaca,  etc.  ed. 
OrioH.  Roma  1852,  p.  307.  Die  verscbiedenen  Zeitangaben  durfen 
niclit  irremachen:  nach  Tuccia  geschah  der  Fund  im  Mai  1462, 
wobei  er  richtig  bemerkt,  dass  der  Papst  damals  in  Viterbo  war; 
damit  stimmt  Pius'  Angabe  in  den  Commentarien.  Als  ef  jeue  Bulle 
erliess,  war  der  Bau  schon  im  Gauge.  Den  Ertrag  giebt  auch  Card. 
Papiens.  Comment  p.  394  an. ' 


368  APPENDIX. 

Pope  Pius  II.,  Giovanni  di  Castro,  son  of  the  famous  juris- 
consult, Paolo,  the  principal  co-operator  in  the  revision  of  the 
Florentine  statutes  (finished  in  1415),  discovered  alum-deposits 
in  the  rock  while  making  geological  investigations  in  the  hilly 
country  between  Civita  Vecchia  and  the  territory  of  Viterbo, 
in  the  vicinity  of  ToKa.  He  instantly  perceived  the  impor- 
tance of  his  discovery,  which  promised  to  free  the  West, 
hitherto  poor  in  this  mineral,  from  a  tribute  to  the  distant 
East,  made  more  inaccessible  by  the  Turkish  conquests.  In 
fact  the  produce  soon  amounted  to  160,000  gold  florins ;  and 
it  is  well  known  what  sanguine  hopes  Pius  11.,  whose  eyes  were 
directed  towards  the  East,  indulged,  that  this  new  source  of 
revenue  would  aid  his  enterprises.  Genoese  houses  had  em- 
ployed themselves  with  the  alum-trade  till  the  Medici  con- 
cluded a  contract  with  the  Papal  exchequer,  which  afterwards 
gave  rise  to  many  unpleasant  misunderstandings  with  the 
financial  department.' — (Vol.  I.  p.  275). 

An  account  of  the  alum  of  Tolfa  is  also  given  in  vol.  v. 
chap,  i.,  of  the  'Voyages  du  P.  Labat  de  I'Drdre  des  FF. 
Prescheur»,  en  Espagne  et  en  Italic;'  and  in  the  article 
'Alaun,'  in  the  '  Oeconomische  Encyclopiidie, '  by  Dr.  J.  G. 
Kriinitz,  which  is  in  part  derived  from  Labat's  work. 


GENERAL  INDEX 

lo 

VOLUMES   I.— VIII. 


GEISTEEAL    INDEX 


Volumes  I.— YIII, 


AARAU,  meeting  of  pastors  at, 
to  complain  of  exile  of  Megan- 
der,  vi.  367;  deputation  sent  to 
Berne,  367 

Ahelard,  ii.  18;  iii.  44 

Ab  Hofen,  Thomas,  Bernese  dep- 
uty to  Geneva,  ii.  311  sq. ;  his 
evangelical  work,  312;  opposi- 
tion and  dejection,  314;  death, 
316 

Adam,  iii.  301  sqq. 

Adrian  VI.,  Pope,  attempts  to 
prevent  introduction  of  Lu- 
ther's works  and  followers  in- 
to Spain,  viii.  4 

Adrian,  Dr.,  umpire  at  confer- 
ence of  Schassburg,  vii.  384 

Agrippa,  Cornelius,  at  Strasburg, 
i.  360;  his  career,  363;  his  book 
on  marriage,  363 

Alasco,  John,  Baron,  primate  of 
Poland,  vii.  433,  443;  unfriend- 
ly reception  of  his  nephew 
John,  445;  his  devotion  to  the 
papacy,  445;  examines  John, 
446;  his  death,  450 

—  Stanislaus,  vii.  433;  at  court 
of  Francis  I.,  442 

—  Yaroslav,  vii.  433;  gets  his 
brother  John  appointed  a  bish- 
op, 452;  interview  with  John, 
458;  his  relations  with  Zapolya, 
458;  military  service  and  im- 
prisonment, 458;  his  death, 
450 

Alasco,  John,  Polish  reformer, 
his  birth  and  early  life,  vii. 
434;  sets  out  to  visit  European 
courts  and  universities,  434;  at 
Louvain,  434;  meets  Zwiuglins 
at  Zurich,  435;  difficulty  of  fix- 
ing dates  of  his  travels,  436, 
note ;  grateful  remembrance  of 


Zwnnglius,  436;  becomes  guest 
of  Erasmus,  437;  influence  of 
Erasmus  on  him,  438,  439;  stu- 
dies at  Basel  under  PeUican, 
439;  friendship  with  Glareanus, 
439;  enjoined  by  King  Sigis- 
mund  to  leave  Basel,  441 ;  un- 
certainty of  his  next  course, 
442 ;  in  Italy,  442 ;  again  in  Po- 
land, 443;  his  struggles,  444; 
worldly  associations,  444;  de- 
cline of  faith,  445;  false  reports 
about  him,  445;  examined  by 
the  primate,  446;  renounces 
doctrines  of  the  Eeformation, 
447;  urges  Erasmus  to  write  to 
the  king,  448;  named  provost 
of  cathedral  church  of  Gnesne, 
448  ;  reads  and  corresponds 
with  Melanchthon,  449;  leans 
towards  Luther,  449;  coolness 
of  Erasmus,  450 ;  his  place 
among  reformers,  451;  has  to 
give  up  hope  of  reforming  Po- 
land, 451;  appointed  bishop  of 
Wesprim,  452;  bishop  of  Cu- 
javia,  452;  his  difficult  position, 
452;  refuses  bishopric  of  Cu- 
javia,  453;  leaves  Poland,  454; 
goes  to  Mentz  and  Louvain, 
454;  offers  made  to  him,  455; 
marries,  456;  his  life  at  Emb- 
den,  456,  457;  declines  offer  of 
pastorate  there,  458;  attends 
death-bed  of  his  brother  Yar- 
oslav, 458,  459;  returns  to  Fries- 
land,  459;  writes  to  Hardeu- 
berg,  459;  accepts  direction  of 
churches  in  Frieslaud,  462;  in- 
vited to  Poland,  462;  his  task  in 
Frieslaud,  462;  charges  against 
him,  463;  opposition  of  John 
of  Falkenberg,  464;  writes  to 


372 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


BuUinger,  464;  conflict  -vvitli 
the  monks,  465;  his  appeal  to 
Countess  Anna,  466;  victory 
over  John  of  Falkenberg,  467; 
aims  at  union  of  Protestant 
sects,  468;  has  a  conference 
with  Menno,  468;  with  Da^id 
Joris,  470;  his  ministry,  471; 
his  church  government,  471; 
relations  to  Erasmus,  Zwing- 
lius,  and  Melanchthon,  472; 
his  Epitome  of  doctrine,  472; 
again  appeals  to  Countess 
Anna,  473;  resigns  office  of 
superintendent,  473;  resumes 
it,  474;  death  of  his  child,  474; 
his  country  home,  475 ;  his  first 
letter  to  Calvin,  475,  note;  at 
Louvain,  548,  552;  meetings 
with  Francis  de  Enzinas,  viii. 
43,  59 

Albany,  John  Stuart,  duke  of,  i. 
414 ;  special  ambassador  of 
Francis  I.  to  Clement  VIL,  ii. 
148;  his  career,  148,  155;  com- 
mands French  fleet  escorting 
Catherine  de'  Medici  to  Nice, 
189;  escorts  Clement  VII.  to 
Marseilles,  190;  regent  of  Scot- 
land, vi.  15;  returns  to  France, 
15;  again  in  Scotland,  defeated 
by  the  English,  finaDy  quits  the 
country,  21 

Albert,  duke  of  Prussia,  protects 
the  reformed  in  Poland,  vii.  431 

Albigenses,  the,  ii.  102 

Alcagnices,  Marchioness  of,  her 
conversations  with  Carranza, 
viii.  117;  gets  his  works  copied 
and  translated,  119 

Alcala  de  Henares,  viii.  13;  a  the- 
ological disputation  at,  14 

Alciati  of  Milan,  at  Bourges,  ii.  23 

Aleander,  papal  nuncio,  obtains 
edict  of  persecution  for  the 
Netherlands,  vii.  488;  receives 
recantation  of  Spreng,  490 

Alengon,  Duchess  of  \_Mar(jaret  of 
Angouleme'] 

Alengon,  Duke  of,  i.  346 

Alesius,  presents  Melanchthon's 
Common  places  to  Henry  VIII., 
v,  106;  account  of  him,  186; 
present  at  convocation,  187; 
his  speech,    188,    189;   refused 


admission,  190;  his  birth  and 
early  life,  vi.  11;  publicly  re- 
futes Luther's  doctrine,  51;  his 
interviews  with  Patrick  Ham- 
ilton, 52;  refuses  to  condemn 
him,  75;  preaches  before  the 
synod,  76 ;  assailed  by  Prior 
Hepburn,  and  imprisoned,  76, 
77;  released  by  command  of 
the  king,  77;  immediately  im-  , 
prisoned  again,  78;  urged  to  I 
escape,  reluctant  to  leave  Scot-  1 
land,  80,  81;  his  flight,  81,  82; 
embarks  at  Dundee,  83;  his 
wanderings,  84;  his  letter  to 
James  V.,  90,  91 

Alexander  VI.,  Pope,  1.  119,  211; 
his  decree  on  printing,  ii.  173 

Alexander  Cajius  {Bumoulin),  goes 
to  Geneva,  iv.  195;  attempts  to 
arrest  him,  198;  seized  and  ban- 
ished, 205;  leaves  Geneva,  206 

Alexander,  Dr.,  preaches  at  Dant- 
zic,  vii.  425 

Alexander,  Peter,  chaplain  to  the 
Kegent  of  the  Netherlands,  viii. 
86;  holds  a  disputation  with  De 
Soto,  87;  his  flight,  trial,  and 
burning  in  effigy,  87;  pastor  of 
French  church  in  Loudon,  88 

Alva,  Duke  of,  i.  325 

Aniadeus  V.  of  Savoy,  i.  17;  seizes 
the  chateau  de  I'lle,  17;  be- 
comes vidame,  18;  bids  for  pop- 
ular favor,  18 

Amadeus  VIII.,  his  attempt  on 
Geneva,  i.  19;  his  abdication, 
21;  nominated  pope  by  Coun- 
cil of  Basel  as  Felix  V.,  21; 
makes  himself  prince  and  bish- 
op of  Geneva,  21;  his  death,  21 

Amadeus  IX.,  i.  22 

Amman,  Louis,  vi.  434 

Amsterdam,  beginning  of  the  Ref- 
ormation at,  vii.  531  sqq. ;  ar- 
rests of  evangelicals  by  night, 
their  execution,  535;  Jan  van 
Geelen's  attempt  to  surprise, 
viii.  348 

Amyot,  Jacques,  iii.  76 

Aimbaptisls,  burnt  by  Henry 
VIII.,  V.  63;  viii.  3 60  ISpirituals] 

Ancina,  Messire  d',  i.  116,  122 

Anderson,  Lawrence,  his  birth 
and  early  life,  vii.  239;  receives 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


373 


evangelical  doctrine,  240;  ad- 
ministrator of  diocese  of  Streng- 
naes,  240;  friendship  with  Olaf 
and  Lawrence  Peterson,  241; 
before  Gustavus,  258;  appoint- 
ed chancellor  of  the  kingdom, 
258;  his  character,  259;  ad- 
vises Gustavus,  259;  translates 
the  New  Testament,  2G9;  ad- 
vises the  king  on  church  pow- 
er, 281;  his  speech  at  Diet  of 
Westeraas,  285  sqq. ;  deputy 
with  Olaf  to  the  king,  291;  his 
speech  on  return  of  the  king, 
293 ;  president  of  synod  of  Ore- 
bro,  299 

Anderson,  William,  a  Protestant 
of  Perth,  vi.  178;  seized  and 
condemned  to  death,  181; 
hung,    181 

Andronicus,  invited  into  Switzer- 
land by  Farel,  iii.  233  sqq. ; 
joins  Farel,  235 

Angelis,  Francis  de,  viii.  4 

Angers,  University  of,  declares 
for  divorce  of  Henry  VIIL,  iv. 
40     ^ 

Angoideme,  city,  iii.  5 

Angus,  Earl  of,  marries  Marga- 
ret, regent  of  Scotland,  vi.  15; 
takes  the  Great  Seal,  22;  de- 
feats Lennox,  24;  renews  pro- 
scription of  New  Testament, 
43;  keeps  the  king  in  subjec- 
tion, 72;  banished,  74;  joins 
English  army  against  the  Scots, 
138;  accompanies  the  liberated 
nobles  to  Scotland,  158;  rein- 
stated, 161;  imprisoned,  liber- 
ated, 184 

Anhnlf,  Principality  of,  the  refor- 
mation in,  viii.  322;  the  princes 
of,  322;  Luther's  letter  to  them, 
32G ;  the  reformation  established 
in,  327 

Anna,  Countess  \^Fr\esland'\ 

Annates,  in  England,  abolished, 
iv.  87 

Anne  Boleyn,  meets  Henry  VIIL, 
ii.  105;  iv.  21,  27;  lodged  in 
palace  at  Greenwich,  103;  mar- 
riage of,  118,  127;  included  in 
Clement's  excommunication  of 
Henry  VIIL,  128;  appears  as 
queen,  131;  her  marriage  pro- 


nounced lawful,  135;  presented 
to  the  people,  135;  her  corona- 
tion, 136;  unsatisfied,  137;  her 
course  and  fate,  138;  change 
in  her  character,  v.  32;  pro- 
tects evangelicals,  32;  orders 
liberation  of  Harman,  33;  her 
bringing  up,  119;  her  good 
works,  120,  121;  esteem  for 
Latimer,  121;  Tyndale's  pres- 
ent to,  122;  character  of,  124; 
opposite  views  of  her,  125;  hos- 
tility of  Norfolk,  126;  her  diffi- 
cult position,  127;  jealousy  of 
Jane  Seymour,  128;  gives  birth 
to  a  dead  son,  129;  co-operates 
with  Cranmer,  130;  her  choice 
of  bishops,  130,  131;  forebod- 
ings, 132;  commends  her  daugh- 
ter Elizabeth  to  Parker,  133; 
charges  against  her,  133,  134 
sq. ;  ordered  to  keep  her  room, 
138;  before  the  council,  139; 
taken  to  the  Tower,  140;  her 
sympathy,  141;  watched,  145; 
agitation,  146;  her  letter  to  the 
king,  150  sqq. ;  alleged  pre-con- 
tract of  marriage  not  proved, 
153;  her  trial,  155  sqq.;  sen- 
tenced to  death,  157;  her  ad- 
dress to  the  judges,  158;  asks 
pardon  of  the  princess  Mary, 
162;  her  execution,  165  sqq.\ 
effect  of  her  death  in  Europe, 
170,  171 
Anne  of  Beauregard,  v.  427,  428 
Anne  of  Cleves,  proposal  for  her 
marriage  with  Henry  VIIL, 
viii.  193;  her  portrait,  193;  the 
marriage  arranged,  193;  at  Ca- 
lais, 194;  a  game  of  cards,  194; 
reaches  Canterburs',  195;  at 
Eochester,  seen  by  the  king, 
195;  received  bj'-  him,  197;  en- 
ters London,  197;  married,  198; 
hopes,  198;  scheme  contrived 
for  her  divorce,  230  sqq. ;  con- 
sents, 231;  receives  report  of 
judgment  of  convocation,  232; 
her  submission,  233;  a  pension 
and  a  palace  for  her,  2;}4 
Anne  of  Cyprus,  i.  21,  22,  23;  ac- 
cused by  her  son  Philip  to  her 
husband,  25 
[Annonay,  the  'holy  virtues'  of, 


374 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


i.  429;  preaching  of  Stephen 
Machopolis  at,  430;  of  Eenier, 
430;  of  Jonas,  430;  arrest  and 
imprisonment  of  many  evan- 
gelicals, 431 

Anschar,  apostle  of  Scandinavia, 
vii.  120 

Antwerp,  vii.  481;  beginning  of 
reformation  at,  483  sqq. ;  per- 
secution, 492;  the  convent  of 
the  Augustines  destroyed,  499; 
open-air  meeting  of  the  re- 
formed, 503;  murder  of  Nicho- 
las, 504;  preaching  attended  by 
crowds,  517 

Aosta,  Lutheranism  at,  v.  451 
sqq. ;  assembly  of  estates  at, 
452;  resolution  against  Luther- 
anism, 453;  monuments  of  Cal- 
vin's passage  through,  454 

Apologists,  Christian,  iii.  10,  182 

Appeals  to  the  pope,  abolished  in 
England,  iv.  179 

Aquinas,  Thomas,  Calvin's  ad- 
miration of,  i.  387;  ii.  167 

Arcimbold,  Sells  indulgences  in 
Scandinavia,  vii.  127;  gains 
over  the  King  of  Denmark, 
128;  sends  his  brother  to  Goth- 
land, 236 

Aresen,  Johan,  bishop  of  Holum, 
vii.  226;  his  quarrel  with  bish- 
op of  Skalholt,  226 ;  vanquished 
in  single  combat,  226;  takes 
up  arms  against  the  reforma- 
tion, 229;  usurps  the  see  of 
Skalholt,  229;  arrested  and  ex- 
ecuted with  his  sons,  230;  bar- 
barous revenge  of  his  partisans, 
230 

Arlod,  Jean  d',  i.  271;  iv.  313;  v. 
352;  imprisoned  at  Chillon,  353 

— ,  Domaine  d',  iii.  364;  pro- 
scribed by  the  bishop,  439; 
seized  and  imprisoned,  441, 
457. 

Arnold  of  Winkelried,  i.  194 

Arran,  Earl  of,  vi.  152;  his  char- 
acter, 154;  proclaimed  regent 
of  Scotland,  154;  his  evangeli- 
cal chaplains,  155;  fiivors  proj- 
ect of  marriage  of  Mary  Queen 
of  Scots  with  Edward  of  Eng- 
land, 158;  oonlirraed  in  the  re- 
gency, 161;  dismisses  his  chap- 


lains, 168;  refuses  the  hostages 
to  Henry  VIIL,  171;  assem- 
bles an  army  at  Edinburgh, 
172;  his  irresolution,  173;  joins 
the  cardinal  at  Stirling,  173; 
submits  to  the  pope  and  is  ab- 
solved, 174;  accompanies  Bea- 
toun  to  Perth,  sanctions  mar- 
tyrdom of  Protestants,  181;  and 
persecution  in  Forfarshire,  182; 
flies  li'om  Edinburgh  with  Bea- 
toun,  183;  gives  up  Wishart  to 
Beatoun,  197;  writes  to  the 
cardinal  about  him,  197 

Arras,  martyrs  at,  i.  349:  iii.  142 

Artois,  preaching  of  Berquin  in, 
i.  332,  333 

Aske,  Robert,  heads  revolt  of 
Catholics  in  Yorkshire,  v.  206; 
the  pilgrimage  of  grace,  206;  at 
Pomfret  Castle,  209;  confronts 
the  Lancaster  herald,  209;  re- 
solves to  march  on  London, 
210 

Askew,  Anne,  account  of,  viii, 
274;  her  marriage  and  separa- 
tion, 275;  imprisoned,  her  ex- 
aminations, 276;  before  Bishop 
Bonner,  277;  liberated  on  bail, 
277;  again  arrested,  examined, 
277,  278;  her  firmness,  279;  con- 
demned to  be  burnt,  279;  again 
examined  and  tortured  by  Wri- 
othesley  and  Rich,  280,  281,  and 
note;  her  martyrdom,  283  sqq. 

Athanasian  Creed,  the,  vi.  317 

Audley,  Sir  Thomas,  Speaker,  iv. 
9;  appointed  Chancellor,  91; 
one  of  Fryth's  examiners,  151; 
begs  for  gift  of  convents,  v.  99; 
member  of  commission  of  in- 
quiry into  conduct  of  Queen 
Anne,  136,  139;  viii.  226 

Augsburg,  Diet  of,  ii.  216,  255, 
415,  421;  vii.  170;  influence  of 
the  confession  in  Hungary,  345 

Augustines,  at  Geneva,  i.  44"^ 

Augustine,  St.,  iv.  46 

Austria,  ii.  215,  216;  delegates 
at  Diet  of  Augsburg,  217,  218, 
219  [Ferdinand of  Anstri-a,,  Phil- 
ip of  Hesse] 

Avalos,  Don  Gaspard  d',  opposes 
publication  of  Spanish  New 
Testament,  viii.  61 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


375 


Avenches,  iii.  212 

Avignon,  Francis  L,  holds  coun- 
cil at.  ii.  214;  the  embroiderer 
of,  iv.  325;  seized  and  ill-used, 
325;  reaches  Geneva,  326 

Avila,  John  d',  his  preaching  in 
Andalusia,  viii.  4,  5,  6;  exposes 
the  fraud  of  MadeUne  de  la 
Croix,  7;  defends  St.  Theresa, 
7;  counsels  Sancha  de  Carile, 
8;  arrested  by  the  Inquisition, 
and  acquitted,  17 

BABIXOT,  Albert,  iii.  46;  sent 
by  Calvin  to  preach,  58;  at 
Toulouse,  59,  61 

Badiiei,  Claude,  ii.  257;  seeks  in- 
troduction to  Margaret  of  Na- 
varre, 258:  visits  her,  259;  his 
career,  259;  envoy  from  Mar- 
garet to  Melaiichthon,  iv.  368 

Baillot,  Jacques,  of  Neuchatel, 
advocates  giving  help  to  Gene- 
va, V.  323 ;  on  the  march,  327 

Bainham,  James,  iv.  106;  arrested 
and  tortured  by  More,  lOG;  be- 
fore Bishop  of  London,  107; 
his  abjuration  and  sentence, 
107;  remorse,  108;  repentance, 
108;  condemned,  109;  visited 
by  Latimer,    109;  martyrdom, 

lio 

Bakker,  Johan  van,  with  his  fa- 
ther denounced  as  a  Lutheran, 
vii.  510;  sent  to  Louvaiu,  be- 
comes a  priest,  511;  impris- 
oned, liberated,  goes  to  Wit- 
tenberg, 511;  returns,  and  is 
banished,  511 ;  wanderings,  511 ; 
separates  from  Rome,  512;  op- 
poses indulgences,  512  ;  ar- 
rested, 513;  liis  trial,  513;  im- 
prisoned, 514;  his  lather,  515; 
his  martyrdom,  515,  516 

Balard,  sj-ndic  of  Geneva,  i.  204; 
elected  syndic,  263;  cited,  292, 
note,-  iii.  282,  286,  290;  recom- 
mends celebration  of  the  mass, 
V,  367;  his  views,  411;  exam- 
ined before  the  Council,  vi. 
502  sqq. 

Balkerlei/,  IMartin,  imprisoned 
at  Edinburgh  for  reading  the 
Scriptures,  vi.  113;  pays  a  ran- 
som and  is  left  in  prison,   a 


double  ransom  demanded,  113; 
liberated,  113 

Balleyson,  M.  de,  1.  278,  291,  295, 
297 

Balue,  Master,  deputy  of  the  Sor- 
bonne,  ii.  287 

Bandlere,  Ami,  i.  267,  270,  276, 
292;  leads  the  search  for  Pont- 
verre,  and  is  wounded,  ii.  379 

Bandlere,  Jean,  i.  292 

Bandini,  Francesco,  Archbishop 
of  Siena,  receives  deputation 
accusing  Paleario,  iv.  444;  con- 
sents to  support  the  charge, 
445 

Baner,  Eric,  in  charge  of  Gusta- 
vus  Vasa,  vii.  245 

Baptis)n,  a  reformed,  at  Geneva, 
iv.  249 

Barbnrossa,  iv.  465 

Barbier,  instigates  plot  against 
reformers  at  Geneva,  v.  244 

Bar-le  Dae,  conference  and  treaty 
of,  ii.  224  sqq. ;  297 

Barlow,  Dr.,  prior  of  Bisham,  his 
embassy  to  Scotland,  vi.  100, 
101;  ready  to  preach,  105 

Barnes,  envoy  to  reformers  at 
Wittenberg,  v.  106 ;  sent  by  the 
king  to  invite  Melanchthon, 
107;  well  received  b}'^  Elector 
of  Saxony,  107;  joined  by  Fox 
and  Hare,  109;  takes  part  in 
negotiating  marriage  of  the  king 
with  Anne  of  Cleves,  viii.  202; 
appointed  to  preach  at  Paul's 
Cross,  superseded  by  Gardiner, 
202;  preaches,  203;  reprimand- 
ed by  the  king,  20 1 ;  reads  a  re- 
tractation, and  again  preaches, 
204;  committed  to  the  Tower, 
204;  with  Garret  and  Jerome 
and  three  Papists,  burnt  at 
Smithliold,  227,  228 

Barton,  Elizabeth  [Maid  of  Kenf] 

Basel,  council  of,  i.  21;  embassy 
to  Geneva,  ii.  390,  392;  treaty 
with  landgrave  of  Hesse,  420; 
conferences  at,  vi.  325;  vii.  43, 
44 

Band,  Claude,  syndic  of  Geneva, 
attempts  to  direct  Catholic  riot- 
ers, iii.  375;  plants  the  city 
bannei-,  379;  refuses  to  give 
the  signal  for  attack,  385 ;  takes 


376 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


part  in  consultation  for  peace, 
395;  iv.  200;  searches  for  Fro- 
ment,  205 

Bayfield,  Eicliard,  in  prison,  iv. 
83;  his  martyrdom,  Si 

Beaton n.  David,  abbot  of  Ar- 
broath, negotiates  return  of  his 
uncle,  the  primate,  to  St.  An- 
drews, vi.  28;  one  of  the  judges 
of  Patrick  Hamilton,  61;  ac- 
companies James  V.  to  Paris, 
108;  again  in  France,  made 
bishop  of  Mirepoix,  108;  nego- 
tiates marriage  of  James  with 
Mary  of  Lorraine,  109  ;  his 
chai'acter  and  aims,  110,  111; 
created  cardinal.  111;  unites 
with  the  king  against  the  gos- 
pellers and  the  nobles,  112; 
finds  money  for  the  king,  113; 
his  arrogance,  113;  goes  to 
France  to  seek  aid  for  Scot- 
land, 115;  persecutes  the  gos- 
pellers, 116  sqq. ;  demands  the 
burning  of  Kennedy  and  Rus- 
sel,  123;  succeeds  his  uncle  as 
primate,  124;  his  persecutions 
checked  by  the  king,  126;  holds 
assembly  of  prelates  and  no- 
bles at  St.  Andrews,  126;  aims 
at  ruin  of  Henry  YIII.,  133; 
prevents  interview  of  James 
and  Henry,  135;  visits  James 
V.  on  his  death-bed,  149;  un- 
der alleged  will  of  the  king 
claims  to  be  president  of  the 
council  of  regency,  153;  op- 
poses  appointment  of  Arran  to 
the  regency,  154;  appointed 
chancellor,  155;  resists  scheme 
for  marriage  of  Mary  Queen  of 
Scots  with  Prince  Edward  of 
England,  158;  excluded  from 
the  council  and  imprisoned, 
159;  results  of  his  arrest,  160; 
liberated,  169  ;  his  iutrigues 
against  the  regent,  169;  con- 
vokes the  clergy,  170;  induces 
the  regent  to  refuse  the  hos- 
tages, 171;  removes  the  two 
queens  to  Stirling,  172;  re- 
ceives submission  of  Arran  and 
absolves  him,  174;  crowns  the 
queen,  175;  resolves  to  crush 
the  Reformation,  177;  goes  to 


Perth,  condemns  six  Protes- 
tants to  death,  181 ;  persecutes 
them  in  Forfarshire,  182;  on 
appearance  of  English  army  at 
Leith,  flies  from  Edinburgh 
with  Arran,  183;  sets  a  body 
of  armed  men  to  waylay  Wis- 
hart,  196;  imprisons  Wishart, 
197;  convokes  the  bishops,  197; 
arms  his  men  to  escort  them 
and  Wishart,  198;  presides  at 
his  trial,  198  sqq. ;  witnesses 
his  martyrdom,  205  sqq. ;  mar- 
ries his  daughter  to  David  Lind- 
say, 208;  quarrels  with  Nor- 
man Lesley,  209;  a  conspiracy 
formed  a,gainst  him,  orders  his 
partisans  to  meet  him  at  Falk- 
land, 209;  his  castle  seized  by 
Norman  Lesley,  211 ;  murdered, 
212;  oj)inions  on  the  murder, 
214 
Beatoun,  James,  primate  of-Scot- 
land,  gathering  of  the  Hamil- 
tons  in  his  palace,  vi.  16;  dis- 
sensions with  the  queen-mother 
and  the  nobles,  22;  deprived  of 
the  Great  Seal  by  Angus,  23; 
plots  with  the  priests  against 
Angus,  23;  in  concealment  in 
Fifeshire,  24;  returns  to  St. 
Andrews,  28;  cites  Patrick 
Hamilton  before  him,  28;  in- 
vites him  to  a  conference,  48; 
cites  him  on  a  charge  of  heresy, 
54;  orders  his  arrest,  59;  pro- 
nounces sentence  on  him,  64; 
sanctions  imprisonment  of  Ale- 
sius,  78;  condemns  Seaton's 
doctrines,  88;  imprisons  Thom- 
as Forrest,  92;  leaves  his  see  to 
his  nephew  David,  124 
Beatrice  of  Portugal,  married  to 
duke  Charles  IIL,  i.  218;  re- 
ception of,  at  Geneva,  219  sqq. ; 
birth  of  a  son,  234;  deputation 
of  women  to  her  in  behalf  of 
Levrier,  251 ;  quits  Geneva, 
251;  ii.  452 
Beaugency,  ancient  custom  at,  ii.  6 
Becon,  Thomas,  quoted,  iv.  162 
Bedn,  sjTidic  of  the  Sorboune, 
advises  persecution  of  Luther- 
ans, i.  332,  333;  reports  on 
Berquin's  works,   334;  princi- 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


377 


pal  of  Montaigu  College,  38G; 
attacks  Berquiu,  403;  bis  refu- 
tation of  Erasmus,  404;  ar- 
rested, 405;  attacked  by  Ber- 
quin,  40G;  urges  persecution 
of  Berquin,  431,  432;  ii.  34,  36, 
40;  attacks  the  professors,  59; 
his  charges  dismissed  by  the 
parliament,  GO;  adopted  by  the 
Sorbonne,  60;  declaims  against 
reformers,  90;  urges  arrest  of 
preachers,  119;  general  in  the 
war  against  Lutherans,  121; 
sets  mendicant  friars  to  work, 
121,  122;  confined  to  his  house 
by  the  king's  order,  124;  breaks 
loose,  125;  appears  before  the 
parliament,  129;  banished,  130; 
his  departure,  133;  censor  of 
books,  167;  detects  heresy  in 
Margaret's  J/i/Tor,  167;  returns 
to  Paris,  230;  attacks  profes- 
sors of  University  of  Paris,  230; 
demands  burning  of  Roussel 
and  others,  231;  his  debate 
with  Roussel  in  the  prison, 
233;  his  Bemonsirance  read  by 
the  king,  233;  imprisoned,  233; 
accuses  the  king,  iii.  115; 
charged  with  treason,  his  im- 
prisonment and  death,  116;  iv. 
40 

Bell,  Dr.,  joint  commissioner  to 
Oxford  University,  iv.  33 

JBellantes,  Antonio,  his  friendship 
with  Paleario,  iv.  439;  his  moth- 
er, 440;  her  property  stolen  by 
the  monks,  440 

Bellanies,  Faustus,  warns  Palea- 
rio, iv.  441;  at  his  trial,  441,  451 

— ,  Evander,  at  trial  of  Paleario, 
iv.  451 

Bellegarde,  Sieur  de,  prepares  am- 
buscade for  Levrier,  i.  246; 
seizes  and  takes  him  to  castle 
of  Bonne,  247;  tortiires  him, 
251;  treachery  to  Bonivard,  ii. 
406;  envoy  to  the  emperor,  iii. 
2o2;  bribes  the  grand  equerry, 
2(<2;  has  audience  of  Cliiuies 
v.,  263;  interview  with  Gran- 
vella,  265;  his  letter  to  the 
duke,  2GG;  his  plans  against 
Geneva,  267;  projects  a  for- 
tress, 273 


BeUessert,  Captain,  commands 
one  of  the  bands  against  Lu- 
therans, iii.  378;  strikes  down 
Philippe,  and  is  wounded  by 
him,  387 

Beinbo,  Pietro,  Cardinal,  iv.  432, 
465,  482 

Benoii,  Andrew,  goes  to  Geneva, 
vi.  299  [Spirituals^ 

Berger,  Nicholas,  assassinated  by 
Pennet,  iv.  233 

Bergeron,  G.,  syndic  of  Geneva, 
i.  308 

Bernard,  Carmelite,  martyrdom 
of,  vii.  516 

Bernard  of  Lublin,  vii.  422 

Bernard,  Claude,  iii.  277,  296, 
314;  his  daughter,  325,  327, 
328;  rescues  Froment,  347;  aids 
in  rescue  of  Olive'tan,  363 ;  leads 
Huguenots  in  the  fight  in  the 
Molard,  416;  receives  evangel- 
ists into  his  house,  v.  245,  247, 
250;  proposes  suppression  of 
the  mass,  &c.,  275 

Bernard,  Jacques,  superior  of 
Franciscans,  converted  by  Fa- 
rel's  preaching,  iv.  254;  v.  251; 
preaches  in  convent  church, 
251;  undertakes  a  public  dis- 
putation, 253;  ten  theses,  254, 
255,  263;  at  the  debate,  265 
sqq. ;  appointed  pastor  at  Gene- 
va, vi.  414 

Bernard,  John,  i.  57,  134,  256;  ii. 
333 

Bernard,  Louis,  throws  off  his 
priestly  robes,  iv.  283;  marriis, 
305;  writes  to  Calvin,  vii.  14 

Berne,  1.  154,  155,  182;  friendly 
to  Geneva,  276,  277;  embassy 
to  Geneva,  280;  exiles  at,  283; 
receives  news  of  Huguenot  tri- 
umph at  Geneva,  302;  alliance 
with  Friburg  and  Geneva,  303, 
305,  306,  3U7,  308,  310,  376; 
Genevese  and  Savoyard  depu- 
tations to,  ii.  307;  admonish- 
es duke  of  Savoy,  338;  warns 
Geneva,  338;  triumph  of  the 
Scriptures  at,  346 ;  Bernese 
Lutherans  at  Geneva,  385,  390, 
392,  400,  420;  jirepares  to  suc- 
cour Geneva,  424,  432;  asks 
help   of  Geneva,   442;  refuses 


378 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


help  to  Geneva,  445;  deputies 
propose  renunciation  of  alli- 
ance, 446;  demands  it  again, 
449;  Genevese  embassy  to,  450; 
alliance  maintained,  450;  joint- 
suzerain  of  Orbe,  iii.  205;  ord- 
ers that  all  fathers  of  families 
should  attend  Farel's  preach- 
ing, 217;  opens  churches  at 
Gran  son  to  reformers,  238,  239; 
with  Friburg  publishes  first  act 
of  religious  liberty  in  Switzer- 
land, 244;  intervenes  in  favor 
of  religious  liberty  at  Geneva, 
365 ;  counter  embassies  to,  from 
Geneva,  402,  403,  404;  embassy 
to  Geneva,  428;  the  deputies 
counsel  yielding  to  the  bishop, 
453;  sends  Farel  to  Geneva,  iv. 
207;  embassy  to  Geneva,  215; 
protects  the  reformers,  216; 
compels  opening  of  a  church 
to  them,  219;  insists  upon  trial 
of  Furbity,  220 ;  deputies  assist 
at  his  examination,  243  sq.,  255; 
farewell  of,  the  embassj',  256; 
intervention  on  behalf  of  Mai- 
sonneuve,  273;  Genevese  em- 
bassy to,  309;  exhorts  Savoy 
and  Burgundy  to  cease  hostili- 
ties against  Geneva,  317,  318; 
intervenes  for  Maisonneuve 
and  Janin,  322;  supports  duke 
of  Savoy,  340;  refuses  aid  to 
Geneva,  v.  316;  negotiates  with 
duke  of  Savoy  on  its  behalf, 
360;  helps  Geneva,  372;  de- 
clares war  against  duke  of  Sa- 
YOj^  373;  march  of  the  army 
under  NiigueH,  374;  demands 
sovereignty  of  Geneva,  397; 
reduction  and  annexation  of 
Vaud,  398;  the  envoj^s  at 
Aosta,  450,  451;  the  Bernese 
take  Yverdun,  and  abolish 
Bomish  worship,  vi.  229;  edict 
issued  for  disputation  at  Lau- 
sanne, 23  i;  ordinances  for  the 
Paj^s  de  Vaud,  263 ;  treatj^  with 
Lausanne,  265;  issues  edict  of 
reformation  for  the  Pays  de 
Vaud,  272;  synod  of,  320;  an- 
other synod  convoked,  327;  a 
patched-up  peace,  327;  anoth- 
er synod,    327  sqq. ;    deputies 


of,  at  Geneva,  support  the 
malcontent  Huguenots,  340; 
letter  to  the  Keformers,  348; 
an  embassy  to  Geneva  prom- 
ised, 348,  and  not  sent,  349; 
sanctions  the  Genevese  confes- 
sion, 350;  dismissal  of  Megan- 
der,  367;  deputation  of  country 
pastors  to  Berne,  367,  368; 
views  of  Bernese  on  church 
and  state,  371;  on  worship, 
372;  convoke  a  synod  at  Lau- 
sanne, 373;  letters  to  Calvin 
and  the  Council  of  Geneva, 
376;  letter  of  the  council  to 
the  Genevese  on  behalf  of  Cal- 
vin and  Farel,  418;  delegates 
sent  with  them  to  Geneva,  431 ; 
received  by  the  council,  433; 
dispute  about  treaty  with  Ge- 
neva, 512;  a  new  treaty,  513; 
quarrel  about  it,  514;  summons 
the  Genevese  to  a  trial  at  Lau- 
sanne, 516;  sentence  against 
Geneva,  516;  proposes  fi'esh 
discussion,  517 

Berquin,  Louis,  arrested  and  lib- 
erated, i.  332;  his  character, 
332;  preaching  in  Artois,  332; 
assailed  by  priests  and  nobles, 
333;  his  books  examined  by 
the  Sorbonne,  334;  imprisoned, 
335;  interrogated,  343;  threat- 
ened with  the  stake,  343;  pro- 
ceedings stopped  by  Francis  I., 
344;  partial  liberation,  358;  set 
free,  377;  his  task,  378;  re- 
solves to  attack  the  papal  pow- 
er, 403;  letter  to  Erasmus,  404; 
rejects  advice  of  Erasmus,  405; 
attacks  Beda  and  the  Sorbonne, 
406;  censured  by  Erasmiis,  407; 
abuse  of,  431;  ii.  30;  judges  ap- 
pointed to  try  him,  33;  Mar- 
garet's intercession,  34;  arrest- 
ed, 35;  his  letter  discovered, 
35;  sentence  pronounced,  36; 
appeals,  37 ;  efforts  of  Budaeus, 
38;  a  fall  and  a  recovery,  39; 
sentenced  to  be  burnt,  40;  ex- 
ecution hurried  on,  41;  mar- 
tyrdom, 43  sqq. ;  effect  on  spec- 
tators, 44,  55 

Berihaud,  appointed  to  preach  in 
Paris,    ii.    117;   his   end,    119; 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


379 


confined  by  the  king's  orders, 
125;  forbidden  to  preach,  228; 
burning  of,  demanded  by  Beda, 
231;  set  free,  234:;  aiTested,  iii. 
113;  before  the  king,  117;  sent 
to  a  convent,  125 
Bertheliei',  Philibert,  Genevese 
patriot,  i.  2 ;  his  ciiaracter  and 
aim,  30,  36,  39;  accepts  from 
the  Bastard  the  government  of 
Peney,  40;  friendship  with 
Bonivard,  47,  50;  tears  up  his 
commission,  56;  his  school  of 
liberty,  59,  64;  frustrates  at- 
tempt of  the  duke  to  seize 
Levrier,  64 ;  his  intercourse 
with  Bonivard,  66,  67,  68;  calls 
a  meeting  of  patriots,  69  sqq. ; 
his  exhortation  to  unity,  70; 
watched  by  agents  of  the  bish- 
op, 71;  practical  joke  about 
Claude  Gros'  mule,  73;  threat- 
ened with  a  fine  by  the  vidame, 
74;  scheme  to  get  rid  of  him, 
76,  80;  demanded  by  the  bish- 
op, 83  ;  warned,  83  ;  escapes 
with  the  Friburgers,  84;  the 
search  for  him,  84;  at  Friburg, 
84;  his  speech  to  the  guilds, 
86 ;  ofi'ered  a  pardon  by  the 
duke,  92 ;  alleged  to  be  a 
'charmer'  97;  his  return  to 
Geneva,  110 ;  promotes  the 
Swiss  alliance,  110 ;  obstacle 
to  destruction  of  liberty,  112; 
his  trial,  112;  his  energy  and 
devotion,  130,  131;  his  propo- 
sition for  consultation  of  patri- 
ots, 134;  his  friendship  with 
Marty,  of  Friburg,  136;  rouses 
the  Genevese  to  action,  143; 
tried  by  the  syndics  and  ac- 
quitted by  the  council,  144; 
rejects  bribe  ofi'ered  by  the 
duke,  153,  160,  161,  173,  178, 
185;  the  bishop  'watches  for' 
him,  188;  his  serenity,  188; 
his  retreat,  188;  arrested,  189; 
in  prison,  190;  his  religious 
faith,  191;  refuses  to  be  tried 
by  Desbois,  192;  proposal  to 
rescue  him,  193;  sentence  of 
death,  195 ;  execution,  196 ; 
procession  through  Geneva, 
196;  impression  produced  by 


his  death,  197;  sanguis  semen, 
198,  213,  282;  his  memory  hon- 
ored, 314;  iv.  210 

'BesoUes  war,'  the,  i.  181,  207 

Beyaerts,  Jan,  vii.  550,  551;  re- 
moves pictures  from  the  church- 
es, 552;  arrested,  554,  555 

Beza,  Theodore,  i.  386,  396,  398; 
ii.  8,  19,  21,  22;  birth  and  ear- 
ly life  of,  first  meets  Calvin, 
23 

Bible,  the,  in  French,  prohibited 
in  France,  i.  342;  difficulty  of 
obtaining  at  Paris,  ii.  87;  Latin, 
of  Stephens,  87;  first  French 
published,  v.  272;  act  passed 
by  Scottish  parliament  for  free- 
dom to  read,  vi,  163  [Tyndale, 
Cromwell,  Cranmer,  and  names 
of  various  versions] 

Biderman,  John  [Blunchei] 

Blllik,  Carmelite,  papal  delegate 
at  Ratisbon,  viii.  102 

Bilney,  Thomas,  character  and 
opinions  of,  iv.  77;  his  preach- 
ing, 78;  friendship  with  Lati- 
mer, 78;  arrested,  79;  attempts 
of  monks  to  convert  him,  79; 
his  trial,  80;  condemned,  80; 
his  last  evening,  81;  martyr- 
dom, 82,  83,  93 

Bishopers  and  Commoners,  at  Ge- 
neva, ii.  329,  350 

Bisiiops,  of  England,  their  reply 
to  petition  of  the  Commons, 
iv.  13,  14;  the  reply  criticised, 
15;  resisSt  attack  on  their  priv- 
ileges, 17;  their  subterfuge,  18; 
alliance  with  the  king  against 
reformers,  72;  attempt  to  im- 
pose on  lower  clergy  the  pay- 
ment promised  to  the  king,  73 
sq. ;  begin  persecution  of  Lu- 
therans, 77;  submit  to  the  king, 
89;  their  oath  at  consecration, 
89;  renounce  orders  of  the  pope 
prejudicial  to  the  king,  90; 
election  of,  regulated,  180;  de- 
clare the  papacy  a  human  in- 
vention, 181  ;  suspension  of 
their  jurisdiction,  v.  83;  de- 
cline to  answer  Gei'man  envoys, 
viii.  156 ;  find  a  compromise 
impossible,  180,  181;  protest 
against  referring  the  transla- 


380 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


tion  of  the  Bible  to  the  univer- 
sities, 257 

Bishops,  government  by,  i.  284, 
285;  arguments  for  temporal 
power,  iii.  452 

Bishops  in  Denmark,  excluded 
from  the  Diet,  vii.  220 

^ Bishop/ s  Book,'  the,  viii.  261 

Blancherose,  physician,  takes  part 
in  disputation  at  Lausanne,  vi. 
242,  245,  250,  253,  254 

Blanchet,  i.  69;  his  adventures, 
109;  imprisoned  at  Turin,  114; 
his  examination,  115  ;  tor- 
tured, 116,  121;  sentenced  to 
death,  122;  beheaded,  123; 
treatm'ent  of  his  remains,  123, 
124;  agitation  in  Geneva,  124, 
127,  182 

Blois,  Koussel  and  Leffevre  at,  i. 
363;  a  'placard'  on  the  king's 
door,  iii.  106 

Bockhold    [John  of  LeyderC] 

Booking,  Friar,  instigates  impos- 
ture of  Maid  of  Kent,  v.  8,  9; 
before  S^^r  Chamber,  15 

Bocquet,  Christopher,  preaches 
at  Geneva,  iii.  329;  again,  336, 
353;  ordered  to  leave  Geneva, 
354 

Boehmer,  Edward,  his  researches 
on  the  brothers  Valder,  iv.  457 
note,  467  note. 

Bohemia,  the  Keformation  in,  vii. 
417;  the  CaHxtines,  417;  the 
Taborites,  417 

Boiling  to  death,  penalty  for  pois- 
oning, iv.  68 

Bois-le-Dac,  martyrs  at,  vii.   537 

Boisseau  de  la  Border ie,  Jean,  iii. 
46 

Bologna,  Conference  of,  ii.  142 
sgq.;  another  congress,  iv.  22; 
meeting  of  Clement  VII.  and 
Charles  V.,  120;  beginning  of 
reformation  at,  451 ;  address  of 
evangelicals  to  John  of  Planitz, 
452 

Bologna,  University  of,  appealed 
to  by  Henry  VIII.  on  his  di- 
vorce, iv.  40;  the  judgment,  41 

Boniface  VJJl.,  Pope,  ii.  461 

Boniface,  Cardinal  bishoj)  of  Iv- 
rea,  arrests  Curione  and  his 
friends,  iv.  416 


Bonivard,  Francis,  his  an-ival  at 
Geneva,  i.  46;  birth  and  educa- 
tion, 46;  friendship  with  Ber- 
thelier,  47,  50,  57;  rejects  pro- 
posal made  to  him  to  seize 
Levrier,  03,  64;  warns  him,  64; 
his  character,  67;  fascinates 
Berthelier,  67;  their  intercourse 
and  aims,  67,  68;  his  difference 
with  the  bishop,  72,  76,  80,  83, 
96;  attempts  to  save  Pe'colat, 
98;  resolves  to  'bell  the  cat,' 
100;  gets  inhibition  of  the  me- 
tropolitan served  on  the  bish- 
op, 100;  his  advice  to  Pe'c- 
olat's  friends,  103,  104;  goes 
to  Rome,  117;  what  he  saw 
there,  118;  foils  in  his  suft  for 
bishopric,  120;  warned  of  dan- 
ger at  Turin,  121;  his  flight, 
121;  discouraged,  131,  134,  143, 
151,  153;  his  speech  in  chap- 
ter, 157;  his  protest,  159;  pac- 
ifies the  people  threatening  the 
canons,  160,  161,  168,  169;  es- 
capes from  Geneva,  173,  175; 
betrayed,  185;  compelled  to  re- 
sign his  priory,  186;  impris- 
oned by  the  duke,  186,  191, 
199;  set  at  liberty,  211,  245, 
255,  264;  his  estimate  of  La 
Baume,  265;  restored  to  his 
priory,  314;  advocates  expul- 
sion of  the  prince-bishop,  ii. 
329,  334,  336;  detested  by  pa- 
pal party,  348;  threatened  with 
expulsion  from  his  priory,  348;  H 
his  estimate  of  excommunica-  H 
tion,  349;  reflections  on  state  ^ 
of  Geneva,  352,  353;  his  re])ly 
to  proposal  of  Huguenots,  354; 
his  fief  at  Cartigny,  358;  main-  J 
tains  reciprocity  of  rights  be-  .^ 
tween  prince  and  subject,  358; 
obtains  support  of  the  council 
to  his  claim,  359;  takes  posses- 
sion of  Cartigny,  360;  loses  it, 
360;  his  expedition  to  recover 
it,  360;  his  grass  mown  by 
Pontverre,  371;  among  the  Lu- 
therans, 385;  his  raids  to  re- 
cover his  rents,  401;  fire  sat 
the  papal  proctor,  401;  ilhuiss 
of  his  mother,  402;  obtains 
safe-conduct  to  visit  her,  403; 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


381 


at  Seyssel,  403;  slandered  at 
Geneva,  403;  perplexitj^  404; 
safe -conduct  extended,  405; 
proposes  to  give  up  his  priory, 
405;  at  Moudon,  40G;  journey 
to  Lausanne,  40G;  kidnapped, 
407;  imprisoned  atChillon,  408; 
treatment,  408;  liberation  of, 
demanded  and  refused,  432; 
incidents  of  his  confinement, 
V.  399;  orders  given  for  his 
death,  400;  liberated,  401 ;  made 
free  of  city  of  Geneva,  marries, 
416;  a  prediction  fulfiUed,  417, 
418 

Bonivard,  Jean  Aimd,  prior  of  St. 
Victor,  i.  46:  orders  his  culver- 
in§  to  be  cast  into  church  bells, 
47;  his  death,  47 

.Bonner,  Edmund,  envoy  to  Mar- 
seilles, iv.  168;  forces  his  way 
into  the  pope's  palace,  169; 
presents  the  king's  appeal  to 
a  council,  170;  threatened  by 
the  pope,  173;  ambassador  in 
France,  viii.  177;  conveys  to 
Cromwell  the  Bibles  printed  at 
Paris,  177;  appointed  bishop 
of  London,  202;  declares  agamst 
Cromwell,  211 ;  his  activity,  237; 
assails  Grafton,  238;  persecutes 
citizens  of  London,  238  sqq. ; 
admonitions  to  his  diocese,  257 

Borthirick,  Sir  John,  cited  before 
Cardinal  Beatouu,  escapes  to 
England,  \i.  127;  his  property 
confiscated  and  his  efiigy  burnt, 
128;  withdraws  from  the  court, 
168 

Bothniensis,  Nicolaus,  president 
of  assembly  at  Upsala,  vii.  340 

Bothicell,  Earl  of,  opens  negotia- 
tions on  the  part  of  Scottish 
nobility  with  Northumberland, 
vi.  85;  withdraws  from  the 
court,  168;  sides  with  Beatoun, 
169;  prohibits  preaching  of 
Wishart  in  Haddingtonshire, 
194;  arrests  him,  196;  gives 
him  up  to  the  regent,  1 97 

Boidet,  Bernard,  treasurer  of  Ge- 
neva, i.  257;  assaulted  by  Ri- 
chardet,  258;  his  friends  turn 
it  to  account,  259;  rej)orts  it  to 
ducal  council,  259;  appears  at 


a  general  council,  260;  con- 
demned, 285 

Bourbon,  Constable  of,  i.  325,  337 

Bourges,  University  of,  ii,  23; 
centre  of  reformed  doctrine, 
24,  29;  declares  for  divorce  of 
Henry  VIIL,  iv.  40 

Bouteville,  Prior  of,  iii.  14,  17 

Boxley,  fraud  of  monks  at,  v.  89 

Brandenhurq,  George,  margrave 
of,  vii.  392 

Brafik,  bishop  of  Linkoping,  re- 
solves to  suppress  the  Luther- 
an heresy,  ^'ii.  242,  243;  en- 
treats the  pope  that  Olaf  may 
be  sentenced  to  death,  244,  257; 
his  violence,  262;  remonstrates 
with  Magnus,  263;  demands 
trial  of  the  reformers,  263;  cir- 
culates books  against  them, 
264;  his  services  to  Sweden, 
268;  letters  to  Gustavus,  268; 
excommunicates  Olaf,  268;  stirs 
up  the  people  against  him,  269; 
censures  the  primate,  276;  at- 
tends diet  of  Westeraas,  282; 
at  secret  meeting  of  the  bish- 
ops, instigates  opposition  to  re- 
forms, 283 ;  gains  Thure  Joens- 
son,  284;  his  speech  at  the  diet, 
287;  deprived  of  his  castle,  294, 
295;  leaves  Sweden,  295;  his 
death,  295 

Brereton,  William,  arrested,  v. 
136;  examined,  148;  beheaded, 
159 

Briconnei,  bishop  of  Meaux,  i. 
355,  366,  428;  ii.  57;  iii.  76 

Brian,  Denis,  burnt,  iv.  364 

Brothers,  enmities  of,  viii.  99; 
love  of,  119,  120 

Broincarf,  Jean  de,  i.  349 

Brown,  George,  made  archbishop 
of  Dublin,  v.  131 

Bruccioli,  translates  New  Testa- 
ment into  Italian,  iv.  410 

Bni!;/,  Pierre,  preaches  at  Ghent, 
vii.  546;  removes  to  Strasburg, 
547 

Bnnifticick,  beginning  of  rcforma- 
at,  viii.  319;  evangelical  pnach- 
ing  decreed,  319;  organization 
by  Pomeranus,  320 

Brussels,  the  reformation  at,  vii. 
565;  persecution,  568  sqq. 


382 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


Bucer,  reformer,  his  qnalifications 
as  peacemaker,  ii.  62;  his  con- 
fidence in  Margaret,  G3;  letter 
to  Luther,  63,  88,  89,  183;  in- 
terview with  WiUiam  Du  Bel- 
lay,  245;  mission  of  Chelins  to, 
263;  his  proposals  examined 
before  Francis  L,  264  sqq.;  iii. 
67;  his  opinion  of  Servetus, 
86,  150,  152,  153,  154;  with 
Calvin  visits  Erasmus,  156;  con- 
demns divorce  of  Henry  VIIL, 
iv.  42,  349,  352,  353;  prepares 
to  go  to  France,  361 ;  his  works 
read  in  Italy,  408;  joint  envoy 
to  Henry  VIIL,  v.  118;  pro- 
poses a  conference  with  Calvin, 
vi.  275;  advocates  union  of  Lu- 
therans and  Zwinglians,  324; 
defended  by  Myconius  and 
Grynasus  at  Basel,  325;  gets 
another  synod  held  at  Berne, 
327;  with  Capito  goes  to  Berne, 
327;  his  views,  328;  agrees  to 
Calvin's  view  of  the  sacrament, 
329;  revfses  Megander's  cate- 
chism,   366;  attends   synod  of 

^  Zurich,  422;  invites  Calvin  to 
Strasburg,  445;  acquaintance 
with  Juan  Diaz,  viii.  101 ;  dele- 
gate to  conference  of  Katisbon, 
102;  writes  to  Cranmer,  147, 
187 

Buchanan,  George,  sent  to  Paris, 
yi.  16;  his  epitaph  on  Made- 
leine of  Valois,  108;  account  of 
him,  118;  imprisoned,  119;  es- 
capes to  France,  119 

Buckmaster,  Dr.,  vice-chancellor 
of  Cambridge  University,  iv. 
29,  30,  31,  37;  presents  the  sen- 
tence on  the  divorce  to  the 
king,  37;  conference  with  the 
king,  38 

Budaeus,  William,  ii.  9;  one  of 
the  judges  on  trial  of  Berquin, 
36;  tries  to  save  him,  38  sqq.; 
40,  50,  65,  140;  present  at  tor- 
ture of  De  la  Croix,  242;  iv.  393 

Buile,  Matthew,  goes  with  Juan 
Diaz  to  Geneva,  viii.  101 

Biiqenluujen  [Pumeranus] 

Biilllnger,  iv.  353;  vi.  323;  vii. 
23;  viii.  144,  145;  dedicates 
works  to  Henry  VIIL,  146,  147 


Bulls,    papal,    proclamation     of      j 
Henry  VIII.  against,  iv.  44  I 

Burgos,  viii.  38,  41  ■ 

Burgundians,  at  Geneva,  i.  9; 
compilation  of  code,  i.  9;  first 
and  second  kingdoms  of  the,  9       Jj 

Burgundy,  Marshal  of,  takes  part       1 
with  Savoy  in  advance  on  Ge- 
neva, iv.  310,  315 

Burrey,  Denis,  governor  to  Erick, 
son  of  Gustavus  Vasa,  vii,  325, 
326;  goes  in  search  of  Erick 
and  is  slain  by  his  order,  329 

Bursinel,  meeting  of  knights  at, 
Order  of  the  Spoon  instituted, 
ii.  355 

Butler,  John,  writes  to  BuUinger, 
viii.  198  iStudents,  English'] 

CAD  AX,  peace  of,  ii.  255;  iv.  373 

Cadena,  Louis  of,  opposes  scho- 
lasticism, viii.  16;  his  exile,  17 

Cajetan,  Cardinal,  sent  into  Hung- 
ary, vii.  351 

Calcagnini,  Celio,  iv.  427 

Calixtbies,  the,  in  Bohemia,  vii. 
417;  coiTespond  with  Luther, 
418,  421;  the  majority  adopt 
his  views,  421 

Calmar,  blockaded  by  the  Danes, 
vii.  246 

Calmar,  L^nion  of,  vii.  121;  vio- 
lated by  Sweden,  128;  dis- 
solved,  257 

Calvi,  bookseller  of  Pavia,  circu- 
lates the  works  of  the  reform- 
ers, iv.  407,  408 

Calvin,  i.  2,  4;  distinction  be- 
tween his  reformation  and  that 
of  Luther,  4;  his  influence  on 
politics,  4;  his  disciples  in  for- 
eign countries,  5;  founder  of 
American  republic,  5  ;  the 
charge  of  despotism  against 
him,  5;  his  plea  for  Servetus, 
6;  his  work,  68,  317;  his  great 
idea,  319;  the  comjalete  reform- 
er, 321;  his  origin,  322;  com- 
pared \\ith  Margaret  of  Angou- 
leme,  323  sqq. ;  enters  college 
of  La  Marche,  381;  influence 
of  Mathurin  Cordier  on  him, 
382,  383;  removes  to  Montaigu 
College,  384;  a  Spanish  pro- 
fessor,   385;   classical  studies, 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


383 


385 ;  his  moral  and  devout 
character,  386 ;  a  .  strict  Rom- 
anist, 386;  a  hard  student,  386; 
has  a  benefice,  visits  Noyon, 
387;  first  breath  of  the  new 
Gospel,  387;  friendship  with 
Olivetan,  388;  chronology  of 
his  student  life  obscure,  388; 
intercourse  with  Olive'tan,  389; 
resists  Olivetan's  innovations 
in  religion,  389;  secret  strug- 
gles, 390;  alarm  of  his  teachers, 
390;  confession  to  the  priest, 
391;  distress  of  mind,  391;  con- 
version, 394 ;  reverence  for 
church  authority,  396;  inves- 
tigates claims  of  the  pope  of 
Rome,  397;  longing  for  unity 
with  truth,  398;  results  of  his 
conversion,  398;  its  date,  399; 
shyness  and  reserve,  400;  his 
father's  grief  and  plan,  400, 
401;  consents  to  study  law, 
401,  404 

-,  goes  to  Orleans,  ii.  1;  enters 
household  of  Duchemin,  2; 
falls  under  influence  of  L'Etoile, 
3,  4,  5;  proctor  of  the  Picard 
nation,  6;  demands  the  maille 
de  Florence  at  Beaugency,  6;  a 
close  student,  7;  visits  house 
of  F.  Daniel,  8;  acquaintance 
with  Wolmar  begins,  9;  studies 
Greek,  10;  his  fellowship  with 
Wolmar,  11;  inward  struggles, 
11;  accused  of  schism,  12; 
sympathy  with  the  Psalmist, 
12;  phases  of  his  conversion, 
14;  renunciation  of  the  world, 
15;  his  motto,  16;  his  great 
qualities  recognized,  16;  study 
of  the  Bible  and  of  the  law, 
17;  sought  as  a  teacher,  17; 
teaches  in  families,  18;  called 
to  Noyon,  20;  his  father's  ill- 
ness, 20  sqq. ;  his  first  extant 
letter,  21;  first  meeting  with 
Beza,  22;  goes  to  Ikmrges,  23; 
reads  works  of  Luther  and  Me- 
lanchthon,  24;  Wolmar' s  ap- 
peal to  him,  25;  hesitation,  25; 
preaches,  27;  intrigues  of  priest, 
28;  again  called  to  Noyon,  his 
father's  death,  29,  47,  48;  cure 
of  Pont  I'Evcque,  49;  preaches, 


49;  goes  to  Paris,  50,  51;  his- 
visitors,  51  sqq. ;  visit  to  a  nun- 
nery, 52;  social  habits,  54;  re- 
nounces the  law,  54;  speaks  at 
secret  meetings,  55;  his  exten- 
sive correspondence,  56;  re- 
turns to  Paris,  58;  observant 
of  the  Sorbonne,  60;  works  in 
obscurity,  61;  his  activity,  87; 
rejects  Daniel's  proposal  of  of- 
fice in  Roman  church,  84;  his 
commentary  on  Seneca,  85; 
publishes  it,  86;  form  of  his 
name,  86  ;  makes  his  book 
known,  87 ;  a  search  for  Bibles, 
87;  interview  with  a  young 
'  Frondeur, '  89 ;  writes  to  Bu- 
cer,  89;  intercourse  with  La 
Forge,  90;  with  Tillet,  91;  ab- 
stinence, 92;  first  intercourse 
with  Margaret  of  Navarre,  93; 
decUnes  to  enter  her  seiwice, 
93;  quoted,  123;  preaches  at 
Paris,  138,  176,  178,  183,  184; 
his  labors  at  Paris,  198;  writes 
address  for  Cop  to  deliver,  199; 
the  address,  199;  his  idea  of  a 
universal  church,  202;  in  favor 
with  Margaret,  205;  interview 
with  her,  205;  his  arrest  or- 
dered by  the  parliament,  209; 
escapes,  210 ;  recognized  on 
his  way,  211;  in  concealment, 
212,  262;  his  nan-ative  of  con- 
version of  the  provostess  of 
Orleans,  272  sqq. 
-,  flight,  iii.  4;  received  by  Du 
Tillet,  6;  his  Doxopolis,  8;  his 
studies,  9;  sketches  his  Chris- 
tian Institutes,  10;  combats  ma- 
terialism, 12;  love  of  nature, 
13;  teaches  Greek,  14;  visits 
prior  of  Bouteville,  15;  confer- 
ences, 16;  sermons,  18;  preach- 
es in  Latin,  18;  visits  Rt»ussel, 
22;  visits  Lefevre,  23;  goes  to 
Poitiers,  44;  attends  disputa- 
tions at  the  university,  45;  his 
friends,  47;  his  teaching,  47; 
visits  the  lieutenant-general, 
48;  in  the  garden,  48;  his  grot- 
to, 51;  view  of  the  mass,  52, 
53  ;  sends  evangelists  into 
France,  58;  care  for  the  young, 
60;  leaves  Poitiers,  64;  renun- 


384 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


elation  of  Roman  orders,  64, 
65;  goes  to  Paris,  66;  saddened, 
77 ;  first  contact  with  the  Sf)ir- 
ituals,  78;  attacks  them,  81,  82; 
encounters  Servetus,  86;  agrees 
to  conference  with  him,  87; 
Servetus  absents  himself,  87; 
first  theological  work,  Psycho- 
pannychia,  88;  his  bitterness, 
89;  leaves  Paris,  91;  reaches 
Strasburg,  91;  comments  on 
procession  of  relics,  127  sq.; 
his  mission,  149;  received  by 
Zell,  150;  friendships,  153;  his 
estimate  of  Strasburg  reform- 
ers, 153;  meets  Erasmus  at 
Friburg,  156;  goes  to  Basel, 
157 ;  received  by  Catherine 
Klein,  157;  silent  growth,  159; 
friendships,  160;  his  book  on 
Immortality  criticised,  161  ; 
translation  of  New  Testament, 
162;  hears  of  persecution  at 
Paris,  163;  his  plea  for  com- 
passion, 163;  effect  of  the  mar- 
tyrdoms oti  him,  169;  resolves 
to  publish  his  Institutes,  170; 
goes  to  the  fountain  head,  171; 
account  of  the  Institutes,  172, 
180;  letter  to  the  king,  182; 
publication  of  the  Institutes, 
191;  starts  for  Italy,  192;  his 
object,  193;  agreement  of  Lu- 
ther and  Calvin,  368;  in  prep- 
aration for  Geneva,  458 

-,  his  influence  in  England,  iv, 
2;  condemns  divorce  of  Henry 
VIIL,  42;  his  place  in  the  Ref- 
ormation, 208;  protests  against 
union  with  popery,  353;  Avrites 
to  Francis  I.,  383;  welcomes 
Caraccioli  at  Geneva,  464;  ex- 
pected at  Ferrara,  489 

-,  expected  at  Ferrara,  v.  421; 
arrives  at  Ferrara,  421 ;  his  in- 
terviews with  the  duchess,  422, 
423;  preaches,  426;  his  por- 
trait painted  by  Titian,  431; 
intercourse  with  Master  Fran- 
9ois,  431  sqq. ;  his  letter  to 
Duchemin,  436,  437;  writes  to 
Roussel,  439  sqq. ;  his  influ- 
ence in  Italy,  441;  arrested  by 
the  Inquisition,  444;  rescued, 
445 ;  his  wanderings,  446 ;  reach- 


es Aosta,  447,  451;  'Calvin's 
farm,'  452,  453;  monuments 
of  his  flight,  454;  returns  to 
France,  455;  at  Noyon,  455; 
arrives  at  Geneva,  456;  meet- 
ing with  Farel,  458;  consents 
to  stay  at  Geneva,  462;  visits 
Basel,  463;  his  vocation  as  re- 
former, 464;  his  concession  to 
the  state,  465;  his  place  in  his- 
tory, 466  sqq. ;  mention  of  him 
in  a  council  minute,  469 
-,  his  arrival  at  Geneva,  vi.  221; 
refuses  any  official  charge,  222 ; 
reader  in  holy  Scripture,  222; 
character  of  his  teaching,  223; 
his  view  of  church  discipline, 
225;  retained  by  advice  of  the 
council,  228;  goes  with  Farel 
to  Lausanne,  228,  236 ;  his 
speeches  at  the  disputation, 
247,  255;  begins  to  take  part 
in  church  government,  273; 
his  work  compared  with  Lu- 
ther's and  Zwingli's,  275;  elect- 
ed pastor  at  Geneva,  276;  bi- 
ographies of  him,  276  note; 
prepares  a  catechism,  280,  281; 
and  a  confession  of  Mth,  282 ; 
his  memoir  on  order  in  the 
church,  285  sqq. ;  requires  that 
all  should  profess  the  reformed 
faith,  292;  encounters  the  Spir- 
ituals, 299  sqq. ;  intervenes  be- 
tween Viret  and  Caroli  at  Lau- 
sanne, 306,  307;  accused  of 
Arianism  by  Caroh,  308;  his 
reply,  309;  avoids  use  of  the 
term  'Trinity,'  310;  writes  to 
Megander,  312;  goes  to  Berne, 
urges  assembly  of  a  sjTiod, 
312;  at  synod  of  Lausanne, 
313;  unmasks  Caroli,  315;  his 
confession  on  the  Trinity,  315; 
his  views  of  the  early  creeds, 
317;  confronts  Caroli  at  synod 
of  Berne,  320;  his  s^Deech  at 
another  synod,  lays  the  storm 
between  Zwinglians  and  Lu- 
therans, 331,  332;  gains  sup- 
port of  the  civil  power  in 
church  affairs,  333;  pleads  for 
the  hospitals  and  the  schools, 
334 ;  proposes  compulsory 
swearing  to  the  confession  of 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


385 


faith,  337;  at  the  council,  347; 
goes  to  Berne,  \inclicates  him- 
self and  the  reformers,  348; 
applies  to  the  council  for  their 
support,  350;  proposes  to  the 
council  to  exclude  the  disturb- 
ers from  the  Lord's  Supper, 
352;  difference  with  Du  Tillet, 
356;  blames  the  proceedings  of 
the  government  and  is  warned 
to  let  it  alone,  364;  writes  to 
Bucer,  370 ;  excluded  by  Berne 
from  colloquies  of  the  Vaudois, 
372;  sent  with  Farel  and  Jean 
Philippe  to  synod  of  Lausanne, 
373;  has  conference  with  Ber- 
nese delegates,  375;  before  the 
council,  377,  37S ;  protests 
against  imprisonment  of  Cou- 
rault,  383;  refuses  to  accept 
order  for  adoption  of  Bernese 
usages,  and  is  forbidden  to 
preach,  386 ;  his  perplexity, 
389,  390;  with  Farel  declines 
to  administer  the  supper,  392; 
his  emban-assment,  .392,  393; 
preaches,  398,  399;  a  disturb- 
ance in  the  church,  401;  ban- 
ished, 403 ;  is  refused  a  hearing 
by  the  council,  405;  sentence 
of  the  general  council,  406;  his 
reflections,  408;  leaves  Geneva, 
409;  goes  to  Berne,  416;  with 
Farel  complains  to  the  council, 
416,  417;  at  synod  of  Ziirich, 
421  sqq.;  his  demands,  422; 
returns  to  Berne,  426;  inter- 
view with  Kunz,  427;  before 
the  senate,  429;  reconducted 
to  Geneva  by  Bernese,  431; 
banished  by  vote  of  general 
council,  439;  at  Berne,  441;  at 
Basel,  442;  at  Strasburg,  445; 
returns  to  Basel,  446;  settles 
at  Strasburg,  447 ;  his  letter  to 
the  Genevese,  453;  his  position 
at  Strasburg,  456,  457,  458; 
pastor  and  teacher,  459,  460; 
his  view  of  the  Lord's  Sup- 
per, 461;  his  poverty,  462;  at 
Frankfort,  473;  meets  Melanch- 
thon,  474  sqq. ;  replies  to  Sa- 
doleto,  487  sqq. ;  intercourse 
with  Carol],  498;  refuses  to  re- 
turn to  Geneva,  504;  house- 
voL,.    vni.— 17 


hold  troubles,  504;  marriage 
projects,  505,  506;  Idelette  de 
Bure,  508;  married,  509;  dif- 
ference between  wives  of  Lu- 
ther and  Calvin,  510;  attends 
assembly  at  Hagenau,  511; 
fruits  of  exile,  526 
-,  his  recall  desired,  -^ii.  3;  let- 
ter to  his  friends,  3,  4,  5;  his 
perplexity,  6,  9,  10;  deputy  to 
conference  at  Worms,  7;  re- 
ceives letter  of  recall,  8;  his 
reply  to  Geneva,  10,  11;  meets 
Melanchthon  and  Cruciger  at 
Worms,  15;  friendship  with 
Melanchthon,  15  sqq. ;  his  Song 
of  Victory,  19;  deputy  to  diet 
of  Eatisbon,  21 ;  letter  to  Ber- 
nard, 21 ;  loses  his  friend  Feray, 
23;  his  estimate  of  Contarini, 
25;  his  part  at  Ratisbon,  26; 
his  reply  to  manifesto  of  the 
papacy,  27-36;  resists  conces- 
sions made  by  the  Protestants, 
37;  writes  against  reference  to 
a  council,  38;  his  moderation, 
39;  complains  of  the  princes, 
40;  leaves  Ratisbon,  41;  at 
Strasburg,  42;  edict  of  expul- 
sion revoked,  43;  writes  to 
Farel,  47;  leaves  Strasburg, 
48;  visits  Farel  at  Neuchatel, 
49;  returns  to  Geneva,  51;  his 
house  there,  52,  53;  benefit  of 
his  Strasburg  life,  53;  before 
the  council,  54,  55;  colleagues 
appointed  to  draw  up  with  him 
articles  of  a  constitution  of  a 
church,  55,  56;  his  project  of 
the  ordinances,  60;  his  desire 
for  frequent  communion,  74; 
limits  of  his  responsibility  for 
ecclesiastical  ordinances,  80, 
81;  bis  active  duties,  82;  his 
preaching,  82;  his  method,  83; 
his  sermon  to  young  men,  86; 
on  fitful  devotion,  87;  on  self- 
love,  88;  on  grace  unbounded, 
90;  on  predestination,  92;  his 
impartiality,  103;  ett'orts  for 
peace,  104 ;  gentleness  and 
strength,  105;  loses  his  friend 
Porral,  110;  illness  of  his  Mile, 
110;  reconciles  Pierre  Tissot 
and  his  mother,   112,   113;  his 


386 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


place  in  the  Eeformation,  115 
sqq. ;   his  doctrines   moderate, 
117;  compared  with  Zwinglins, 
117;  his  desire  for  union,  118 
— ,  correspondence  with  Enzinas, 
viii.  98 ;  visited  by  English  stu- 
dents, 144;  his  view  of  the  Six, 
Articles,  189 
Cambray,  treaty  of,  ii.  61 
Cambrai/,  bishop  of,  his  cruelties, 

iii.  437 
Cambridge,  University  of,  ap- 
pealed to  by  Henry  VIII.  on 
his  divorce,  iv.  30;  meeting  of 
the  doctors,  &c.,  30;  a  commit- 
tee appointed,  31 ;  sentence,  32 ; 
disowns  primacy  of  the  pope, 
V.  20 
Camillo,  Giulio,  invited  to  Paris 

by  Francis  I.,  iii.  74 
Campbell,  Alexander,  prior  of  the 
Dominicans,  his  interviews  \vith 
Patrick   Hamilton,   vi.    52;  re- 
ports them  to  Beatoun,  53;  ac- 
cuses him  on  his  trial,  62;  in- 
sults him*at  the  stake,  67;  dies 
mad,  68 
Campbell,  John,  of  Cessnock,  pro- 
tects Lollards,  vi.  6;  denounced 
by    monks,    7;    acquitted    by 
James  IV.,  8 
Campeggio,  papal  legate,  ii.  144; 
deprived  of  ISee  of  Salisbury,  iv. 
180;  at  diet  of  NUrnberg,  410, 
411;  reclaims  see  of  Salisbury, 
V.  173 
Canaye,  Jacques,  iii.  75 
Canirmins,  Frederick,  vii.  500 
Canons,  i.  157;  conspiracy  of,  at 
Geneva,    311;    imprisoned,    ii. 
326;  liberated,  331;  quit  Gene- 
va, 332 
Canterbury,  visitation  of,   v.    85, 
86;  state   of  the  monasteries, 
86,  87 
Capiio,   i.   361,   380;  ii.    246;  iii. 
150,    153,    154,    244;   writes   to 
Calvin,    vi.    275;    at   synod    of 
Berne,  329;  agrees  to  Calvin's 
view  of  the  sacrament,  332 ;  at- 
tends synod  of  Zurich,  421 ;  ap- 
proves   the    course    taken    by 
Farel  and  Calvin,  424,  425;  his 
distress,  464;  dedicates  a  book 
to  Henry  VHI.,  viii.  147 


CAR 

Cappel,  battle  of,  ii.  256,  442;  an- 
nounced at  Geneva,  444;  iii. 
166 

Caraccioli,  Galeazzo,  iv.  464; 
friendship  with  Caserta,  464; 
converted,  goes  to  Geneva,  464; 
made  cardinal,  v.  04 

Caraffa,  Giovanni  Pietro,  Cardi- 
nal, iv.  476,  479,  482;  made 
cardinal,  487;  viii.  149 

Cardinals,  college  of,  refuses  con- 
sent to  papal  gift  of  Geneva  to 
Savoy,  i.  52;  hats  asked  for  by 
Charles  V.,  Francis  I.,  and 
Henry  VIII.,  ii.  162 

Carlsiadt,  invited  by  Christian  II., 
goes  to  Denmark,  vii.  133;  of- 
fends by  his  violent  speech  and 
is  dismissed,  135,  136 

Carmentrant,  a  creature  of  the 
Bastard  of  Savoy,  i.  71,  72,  112 

Carrie,  Sir  E.,  envoy  with  Revett 
to  the  pope,  v.  3,  4;  interview 
with  Du  Bellay  at  Bologna,  4; 
too  late,  5 

Carnesecchi,  Pietro,  among  friends 
of  Valdez,  iv.  473;  character 
and  career  of,  473;  his  power 
under  Clement  VII.,  474;  goes 
to  Naples,  has  interview  with 
Charles  V. ,  473 ;  religious  deci- 
sion, 476,  477,  479,  480 

Caroli,  Peter,  escapes  to  Switzer- 
land, iii.  123;  accounts  of,  v. 
259 ;  Farel' s  interview  vdih  him, 
261 ;  offers  himself  as  umpire  at 
a  disputation,  262;  takes  part 
in  disputation,  266  sqq. ;  at  dis- 
putation of  Lausanne,  vi.  243 
sqq. ;  made  first  pastor  of  Lau- 
sanne by  the  Bernese,  265;  his 
career  and  character,  303,  304; 
between  Rome  and  the  Gospel, 
304;  quarrels  AAnth  Viret,  305; 
condemned  to  made  a  retracta- 
tion, 307;  but  is  spared;  his 
ambition,  307;  accuses  Calvin 
and  others  of  Arianism,  308; 
retracts  the  charge,  311;  un- 
masked and  condemned  at  syn- 
od of  Lausanne,  314,  318;  ap- 
peals to  Berne,  318;  agitation 
caused  by  the  debates,  319,  320; 
at  synod  of  Berne,  exposed  by 
Farel,  321,  322;  deprived  of  his 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


387 


functions  and  banished,  322; 
his  flight,  322;  turns  to  the 
reformers,  vi.  498;  at  Stras- 
burg,  498;  goes  to  Metz,  499; 
his  death,  499 

Carranza,  Bartholomeus,  birth 
and  early  life  of,  viii.  112,  113; 
denounced  to  the  Inquisition, 
113;  promotions,  113;  his  in- 
fluence at  Valladolid,  113;  his 
almost  evangelical  teachings, 
113;  fervor  of  his  preaching, 
118;  preaches  before  Philip  II., 
in  London,  118;  assertion  of 
evangelical  f\iith,  120;  elected 
primate  of  Spain,  120;  his  last 
years,  120;-  preaches  at  the 
burning  of  San  Eomano,    123 

Cartel  ier,  Francis,  i.  41,  150,  168; 
gives  signal  for  entry  of  Savoy- 
ards into  Geneva,  171,  176,  181, 
300;  character,  ii.  308;  con- 
demnation, 308;  pardoned  by 
the  bishop,  309 

Carthusians,  of  London,  refuse  to 
take  oath  of  succession,  v.  47; 
take  it,  48 ;  commanded  by  the 
king  to  reject  papal  author- 
ity, 59;  their  resolution,  59;  a 
general  confession,  60;  again 
commanded  to  acknowledge 
royal  supremacy,  60 ;  three  pri- 
ors sent  to  the  Tower,  61 ;  and 
found  guilty  of  high  treason 
and  executed,  62,  63 

Casale,  Da,  agent  of  Henry  VIII. 
at  papal  court,  v.  64,  77;  in- 
forms the  pope  of  divorce  of 
Queen  Anne,  161,  172 

Caserta,  Giovanni  Francesco,  iv. 
464 

Cassander,  George,  account  of, 
viii.  40,  41 

CassUis,  Kennedy,  Earl  of,  taken 
prisoner  by  the  English,  vi. 
146;  liberated  and  sent  to  Scot- 
land by  Henry  VIII.,  157;  on 
failure  of  Henry's  scheme,  re- 
turns to  captivity,  171;  re- 
leased with  his  brothers,  171; 
a  friend  of  Wishart,  192 

Catherine  of  Aragon,  Queen  of 
Henry  VIII.,  iv.  26;  refuses 
arbitration,  67;  leaves  Wind- 
sor, 71;  writes  to  the  pope,  87; 


refuses  to  appear  before  Cran- 
mer  at  Dunstable,  133;  her 
firmness,  133;  the  divorce  pro- 
nounced, 134;  her  cause  and 
fate  compared  with  Anne's,  137; 
138;  joins  in  conspiracy  against 
Henry  VIII.,  v.  13;  her  rirm- 
ness,  19;  her  marriage  declared 
null  and  her  child  illegitimate, 
19;  writes  to  Mary,  111;  re- 
fuses to  renounce  title  of  Queen, 
111,  112;  austerities,  112;  ill- 
ness, letter  to  the  king,  114; 
her  death,  115 

Catherine  de'  Medici,  i.  363;  mar- 
riage of,  with  Henry  duke  of 
Orleans,  proposed  by  Francis 
I.,  ii.  149;  what  .she  brought  to 
France,  150;  intrigues  around 
her,  152;  full  powers  sent  by 
Francis  for  concluding  the  con- 
tract, 155;  escorted  to  Nice  by 
French  fleet,  189;  the  marriage 
celebrated  at  Marseilles,  195; 
in  her  train.  Death,  195;  and 
corruption,  196,  215;  iii.  49; 
opposes  plans  of  Francis  I. ,  iv. 
355 

Caturce,  Jean  de,  studies  New 
Testament,  ii.  78;  at  Twelfth 
Night  Supper  at  Limoux,  78, 
79;  arrested,  79;  condemned 
to  be  burnt,  81;  his  degrada- 
tion, 80 ;  a  Dominican  preacher 
confounded,  81;  burnt,  81 

Cauvi7i,  Gerard,  i.  387,  400;  ii.  20 
sqq.,  29,  48 

—  Anthony,  ii.  48,  49 

—  Mary,  ii.  48 

Cazalla,   Augustine,   attends  lec- 
tures of  Carrauza,  viii.  115;  his 
'  mother,  115 ;  preacher  to  Charles 
V.    accompanies   him   to   Ger- 
many, 115 
Celibacy  of  the  clergy,  iv.  115 
Chablais,   Pro  vena  de,  summons 
Geneva  to  receive  duke  Charles 
III.,  i.   165;  declares  war,   166 
Chafjot,  put  to  the  torture,  iv.  325 
Chabot,  Philippe  de,  ii.  184 
Chaillon,  Anthony  de  \^Bouteville'\ 
Chamois,    Fran9ois,    at    Geneva, 
demands  withdrawal  of  Calvin's 
'Confession,'  vi.  484 
Champion,    Anthony,    bishop    of 


388 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


Geneva,  i.  26;  his  attempt  to 
reform  the  clergy,  27 

Chapeaurouge,  Etieune  de,  syndic 
of  Geneva,  i.  292 ;  endeavors  to 
stop  the  fight  in  the  Molard, 
iii.  418;  appointed  sj'ndic,  iv. 
242;  again,  v.  394;  refuses  to 
swear  to  the  Confession,  vi. 
340;  at  the  general  council, 
343;  elected  syndic,  361;  one 
of  the  delegates  to  Berne,  512; 
signs  a  treaty,  513;  again  sent 
to  Berne,  514;  arrested,  liber- 
ated on  bail,  516;  his  flight, 
518;  sentenced  to  death,  519 

Chappuis.  Eustace,  i.  91;  em- 
ployed to  make  a  breach  be- 
tween the  Swiss  and  the  Ge- 
nevese,  91;  at  Friburg,  92; 
Savoyard  ambassador  to  Swiss 
Diet,  153,  200;  Imperial  am- 
bassador to  England,  iv.  22 

Chappuis,  Dominican,  intrigues 
for  duke  of  Savoy,  ii.  369,  370; 
banished  from  Geneva,  370, 
371;  takes  part  in  great  dispu- 
tation, and  is  ordered  to  leave 
Geneva,  v.  265 

Charlemagne,  at  Geneva,  1.  11,  12; 
characteristics  of  his  age,  vi. 
317 

Giarles  V.,  1.  9,  91,  218,  234,  266; 
receives  news  of  battle  of  Pa- 
via,  324;  his  projects,  324, 
proposes  dismemberment  of 
France,  325;  receives  Margaret 
of  Valois,  328;  unmoved  by  her 
appeals,  329;  proposes  to  im- 
prison her,  330;  consents  to 
liberate  Francis  L,  337;  the 
treaty,  337,  356,  363,  379;  ac- 
cuses the  Evangelicals,  ii.  T'b, 
103,  106;  repulses  Soliman,  107; 
passes  into  Italy,  108;  at  Bo- 
logna, 142;  his  schemes,  143; 
demands  a  general  council,  143 ; 
conference  with  the  pope,  144; 
appeals  to  the  cardinals,  145; 
proposes  Italian  League  against 
Francis  I.,  146;  amused  with 
scheme  of  marriage  between 
Henry,  duke  of  Orleans,  aud 
Catherine  de  Medici,  150;  tries 
to  prevent  it,  152  siq. ;  pro- 
poses   marriage    of    Catherine 


GHA 

with  Sforza,  153,  154,  155;  his 

new  manoeuvres,  156;  rejects 
scheme  of  a  lay  council,  160; 
gets  Itahan  League  formed, 
162 ;  asks  for  cardinal's  hat,  162 ; 
his  displeasure  against  Henry 
VIIL,  162;  leaves  Bologna,  163; 
tries  to  prevent  meeting  of  the 
pope  and  Francis  I.,  186;  de- 
mauds  justice  for  Queen  Cath- 
erine, his  aunt,  186;  tries  to 
draw  the  Swiss  into  the  Ital- 
ian League,  187;  unconcerned 
about  his  brother's  danger,  250, 
254,  283;  sack  of  Kome,  319; 
supports  Savoy  against  Gene- 
va, 390;  interferes  at  Geneva, 
395;  will  crush  Protestantism, 
421;  censures  attack  on  Gene- 
va, 421;  at  Augsburg,  429;  his 
letter  to  the  Genevese,  430; 
counsels  the  bishop  to  cede 
Geneva  to  son  of  the  duke  of 
Savoy,  452;  gives  audience  to 
Bellegarde,  iii.  262;  his  answer, 
263,  264;  orders  Genevans  to 
extirpate  the  Reformation,  273; 
meets  the  pope  at  Bologna,  iv. 
22;  receives  embassy  from  Hen- 
ry VIIL ,  rebukes  the  ambassa- 
dor, 26;  leaves  Bologna,  27; 
war  with  Solyman,  116;  con- 
ferences with  Clement  VII. ,  117 ; 
exasperated  at  divorce  of  Cath- 
erine, 164,  177;  his  ambassa- 
dors oppose  policy  of  Clement, 
177;  supports  duke  of  Savoy 
and  bishop  of  Geneva,  342,  344, 
454,  455,  458;  hears  Occhino 
preach,  468;  prohibits  inter- 
course with  Lutherans,  472; 
calls  Carnesecchi  before  him, 
475;  ordered  to  execute  the 
pope's  sentence  against  Henry 
VIIL,  V.  4;  preparations,  5,  21; 
censures  execution  of  More  and 
Fisher,  76;  offers  Milan  to 
Francis  I.  and  secures  his  alli- 
ance, 113;  keeps  Milan,  115; 
promises  support  to  English 
Catholics,  202;  writes  to  Henry 
VIIL,  221;  requires  the  Swiss 
to  aid  duke  of  Savoy  against 
Geneva,  315;  destruction  of  Ge- 
neva   part    of    his    plan,    370; 


GENERAL    INDEX, 


389 


keeps  Milan,  377;  concludes 
alliance  with  James  V.  of  Scot- 
land, vi.  8G;  attempts  to  pre- 
vent disputation  at  Lausanne, 
233;  convokes  a  conference  of 
theologians  at  Frankfort,  473; 
at  Diet  of  Ratisbou,  vii.  26;  in- 
terviews with  Christian  II.  of 
Denmark,  138,  181;  favors  en- 
tei-prise  of  Liibeckers  in  behalf 
of  Christian,  207,  208;  his  at- 
tachment to  the  Netherlands, 
481 ;  bis  edict  of  persecution, 
488 ;  introduces  the  Inquisition, 
491;  his  characteristics,  507, 
508;  his  persecution  in  the 
Netherlands,  508;  concludes 
peace  of  Madrid.  520;  alliance 
with  the  pope,  524;  treaty  of 
Cambray,  resolves  to  extirpate 
evangelical  doctrine,  524;  is- 
sues a  new  edict  of  persecution, 
534;  patronises  Virves,  viii.  18; 
rescues  him  from  the  Inquisi- 
tion, 19;  appoints  Ponce  de  la 
Fuente  one  of  his  chaplains,  34; 
at  Diet  of  Ratisbon,  55;  gives 
audience  to  San  Romano,  55; 
his  victory  over  duke  of  Cleves, 
64;  appoints  De  Soto  his  con- 
fessor, 64;  enters  Brussels,  67; 
entertained  by  Meudoza,  69; 
invades  France,  85;  returns  to 
Bnissels,  85;  promulgates  edicts 
of  persecution,  85;  his  treat- 
ment of  his  mother  Joanna, 
126;  his  birth,  129;  condition- 
ally approves  marriage  of  Hen- 
ry VIII.  with  diichess  of  Milan, 
175;  interview  with  Sir  T.  Wy- 
att,  200  sqq. ;  alliance  with 
Henry  VIIL,  267;  invades 
France,  concludes  a  separate 
peace,  268; 
Cliarles  the  Bold,  i.  313;  iii.  236 
Charles  IIL,  the  Good,  duke  of 
Savoy,  i.  29;  his  character,  32; 
his  scheme  for  getting  posses- 
sion of  Geneva,  33,  34;  claims 
the  culverins  of  Bonivard,  48; 
his  character,  48;  made  sov- 
ereign of  Geneva  by  Leo  X., 
50;  the  bull  recalled,  52;  re- 
bukes the  bishop,  62;  sends 
La  Val  d'ls^re  to  arrest  Lev- 


rier,  63 ;  conspires  with  the 
bishop  against  Levrier  and 
Berthelier,  65;  goes  to  Geneva, 
75;  visits  Lyons,  79;  alarmed 
at  the  bishop's  proceedings, 
91;  employs  Chappuis,  91;  goes 
to  Friburg  and  Berne,  92;  re- 
news alliance  with  the  Swiss, 
92;  determines  to  put  Pecolat 
to  death,  96;  plots  with  the 
bishop  at  Geneva,  111;  receives 
embassy  from  Genevese  about 
death  of  Blanchet  and  Navis, 
128;  another  embassy,  132;  de- 
mands death  of  Berthelier  and 
others,  134;  resolves  to  break 
alliance  of  Swiss  and  Genevese, 
145;  his  embassy  to  Geneva, 
146;  tampers  with  the  Friburg- 
ers,  152;  gains  support  of  Swiss 
diet,  154;  intrigues  with  the 
canons  of  Geneva,  157;  secret- 
ly raises  an  army,  162;  sur- 
rounds Geneva,  162;  insolent 
embassy,  163;  formally  sum- 
mons Geneva,  165 ;  declares 
war,  166;  plots  with  the  Mam- 
elukes, 168;  at  castle  of  Gail- 
lard,  169;  grants  a  truce,  171; 
attacks  Geneva,  171;  his  prom- 
ises, 172;  enters  the  city,  174; 
pillages  it,  176,  177;  his  proc- 
lamation, 179;  imprisons  Bon- 
ivard, 186;  with  the  bishop  re- 
stricts liberties  of  Geneva,  203; 
returns  to  Turin,  205;  his  mar- 
riage, 218;  attempt  to  seduce 
the  Genevese,  218;  entry  into 
Geneva,  219  sqq. ;  declines  to 
attend  the  'mystery,'  228;  birth 
of  a  son,  234;  his  attempts  at 
usurpation  resisted  by  Levrier, 
239  sqq. ;  fails  in  attempt  to 
gain  him,  240;  claims  sover- 
eignty of  Geneva,  240 ;  un- 
masks his  batteries,  242 ;  fright- 
ens the  episcopal  councillors, 
244 ;  threatens  Levrier  with 
death,  245;  orders  his  seizure, 
246;  offers  to  give  up  Levrier 
in  exchange  for  liberties  of  Ge- 
neva, 250;  his  oppression  of 
Genevese,  261 ;  threats  of  his 
council,  265;  blows  hot  and 
cold,  2G6;  demands  the  supe- 


390 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


rior  jurisdiction,  2G7;  begins 
persecution  of  Huguenots,  2G9; 
his  troops  in  Geneva,  270 ; 
alarmed  at  exodus  of  the  patri- 
ots, 277;  demands  withdrawal 
of  appeal  to  Kome,  278;  urges 
on  persecution  of  Genevese, 
278;  enters  Geneva,  279;  foiled 
by  Swiss  intervention,  281;  his 
stratagem,  281;  detected,  282; 
a  new  scheme,  285;  assembles 
a  general  council  at  Geneva, 
286;  claims  sovereignty,  287; 
his  amnesty,  288;  received  as 
protector,  288;  thwarted,  289; 
leaves  Geneva,  289;  sends  de 
Lullins  to  Berne,  ii.  307;  plots 
against  bishop  of  Geneva,  322; 
his  scheme  against  Geneva, 
323;  its  failure,  323,  324;  n-ri- 
tation  against  the  bishop,  330; 
orders  Genevese  to  liberate  the 
canons,  331 ;  claims  and  threats, 
338;  tries  to  win  the  bishop, 
343;  claims  authority  in  mat- 
ters of  faith,  350;  rebukes  the 
canons,  351;  reconciled  with 
the  bishop,  362;  convokes  a 
synod,  367;  intrigues  to  make 
his  son  prince  of  Geneva,  368; 
sends  the  silver  keys,  369,  370; 
instigates  dissolution  of  Swiss 
alliance,  389;  sends  embassy 
to  Geneva,  390;  seeks  help  of 
the  pope,  393;  covets  St.  Vic- 
tor's, 402;  meets  the  bishop  at 
Gex,  415;  will  attack  Geneva, 
416;  censured  by  the  emperor, 
■^-ith  draws  "his  army,  422;  pre- 
pares another  attack,  432 ;  Diet 
of  Pay  erne,  432;  threatens  Ge- 
neva, 445;  withdraws,  447;  de- 
sires cession  of  Geneva  to  his 
son,  452;  prepares  another  at- 
tack, 453;  sends  Bellegarde  to 
the  emperor,  iii.  262;  forms 
new  plot  against  Geneva,  iv. 
308;  his  troops  march  for  Ge- 
neva, 311;  panic  and  retreat, 
314,  315;  advised  by  the  Swiss 
to  cease  from  hostilities,  317, 
336;  attempts  to  gain  over  the 
Genevese,  341 ;  prepares  to  ruin 
Geneva,  342;  forbids  his  sub- 
jects to  attend  disputation  at 


Geneva,  v.  257;  applies  to  the 
poi"!e  for  intervention  at  Ge- 
neva, 301;  the  de  Montlort  of 
the  crusade,  314;  his  support- 
ers, 314;  summons  Genevese 
to  expel  heresy  and  restore  the 
bishop,  317;  prepares  for  war, 
319;  orders  attack  on  Geneva, 
357;  receives  Bernese  deputa- 
tion at  Aosta,  361;  asks  for  a 
truce,  362;  orders  attack,  366; 
sends  another  army  under  Med- 
ici, 370;  offers  cession  of  ter- 
ritory, including  Geneva,  to 
Charles  V.,  377 

CJiarles  de  Syssel,  bishop  of  Ge- 
neva, i.  29 

Charles  of  Egmont,  vii.  509;  his 
letter  to  the  pope,  509;  his  per- 
secution of  Lutherans,  525,  526 

Charles,  duke  of  Sudermania, 
head  of  Protestants  in  Sweden, 
vii.  340;  administrator  of  the 
kingdom,  then  king,  340;  con- 
vokes assembly  at  Upsala,  340 

Chaidemps,  Jean,  ii.  455;  charac- 
ter of,  457;  visits  Farel,  iii.  277, 
331 ;  receives  Froinent,  348; 
aids  in  rescue  of  Olive  tan,  363, 
414;  proscribed  by  the  bishop, 
439 ;  escapes,  441  ;  his  wife 
Jaque'ma   seized,   442 

Chelius,  Ulric,  his  mission  to  Wit- 
tenberg, ii.  263  sqq. ;  \asits  Me- 
lanchthon,  261;  Luther,  261; 
Bucer,  263;  Hedio,  264;  re- 
turns  to   Paris,   264 

Children,  assemblage  of,  join  Cath- 
olic bands  at  Geneva,  iii.  383, 
385 

'  Children  of  Geneva,'  i.  73,  88 

Christaudins  of  Meaux,  i.  427  sqq. ; 
one  of  them  burnt  at  Paris,  427 

Christian  11. ,  king  of  Denmark, 
his  character  and  aims,  vii. 
126;  marries  Isabella,  sister  of 
Charles  V.  127;  favors  the  pa- 
pal legate,  127;  suppresses  re- 
volt of  Sweden,  128;  his  ven- 
geance, massacre  of  the  nobles 
and  prelates,  129,  130;  his  in- 
terest in  the  Reformation,  130; 
publishes  a  code,  134;  meets 
Charles  V.  in  the  Netherlands, 
135;  consents  to  repel  the  Lu- 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


391 


theran  doctors,  135;  alliance 
formed  against  him,  13G;  in- 
fluence of  Sigbrit  over  him, 
136 ;  submits  to  the  States, 
137;  his  flight,  137;  seeks  aid 
of  Charles  V.,  Henry  VIIL, 
and  other  princes,  138 ;  de- 
serted, 138;  a  hearer  of  Lu- 
ther, 138;  death  of  his  wife, 
139;  persuades  Michelsen  to 
publish  translation  of  New  Tes- 
tament, 145;  his  intrigues,  184; 
obtains  a  fleet  and  an  army  and 
lauds  in  Norway,  185;  acknowl- 
edged king  there,  186;  invades 
Sweden  and  is  repulsed,  186; 
submits  to  Frederick,  187;  his 
letter  to  Frederick,  188;  goes 
to  Copenhagen  and  is  made 
prisoner  of  state,  188,  189;  con- 
fined at  Sonderburg,  190;  Lu- 
ther's letter  in  his  behalf,  192; 
enterprise  of  the  Lubeckers, 
207;  flies  from  Stockholm,  256; 
set  aside,  and  his  dominions 
divided  between  Frederick  and 
Gustavus,  265 

Christian  III.,  king  of  Denmark, 
vii.  147;  sent  to  Germany,  be- 
comes a  Lutheran,  148;  signs 
articles  oi"  capitulation  of  Co- 
penhagen, 149;  resumes  gov- 
ernment of  the  duchies  and 
demands  electoral  diet,  195; 
elected  king  by  diet  in  Jut- 
land, 211  ;  besieges  LUbeck, 
211;  proclaimed  kmg,  212;  de- 
feats the  Lubeckers,  213;  in- 
vests Copenhagen,  213;  visits 
Sweden,  213;  receives  surren- 
der of  Coi^enhagen,  215;  enters 
the  city,  216;  consults  the  lead- 
ing men,  216;  introduces  rep- 
resentation of  the  people,  218; 
invites  Pomeranus  to  organize 
the  new  church,  221 

Cliristina,  duchess  of  Milan, 
sought  in  marriage  by  Henry 
VllL,  viii.  174;  the  match 
conditionally  sanctioned  by 
Charles  V.,  175;  the  treaty 
broken   off,    175 

Clirisiupher,  son  of  duke  I"^lrich, 
of  Wiirtemberg,  birth  and  ear- 
ly life  of,  ii.   108;  saved  fi'om 


the  Turks,  108;  at  diet  of  Augs- 
burg, 109  ;  his  project,  109  ; 
follows  Charles  V.  to  Italy, 
110;  his  escape,  110;  protected 
by  duke  of  Bavaria,  111;  claims 
Wiirtemberg,  111;  his  charac- 
ter and  protectors,  112,  142; 
his  claim  considered  by  Fran- 
cis I.  at  Avignon,  216;  his  in- 
tercourse with  Du  Bellay  at 
Augsburg,  217;  his  supporters, 
218;  his  cause  won,  220;  re- 
turns to  Wiirtemberg,  253;  won 
to  the  Reformation,  255 

Chrysostom,  cited,  ii.  18;  iv.  46 

Church  and  State,  separate  spheres 
of,  distinguished  by  Bonivard, 
i.  158;  separation  of,  in  Ge- 
neva, advocated  by  dukes  of 
Savoy,  241;  confusion  of  two 
provinces,  ii.  352;  conflict  of, 
in  England,  iv.  60,  88,  307; 
the  church  made  department 
of  the  state  by  Henry  YIII.,  v. 
24;  three  kinds  of  relation  be- 
tween, 28;  twofold  enfranchise- 
ment, 250;  separate  existence 
of,  406;  vi.  353,  354;  difterence 
between  Berne  and  Geneva 
about,  371;  relation  of,  at  Ge- 
neva, vii.  78  sqq. ;  Melanch- 
thon's  view  of,  questioned,  viii. 
157 

Church,  the  true,  iv.  124 

Church  Goverument,  view"s  of  Bu- 
cer  and  Melanchthon,  ii.  267, 
268;  church  in  transition,  iii. 
328 

Clarenhach,  Adolph,  preaches  in 
Guelderland,  vii.  525;  burnt  at 
Cologne,  526 

Claude,  pastor  of  Ollon,  iii.  302 

Claude  de  Geneve,  proscribed  by 
the  bishop,  iii.  439 

Clement  VII.,  Pope,  i.  239,  261, 
266;  authorizes  persecution  of 
Lutherans  in  France,  331 ;  ap- 
proves treaty  between  Charles 
V.  and  Francis  I.,  337,  402; 
thwarts  Henry  YHL,  ii.  103; 
French  embassy  to,  105; 
alarmed,  106;  at  Bologua,  142; 
opposed  to  a  general  council, 
143;  conftivnce  with  Charles 
v.,   144;  reasons  for  inaction, 


392 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


C5IiE 

145;  a  disciple  of  Machiavelli, 
146;  'moves  softly,'  146;  agrees 
to  marriage  of  Catherine  de' 
Medici  with  Henry  duke  of 
Orleans,  149 ;  promises  an  Ital- 
ian state  to  Francis  I.,  149;  re- 
fuses to  marry  Catherine  to 
Sforza,  153;  asks  Francis  I.  for 
full  powers  for  marriage  con- 
tract, 153;  receives  them,  155; 
altercation  with  Charles,  156; 
joins  the  Itab'an  League,  162; 
leaves  Bologna,  164;  agrees  to 
meet  Francis  I.,  164;  announces 
maiTiage  contract  of  Catherine 
to  the  cardinals,  185;  obstacles 
raised  to  his  journey  to  France, 
186  sqq. ;  makes  up  his  mind 
to  go,  188;  opinions  about  the 
voyage,  190;  arrives  at  Mar- 
seilles, 191 ;  the  Latin  address 
to  him,  193;  his  promises  to 
Francis,  194;  publishes  bull 
against  heretics,  194;  officiates 
at  marriage  of  Catherine  de' 
Medici,  195;  departs  for  Eome, 
197;  failing  health,  197;  de- 
clines to  help  King  Ferdi- 
nand, 250;  alarmed  at  progress 
of  Philip  of  Hesse,  253;  ap- 
pealed to  for  help  by  duke  of 
Savoy,  393;  his  attainments, 
and  perplexity,  395 ;  grants  sub- 
sidy to  the  duke,  396;  a  grace 
to  Geneva,  433;  publishes  an- 
other, 434;  publishes  a  Jubilee, 
460;  commands  bishop  of  Ge- 
neva to  return,  iii.  424;  meets 
Charles  V.  at  Bologna,  iv.  22; 
troubled  about  English  em- 
bassy, 23;  his  brief  to  Henry 
Vin.,  24;  gives  audience  to 
English  ambassadors,  25;  puts 
off  Cranmer,  28;  nominates 
him  grand  almoner,  43;  Eng- 
lish address  to  him,  43;  pro- 
poses bigamy  to  Henry  VIH. , 
41 ;  calls  upon  him  to  take  back 
Catherine,  87;  conferences  with 
Charles  V.,  117;  sends  bulls  for 
inauguration  of  Cranmer  as 
primate,  121;  again  suggests 
bigamy  to  Henry  VIIL,  125: 
goes  to  Bologna,  126;  confer- 
ences  with   Charles   V.    about 


divorce  of  Henry  VHI.,  126; 
murmurs  against,  in  England, 
127;  issues  brief  of  excommu- 
nication against  Heniy,  128; 
annuls  Cranmer's  sentence,  138 ; 
cites  Henry  to  appear  at  Rome, 
164;  revokes  proceedings  of 
English  courts  and  excommu- 
nicates the  king,  164;  meeting 
with  Francis  I.,  167;  creates 
four  French  cardinals,  169; 
Heniy's  appeal  to  a  council 
presented  to  him  by  Bonner, 
170;  his  -^Tath,  171;  conversa- 
tion wdth  Francis  I.,  172;  re- 
jects the  appeal,  173;  threatens 
Bonner,  173;  accord  with  Fran- 
cis I.,  177;  consents  to  a  coun- 
cil, 176;  holds  a  consistory,  181; 
promises  condemnation  of  Hen- 
ry VIIL,  182;  disquieted,  183; 
appeal  of  Geneva  to,  340;  death 
of,  354;  alarmed  by  spread  of 
Lutheranism  in  Italy,  410;  v. 
3,  22,  48;  sends  Cardinal  Caje- 
tan  into  Hungary,  vii.  351; 
writes  to  F.  Frangipani  to  sup- 
port Catholic  faith  in  Hungary, 
369;  co-operates  with  Charles 
V.  in  persecution  in  the  Neth- 
erlands, 509;  his  brief  to  the 
bishop  of  Lie'ge,  509;  issues 
new  species  of  indulgences,  512; 
alliance  with  Charles  V.  at  Bar- 
celona, 524 

Cleyne,  Martin  van,  vii.  547 

Clifford,  Lord,  holds  Skipton  Cas- 
tle for  the  king,  v.  209 

Cloet,  Jerome,  vii.  549,  550;  ar- 
rested, 556 

Clotilda,  wdfe  of  Clovis,  i.  9 

Clovis,  conversion  ot  i.  9 

Cochlaeus,  writes  to  James  V.  of 
Scotland  against  circulation  of 
the  New  Testament,  vi.  91,  92; 
invited  to  Denmark,  declines 
to  go,  vii.  161,  162:  papal  del- 
egate at  Eatisbon,  viii.  102 

Coifard,  ii.  51 

Coligny,  iii.  3 

CoUadon  Family,  The,  Calvin's 
friendship  with,  ii.  27 

College  of  Navarre,  Paris,  the 
priests'  comedy  performed,  ii. 
174;   search  of  police   for  au- 


GENERAL    INDEX.. 


393 


thor,  179;  arrest  of  the  actors 
and  the  head  of  the  College,  179 

Colonna,  Vittoria,  fiiend  of  Val- 
dez,  iv,  4G5 

Comet,  apparition  of  a,  iii.  313 ;  iv. 
187 

Commons,  House  of,  its  petition 
to  Henry  VIII.,  iv.  10  sqq. ;  the 
bishops  called  upon  to  answer 
it,  12 

Communal  liberties,  destroyed  by 
princes  and  bishops,  i.  Ill 

Communion,  frequent,  recom- 
mended by  Calvin,  vi.  285 

Compel),  Philibert  de,  proscribed, 
iii.  439,  457 

Conciliation,  needful,  iii.  196 

Confession  of  FaitJi,  prepared  by 
Farel  and  Calvin,  vi.  282 ;  ques- 
tions as  to  its  authorship,  284; 
adopted  by  Council  of  Geneva, 
289 

Confession,  Auricular,  in  Eng- 
land, demanded  by  some  of 
the  bishops,  rejected  by  Henry 
VIII.,  viii.  190 

Conscience,  rights  of,  iii.  1,  2 

Constance,  Council  of,  i.  19;  ii. 
245 

Contarini,  Gaspare,  Cardinal,  iv. 
366;  ambassador  to  Charles  V. 
at  diet  of  Worms,  484;  senator 
of  Venice,  484;  ambassador  to 
the  Pope,  484;  at  coronation 
of  Charles  V.,  485;  joms  Ora- 
tory of  Divine  Love,  485;  cre- 
ated cardinal,  485;  his  views  of 
church  reform,  487  sqq.,  490; 
at  diet  of  Eatisbon,  vii.  25;  ad- 
vises a  reference  to  a  council, 
38 

Conversion,  i.  399,  401 

Convocation  of  the  clergj',  in  Eng- 
land, at  St.  Paul's,  V.  180;  di- 
vision and  strength  of  parties, 
181;  Latimer's  sermou,  181 
sqq.;  lay  element,  184;  denun- 
ciation of  the  mala  dogmata, 
185;  Alesius  admitted,  188;  re- 
fused admission,  190;  charac- 
ter of  Convocation,  190;  ac- 
cepts the  king's  Articles  of 
lieligion,  195;  remedial  meas- 
ures passed,  196;  dissolved  by 
the  king,  197;  declares  for  di- 

VOL.    VIII.— 17* 


vorce  of  Anne  of  Cleves,  viii. 
231,  232  ;  discussion  about 
translation  of  the  Bible,  256, 
257 

Cop,  Nicholas,  Professor,  visits 
Calvin,  ii.  52,  53;  intercourse 
with  Calvin,  93;  rector  of  the 
Sorbonne,  180;  his  sj)eech  on 
the  priests'  comedy,  180,  181; 
delivers  addi-ess  on  'Christian 
Philosophy,'  200;  its  effect,  202; 
his  heresies  laid  before  the  par- 
liament, 202;  his  defence,  203; 
summoned  before  parliament, 
206;  goes  in  state,  206;  is 
warned  and  returns  home,  207; 
escapes  to  Switzerland,  208; 
intercourse  with  Calvin  iii.  160 

Copenhaqen,  surrenders  to  King 
Frederick  vii.  149;  Diet  of,  171; 
methods  of  procedure  of  the 
two  parties,  172;  the  Lutheran 
Confession,  172,  174;  charges 
of  the  prelates,  177;  reply  of 
Evangelicals,  177;  a  public  dis- 
cussion rejected  by  the  prel- 
ates, 178;  appeal  of  the  Evan- 
gelicals to  the  king,  180;  Mas- 
ter Mathias,  181;  success  of  the 
pastors,  182;  iconoclasts,  183; 
popular  rising  for  liberation  of 
Tausen,  201;  entered  by  the 
LUbeckers,  208;  besieged  by 
army  of  Christian  III.,  213; 
state  of  the  city,  214;  capitu- 
lates, 215;  entered  by  the  king, 
216;  the  university  reorganized 
by  Pomeranus,  222 

Cojjpet,  conference  at,  v.  341 

Coppin,  one  of  the  Spirituals,  iii. 
77 

Cordicr,  Mathurin,  at  College  of 
La  Maiche,  i.  382;  influences 
Calvin,  383;  influenced  by  him, 
384;  flies  from  Paris,  iii.  124; 
teaches  in  schools  of  Geneva, 
vi.  296;  banished,  467 

Coriielis,  Giovanni,  sets  out  for 
Wittenberg,  iv.  415;  arrested, 
416 

Cornou,  Jean,  burnt,  iv.  364 

Cornu,  Pierre,  Cordelier,  ii.  135 

Cortesi,  Gregorio,  iv.  482 

Cotta,  Otto  Mtlia,  joins  in  plot 
against  Paleario,  iv.   440,  441; 


394 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


one  of  a  deputation  to  arch- 
bishop of  Siena,  444;  at  trial  of 
Paleario,  447 

Council,  General,  demanded  by 
Charles  V. ,  opposed  by  Clement 
VII.,  ii.  143  sqq.;  rejected  by 
Clement,  157;  reasons  pro  and 
con,  157;  called  for  by  the  car- 
dinals, 254 

Council,  Lay,  proposed  by  Fran- 
cis I.,  ii.  158;  would  constitute 
a  revolution,  158;  rejected  by 
Charles  V.,  160;  arrangement 
at  council  of  Trent,  160 

Council  of  IJalbnds,  i.  287  sqq. 

Courault,  appointed  to  preach  in 
Paris,  ii.  117;  his  jDreaching, 
118;  confined  by  the  king's  or- 
der, 125;  forbidden  to  preach, 
228,  229;  burning  of,  demanded 
by  Beda,  231 ;  set  free,  234;  op- 
poses the  placards,  iii.  95;  ar- 
rested, 113;  before  the  king, 
117;  sent  to  a  convent,  escapes 
to  Switzerland,  125;  meets  Cal- 
vin at  Basel,  164;  reports  the 
prosecution,  164;  urges  accept- 
ance of  Calvin's  Confession  by 
all  the  Genevese,  vi.  292;  at- 
tends synod  of  Lausanne,  313 ; 
forbidden  to  jireach,  377 ; 
preaches  at  St.  Peter's,  381, 
382;  arrested  and  imprisoned, 
382;  a  protest  against  his  im- 
prisonment, 383;  bail  refused, 
384;  banished,  403,  407;  leaves 
Geneva,  409;  takes  refuge  at 
Thonon,  412;  his  death,  448 

Courtelier,  Father,  sent  to  Gene- 
va, iv.  24G;  submits  his  doc- 
trines to  the  council,  246;  his 
sermon,  247 ;  interview  with 
Farel,  250;  his  preaching  com- 
pared with  Farel's,  257;  gives 
evidence  against  Maisonneuve, 
297,  298 

Coverdale,  Miles,  iv.  2;  account 
of,  V.  197;  his  Bible,  1?8;  the 
king's  sanction  to  it  refused, 
198;  accompanies  Grafton  to 
Paris,  to  prepare  new  edition 
of  Tyndale's  Bible,  viii.  177 
{Grafton] 

Coxe,  Leonard,  gets  John  Fryth 
liberated,  iv.  141,  142 


Cracow,  Luther's  doctrines  intro- 
duced at,  vii.  430 

Cranmer,  Thomas,  Ai'chbishop  of 
Canterbury,  presents  to  Henry 
VIII.  his  treatise  on  the  king's 
marriage,  iv.  23;  ambassador 
to  the  pope  at  Bologna,  23; 
his  audience  jDut  off,  goes  to 
Home,  28 ;  nominated  grand 
almoner  by  the  pope,  43;  sent 
to  NUrnberg,  114;  intercourse 
with  Osiander,  114;  marries, 
116 ;  negotiates  with  Elector 
of  Saxony,  116;  with  imperial 
chancellor,  116 ;  selected  by 
the  king  for  primate,  hesitates, 
117 ;  goes  to  Italy,  attends 
meeting  of  the  pope  and  the 
emperor,  117;  returns  to  Eng- 
land, 118;  objection  to  the  pri- 
macy, 119;  consents,  121;  sends 
the  pope's  bulls  to  the  king, 
121;  his  protest,  121;  conse- 
crated, 122;  takes  the  oath, 
122;  energy  and  weakness,  123; 
papal  order  interred  at  his  con- 
secration, 124;  his  letter  to  the 
king,  131;  a  second,  132;  re- 
ceives royal  licence,  132;  his 
court  at  Dunstable,  Henry  VIII. 
and  Catherine  siimmoned,  133; 
j)ronounces  divorce  of  the  king 
and  queen,  134;  declares  mar- 
riage of  Henry  and  Anne  Bo- 
leyn  lawful,  135;  his  sentence 
annulled  by  the  pope,  138;  ap- 
pointed one  of  Fryth' s  judges, 
151;  wishes  to  save  him,  151, 
159:  detects  imposture  of  Maid 
of  Kent,  V.  15;  leader  of  evan- 
gelical part}',  22,  46;  his  expla- 
nation of  royal  suj^remacy,  50, 
51;  his  character,  53,  54;  pro- 
poses translation  of  the  Bible, 
55;  a  compromise,  55;  proceeds 
with  the  task,  56;  visitation  of 
London  and  Winchester,  57; 
his  sermon  at  visitation  of 
Canterbury,  85,  98,  99;  inter- 
cedes for  Princess  Mary,  111; 
his  communications  with  Queen 
Anne,  120,  130;  hears  of  the 
queen's  arrest,  142;  writes  to 
the  king,  143;  his  false  con- 
science,  144;  the  charges  laid 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


395 


before  him,  145;  declares  null 
the  marriage  of  the  king  with 
AnneBoleyn,  IGO,  184, 18G,  190; 
signs  the  king's  Articles  of  lle- 
ligion,  195;  suggests  remedial 
measures,  196;  his  cowardice 
and  submission  to  the  king, 
226;  asks  permission  for  Tyn- 
dale's  Bible  to  be  sold,  227; 
baptizes  Edward  (VI. ),  "vaii. 
141,  146 ;  urges  union  with 
German  Protestants,  153;  con- 
ference with  German  envoys, 
154 ;  presses  them  to  delay 
their  return,  155;  has  a  con- 
ference with  Lambert,  165 ; 
condemns  his  views,  166;  at 
Lambert's  trial,  170 ;  speaks 
against  the  Six  Articles,  183; 
retains  his  see,  184;  courted 
by  the  king,  185,  186;  a  ban- 
quet, 186;  necessary  to  the 
king,  186;  difhculty  of  tilling 
his  place,  186;  his  Bible  pub- 
lished, 205;  writes  to  the  king 
in  behalf  of  Cromwell,  212,  213; 
absents  himself  from  parlia- 
ment on  the  reading  of  bill  of 
attainder,  218;  consents  with 
Convocation  to  divorce  of  Anne 
of  Cleves,  231 ;  his  provision  for 
education  of  ministers  set  aside, 
236:  conspiracy  against  him, 
241;  accused  to  the  king,  243; 
interview  with  him,  244,  245; 
receives  the  king's  ring,  245; 
summoned  before  the  council, 
presents  the  ring,  246;  formal- 
ly reconciled  with  the  lords, 
247;  embarrassed  by  disclos- 
ures of  Lascelles  against  the 
queen,  248;  reports  them  to 
the  king,  249;  sent  with  Nor- 
folk to  examine  the  queen, 
250;  receives  her  confession, 
250;  in  favor,  256;  introduces 
a  Bill  for  the  Advancemeid  of 
BdUjion,  260;'  its  absurdities, 
260 ;  obtains  modification  of 
^'ix  Articles,  261;  revises  the 
King's  Book;  261;  plot  of  bish- 
ops and  priests  agamst  him, 
263;  interview  witli  the  king, 
263;  acquitted  by  the  commis- 
sion, 264;  pleads  fur  Mar  beck. 


266;   interview  with   the   king 
on  his  deathbed,  307 

Craicar,  Paul,  burnt  at  St.  An- 
drews, vi.  5 

Crespin,  John,  goes  with  Juan 
Diaz  to  Geneva,   viii.  101 

Crocus,  Cornelius,  account  of,  vii, 
532 ;  undertakes  to  write  against 
Luther,  531 ;  writes  against  Sar- 
torius,  533 

Crome,  Dr.,  forbidden  to  preach, 
viii.  240;  his  falls  and  recov- 
ery, 272 

Oromwell,  Sir  Eichard,  commis- 
sioner for  visitation  of  monas- 
teries, V.  84 

Cromwell,  Thomas,  iv.  37;  pre- 
sents to  the  king  Tyndale's 
Practice  of  Prelates,  53;  writes 
to  Vaughan,  57;  suggests  at- 
temj)t  to  gain  Fryth,  59;  his 
expedient  for  making  the  king 
supreme  over  the  clergy,  61; 
announces  it  to  Convocation, 
62  ;  demands  recognition  of 
royal  supremacy,  63;  character 
of,  87;  advises  abolition  of  pa- 
pal power  in  England,  87;  in 
advance,  89;  sends  the  Maid 
of  Kent  to  the  Tower,  v.  15; 
Protestant  leader,  23,  46;  visits 
More  and  Fisher  in  the  Tower, 
64 ;  advises  abolition  of  the 
monasteries,  81;  named  vice- 
gerent and  vicar-general  for 
visitation  of  churches  and  mon- 
asteries, 82;  his  commissioners, 
84;  lays  the  Black  Book  before 
parhament,  95,  98,  139,  161, 
184;  his  position  at  Convoca- 
tion, 184,  186;  invites  Alesius 
to  attend,  186,  188;  signs  the 
king's  Articles  of  Eeligion,  195; 
made  k)rd  privj'  seal,  and  vice- 
gerent iu  ecclesiastical  matters, 
197 ;  his  instructions  to  the 
priests,  197;  his  efforts  in  be- 
half of  Tyndale,  219,  221,  226; 
his  report  on  birth  of  Edward 
VI.,  viii.  141;  presents  works, 
of  Bullinger  to  the  king,  146; 
aiTests  Bishop  Sampson,  sum- 
mons him  before  him.  162;  his 
interview  with  Lambert,  172; 
extols  the  king,   173:  resolves 


396 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


to  issue  another  edition  of  the 
Bible,  176;  orders  seizure  of 
the  presses,  types,  &c.,  at  Pa- 
ris, 178;  his  Bible  completed, 
178;  sanctions  the  Six  Articles, 
182;  quarrels  with  Norfolk,  185; 
his  aims,  192  ;  recommends 
Anne  of  Cleves  to  the  king, 
193 ;  conversations  with  the 
king,  196,  197;  blamed  by 
Henry,  197;  his  desire  to  have 
the  Gospel  preached,  201;  his 
measures,  206;  his  speech  in 
Parliament,  206 ;  his  promo- 
tions, 207 ;  created  Earle  of 
Essex,  207 ;  his  possessions, 
207;  his  fiscal  measures,  208; 
a  note  from  the  king,  208;  ac- 
cused of  treason  and  sent  to 
the  Tower,  209;  the  charges 
against  him,  210;  the  real  aim 
of  his  enemies,  211;  bill  of  in- 
dictment against  him,  214;  de- 
nies alleged  alliance  with  Pole, 
215;  bill  of  attainder  adopted, 
216;  his  alarm  and  distress, 
216 ;  his  letter  to  the  king, 
217;  the  bill  passed,  218;  re- 
newed examinations,  218;  again 
writes  to  the  king,  219;  anxiety 
for  his  family,  220;  his  last 
days,  221;  his  confession  and 
prayer,  222-224;  his  execution, 
224;  his  character,  224 

Culdees,   the,    their  influence   in 
Scotland,  vi.  4,  5 

Cidpeper,  viii.  253;  beheaded,  254 

Oulverins,  Prior  Bonivard's,  i.  47; 
claimed  by  duke  of  Savoy,  48 

Curione,  Celio  Secundo,  birth  and 
early  life  of,  iv.  413,  414;  reads 
Luther,  Melanchthon,  and 
Zwinglius,  414 ;  sets  out  for 
Wittenberg,  415;  arrested,  416; 
placed  in  a  monastery,  416; 
puts  the  Bible  in  place  of  rel- 
ics, 417;  escapes  to  Milan,  418; 
his  philanthropy,  418;  manies, 
418;  returns  to  PicduKmt,  418; 
,  defends  Luther  against  Domin- 
ican preacher,  420;  again  im- 
prisoned, 420;  harshly  treated, 
421;  prison  thoughts,  422;  es- 
capes, 423;  teaches  at  Pavia, 
424;  attempts  to  seize  him  baf- 


fled, 425;  escapes  to  Ferrara, 

425 
Curtet,  Aime,  appointed  syndic  of 

Geneva,  iv.  242 
Curtet,    Castellan    of  Chaumont, 

burnt  at  Annecy,  vi.  486 
Curtet,  Jean  Ami,  attempt  to  mur- 
der him,  iii.  459;  iv.  186 
Cyriaci,  Martin,  goes  to  study  at 

Wittenberg,    vii.    347;  returns 

to  Leutschau,  355 

D'ADDA,  Stephen,  iv.  232,  233 

Dalecarlians,  The,  demand  ban- 
ishment of  Lutherans,  vii.  277; 
declare  for  the  pretender  '  Nils 
Sture,'  278;  treat  with  Gusta- 
vus,  297;  revolt  suppressed,  297 

Danes,  Pierre,  ii.  51;  cited,  59; 
at  Council  of  Trent,  65;  ac- 
cused by  Beda,  230 

Daniel,  Francis,  Calvin  a  visitor 
in  his  family,  ii.  8,  9;  his  sister 
a  nun,  52,  57;  his  views  for 
Calvin,  84;  asks  for  Bibles,  87, 
93;  Calvin's  letter  to,  iii.  8 

— ,  Robert,  ii.  58 

Daniel  of  Valence,  at  Waldensian 
synod,  iii.  255;  refuses  to  sign 
the  new  confession,  259;  goes 
to  Bohemia,  260 

Danish  New  Testament,  published 
by  Michelsen,  vii.  145,  146 

Dantzic,  beginning  of  reformation 
at,  vii.  424,  425;  opposition, 
425;  toleration  established,  426; 
Bomish  worship  abolished.  427; 
invites  Pomeraniis,  427;  Han- 
stein  sent,  428;  Catholic  depu- 
tation to  King  Sigismund,  428; 
his  severity,  429;  preaching  of 
Klemme,  429 

Darci/,  Lord,  head  of  Catholic 
league,  v.  202;  joins  insurgents 
of  Yorkshn-e,  206;  at  Pomfret 
Castle,  209;  on  the  march  south- 
ward, 210,  211;  executed,  213 

Dates,  coincidence  of,  iii.  131 

DaupJiiny,  i.  349,  359;  iii.  123 

'Day  of  the  Ladders,'  ii.  384 

De  Bresse,  i.  116 
I  De  Chalans,   Bene,   Count,    i\Iar- 
shal  of  Aosta,  ii.  405,  406.  408; 
his  hostihty  to  the  Lutherans, 
v.  449 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


397 


DEC 

De  Cornibus,  Pierre,  invited  to 
disputation  at  Geneva,  v.  259 

De  Glautinis,  accompanies  Farel 
to  Granson,  iii.  235;  preaches 
238;  insulted  by  monks,  238 

De  la  Croix,  Father  Laurent,  con- 
demned as  heretic  at  Geneva, 
ii.  235;  preaches  in  France, 
236;  at  Lyons,  236;  visits  the 
prisons,  237;  escapes  discoverv, 
237;  his  Easter  preaching,  210; 
arrested  and  condemned  to 
death,  240;  removed  to  Paris, 
241;  before  the  parliament, 
tortured,  242;  condemned  to 
be  burnt,  243 ;  his  degradation, 
243;  martyrdom,  244 

De  la  Fosse,  (Barnabas  Yore'), 
sent  to  invite  Melanchthon  to 
France,  iv.  358,  3G2,  365;  im- 
portance of  his  mission,  373, 
374;  visits  Melanchthon,  375, 
378  sq. 

De  la  Mare,  Stephen,  Genevese 
envoy  with  Hugues  to  Friburg, 
i.  140;  elected  syndic,  149;  in- 
terview with  the  bisTiop  of  Ge- 
neva, 186,  187,  206;  at  general 
council,  opposes  Swiss  alliance, 
307;  goes  to  Switzerland  with 
Mamelukes  to  break  it  off,  313; 
appointed  pastor  at  Geneva,  vi. 
414;  charges  against  him,  vii.  4 

De  hi  Mouille,  WilHam,  ii.  316, 
362 

De  la  Place,  Pierre,  iii.  14,  44,  47, 
48,  50 

De  la  Tour,  Sieur,  martyrdom  of, 
with  his  servant,  i.  414 

De^orme,  watches  Maisonneuve  at 
the  toui-nament,  iv.  226 

Democracil,  i.  320 

Denia,  Marquis  of,  keeper  of 
Queen  Joanna,  viii.  128,  136, 
137,  138 

Denis,  a  Christaudin,  i.  427;  his 
reconversion  attempted  by  Bri- 
9onnet,  428;  burnt,  429 

Denmark,  begiuniug  of  the  Ref- 
ormation ill,  vii.  120  sqq. ;  union 
of  Calmar,  121;  tlie  crown  of- 
fered to  Frederick,  duke  of 
Holstein,  137;  accepted  by  him, 
142;  Michelsen's  translation  of 
New     Testament     introduced, 


146;  assembly  of  the  council 
at  Copenhagen,  153;  its  reso- 
lutions against  Lutherans  and 
Lutheran  books,  153;  j^rogress 
of  the  Reformation  in,  160; 
alarm  of  the  bishops,  161;  agi- 
tation. Diet  of  Odensee,  162 
sqq. ;  demands  of  nobles  and 
priests,  164;  the  royal  ordi- 
nance, 165;  submission  of  the 
prelates,  1 65 ;  Diet  of  Copenha- 
gen, 171  sqq. ;  progress  of  the 
Gospel,  182;  death  of  Frede- 
rick, 193  ;  interregnum,  in- 
trigues of  the  priests,  195  ; 
Electorial  Diet  opened,  196; 
demands  of  the  bishops,  196, 
197;  the  compact  published, 
198;  the  election  adjourned, 
199;  edict  for  prosecution  of 
Lutherans,  205;  polemical  pub- 
lications, 206;  invasion  of  the 
Liibeckers,  208;  Christian  II. 
restored,  208;  assembly  of  the 
Diet  in  Jutland,  209;  proclama- 
tion of  Christian  III.,  211;  sur- 
render of  Copenhagen,  215;  ar- 
rest of  the  bishops,  217;  first 
representation  of  the  people  in 
the  Diet,  218;  charges  against 
the  bishops,  219;  the  compact 
signed,  220;  the  bishops  ex- 
cluded from  the  Diet,  the  Ref- 
ormation established,  220;  the 
bishops  liberated,  220;  consti- 
tution of  evangeUcal  church 
promulgated,  223 ;  seiaaration 
of  Sweden  from,  265 

Denny,  Sir  A.,  viii.  307 

De  P'esnies,  Percival,  iii.  366,  368, 
376;  bears  the  banner  of  Gene- 
va, 378,  379,  407,  411;  iv.  207, 
312;  escapes  from  Geneva,  316 

De  Prangins,  Sire  de  Bice,  Gov- 
ernor of  Neuchate],  v.  323;  for- 
bids departure  of  auxiliaries  for 
Geneva,  323;  orders  the  men 
to  return  home,  325 

Derham,  Francis,  viii.  248,  250, 
252;  huDg,  253 

D' Krlach,  Sieur,  Swiss  envoy  to 
Geneva,  i.  154;  his  speech,  154; 
leads  Swiss  army  to  (leuevn,  ii. 
424;  envoy  with  Niigueli  to 
duke  of  Savoy,  v.  361 


398 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


Desbois,  Jean,  appointed  to  ex- 
amine Berthelier,  i.  192;  passes 
sentence  of  death  on  him,  195 

Des  Fosset,  iii.  75 

De  Simieux,  sent  to  Geneva  to 
hunt  up  charge  against  Maison- 
neuve,  iv.  291 

Devay,  Mathias  Biro,  his  birth 
and  earlj^  life,  vii.  367;  conver- 
sion, 3G7;  goes  to  study  at  "Wit- 
tenberg, 367;  returns  to  Hnn- 
ga.ry,  372;  his  sympathy  with 
Melanchthon,  his  complete- 
ness, 372,  373;  pastor  at  Buda, 
373;  removes  to  Kaschau,  374; 
successful  labors,  374;  de- 
nounced to  King  Ferdinand, 
375;  seized  and  carried  off  by 
the  bishop  of  Eger's  agents, 
375;  harshly  treated  in  prison, 
375;  cited  before  Bishop  Faber, 
376;  liberated,  goes  to  Buda, 
376,  377;  imprisoned  by  Za- 
polya,  377;  set  at  liberty,  378; 
received  by  Count  Nadasdy,  at 
Sarvar,  378*  repHes  to  Szegedy, 
379;  visits  Melanchthon  at  Wit- 
tenberg, 379;  at  Basel  pub- 
lishes his  works,  381;  returns 
to  Hungary,  381;  his  Gram- 
mar, 382;  his  preaching,  382; 
driven  away  by  Turkish  inva- 
sion, 391;  at  Wittenberg,  391; 
goes  to  Switzerland,  392;  be- 
comes acquainted  with  Calvin- 
ism, 394;  returns  to  Hungary, 
394;  pastor  and  dean  at  De- 
breczin,  397 

De  Vcigy,  canon  of  Geneva,  his 
mission  to  duke  of  Savoj^  ii. 
351 ;  expelled  from  Geneva,  351 ; 
examines  Farel,  iii.  288;  com- 
mands one  of  the  bands  against 
Lutherans,  378;  charged  to 
burn  out  the  Lutherans,  388; 
iv.  218 

Deventer,  envoys  of  Charles  V. 
sent  to  inquire  after  Lutherans, 
refused  admission,  vii.  536 

De  Versonay,  Marin,  account  of, 
iii.  411;  incites  to  conflict,  412 

De  Versonex,  F.,  v.  309 

De  Via,  Cardinal,  protests  against 
preaching  of  Occliino.  iv.  467 

l>lana  of  Poitiers,  iv.  355 


Diaz,  Alonzo,  informed  of  his 
brother  Juan's  heresy,  viii. 
106;  goes  to  Ratisbon,  107; 
consults  with  Malvenda,  107; 
their  schemes  for  finding  Juan, 
108;  finds  him,  108;  tr.kes  leave, 
110;  returns,  murders  Juan, 
111;  flies  to  Innspruck,   111 

T)iaz,  Juan,  account  of,  viii.  100; 
his  conversion  and  friendships, 
101;  goes  to  Geneva,  101;  visits 
Strasburg,  101;  delegate  with 
Bucer  to  conference  of  Ratis- 
bon, 102;  meets  with  Malven- 
da, 102;  resists  his  endeavors 
to  win  him  back  to  the  Pope, 
103-105:  leaves  Ratisbon,  109; 
at  Neuburg,  109;  visited  by  his 
brother  Alonzo,  109;  declines 
to  go  to  Rome,  110;  muidered 
bj^  Alonzo,  111 

Diaz,  Peter,  viii.  36 

Diesbach,  John  of,  commands 
Swiss  auxiliaries  at  Pavia,  iv. 
321;  his  widow  seeks  interven- 
tion of  Berne,  322 

Diesbach,  Nicholas  of,  avoyer  of 
Berne,  iv.  321 

Diesbach,  Rodolph  of,  envoy  to 
Court  of  France,  iv.  322;  ac- 
count of,  322;  pleads  for  Mai- 
sonneuve  and  Janin,  322 ;  suc- 
ceeds, 328;  delivers  them  up  to 
Genevese  authorities,  329;  with 
Nitgueli,  envoy  to  duke  of  Sa- 
vo3%  V.  361 

Diesbach,  Louis  of,  Bernese  am- 
bassador to  Pays  de  Vaud,  v. 
340;  at  conference  of  Coppet, 
340,  341,  343,  345;  seized  by 
Savoyards  and  released,  350; 
at  Geneva,  355 

Diesbach,  Sebastian  of,  head  of 
Swiss  embassy  to  Geneva,  i. 
313;  again,  ii.  391;  reports 
failure,  392;  deputy  to  Gene- 
va, 445;  again,  449;  again,  ad- 
vocates rehgious  liberty,  iii. 
428;  advises  consent  to  episco- 
pal citation,  453;  head  of  Ber- 
nese embassy  to  Geneva,  iv. 
215;  demands  a  disputation  be- 
tween Furbity  and  the  reform- 
ers, 216;  at  the  tournaments, 
218  sq. ;  colloquy  with  Furbity, 


GENERAL    INDEX, 


399 


220;  demands  his  punishment, 
221 

Diplomacy,  v.  339 

Dispensatiojis,  pajDal,  abolished  in 
England,  iv.  180 

DobszynsJci,  writes  in  praise  of 
Wycditie,  vii.  422 

Dominicans,  at  Geneva,  their 
vices,  i.  44,  236;  iv.  200;  com- 
pared with  Franciscans,  245 

Dori,  beginning  of  Keformation 
at,  vii.  485;  complaint  of  Do- 
minicans, 48G;  reply  of  Henry 
of  Nassau,  486 

Douglas,  Gavin,  competition  for 
see  of  St.  Andrews,  vi.  10 

Douglas,  Sir  George,  guardian  of 
James  V.,  vi.  24;  discovers 
flight  of  the  king,  73;  joins 
English  army  against  the  Scots, 
138;  returns  to  Scotland,  158; 
reinstated  in  his  honors  and  es- 
tates, 161 ;  imprisoned,  liber- 
ated, 184;  at  the  preaching  of 
Wishart,  193 

Doullon,  Nicholas,  martyrdom  of, 
i.  393,  394 

Du  Bellay,  Jean,  bishop  of  Paris, 
Cardinal,  ii.  50,  65,  74,  75;  ap- 
points two  evangelical  monks 
to  preach  in  Paris,  117;  warns 
the  king  of  danger,  126,  134, 
150,  152,  183;  delivers  Latin  ad- 
dress to  the  pojie  at  Marseilles, 
193;  ordered  to  persecute  here- 
tics, 196;  closes  the  chiirches, 
228 ;  takes  part  in  preparing 
French  version  of  the  reform- 
ers' oinnions,  284,  287;  iii.  135; 
iv.  4,  7;  his  eftbrts  at  mediation 
between  England  and  the  pope, 
177;  awaits  success,  181 ;  pleads 
with  the  consistory  for  delay, 
181;  his  ancestry,  356;  driven 
from  France,  357;  at  head  of 
moderate  Catholic  party,  357; 
advises  the  king  to  invite  Me- 
lanchthon  to  France,  357;  cre- 
ated cardinal,  362;  ambassador 
to  Rome,  365;  Mrites  to  Me- 
lanchthon,  365,  368;  interview 
with  English  envoys  at  Bo- 
logna, V.  4 

Du  Bellay,  ^Villiam,  views  of,  ii. 
95;  desires  union  of  France  and 


German}',  95;  ambassador  to 
Germany,  95;  at  Schweinfurth, 
97;  proposals  to  the  Protest- 
ants 99 ;  addresses  the  landgrave 
of  Hesse,  100;  concludes  agree- 
ment with  Protestants  102;  sent 
to  England,  102;  negotiates  al- 
liance between  Francis  I.  and 
Henry  VIIL,  103  ;  supports 
Christopher  of  Wiirtemberg, 
112,  151 ;  his  project  of  a  lay 
council,  159  sqq.;  quoted,  162; 
hopes  of  reformers  fixed  on  him, 
183;  opposes  publication  of  bull 
against  heretics,  194;  a  friend 
of  freedom,  215;  explains  tran- 
sition from  ]\Iarseilles  to  Avig- 
non, 216;  ambassador  to  Diet 
of  Augsburg,  216;  negotiates 
with  the  Swiss  Protestants,  217; 
sui^ports  Christopher  at  Augs- 
burg, 218  sqq.;  in  Germany, 
220 ;  negotiates  with  PhiHp, 
landgrave  of  Hesse,  222;  op- 
posed by  Luther  and  Melanch- 
thon,  222;  has  interview  with 
Bucer  at  Strasburg,  246 ;  re- 
turns to  Paris,  246;  estimate  of 
Melanchthon,  246;  hopes,  253, 
257,  260,  203,  282;  takes  part  in 
preparing  French  version  of  re- 
formers' opinions,  284;  submits 
it  to  the  Sorbonne,  285,  287; 
his  estimate  of  Bucer,  iii.  67; 
ambassador  in  England,  takes 
gifts  for  Francis  I.,  iv.  39;  his 
ancestry,  356;  character,  356; 
advises  the  king  to  invite  Me- 
lanchthon to  France,  357,  362; 
letter  to  Melanchthon,  366,  367; 
envoy  to  Smalcalde,  394;  has 
audience  of  Elector  John  Fred- 
erick, 395;  received  by  German 
princes  and  deputies,  396; 
demands  a  congress,  397;  a 
consultation  held,  398  sqq. ; 
receives  reply  of  the  princes, 
404,  405;  failure  of  his  mission, 
405 

Du  Bourg,  John,  iii.  72;  arrested, 
112;  his  martyrdom,  120 

Du  Cltdiel,  Pierre,  ii.  6^;  opposes 
persecution,  iii.  113 

Duchemin,  Nicholas,  character  of, 
I      ii,   1;  Caiviu  in  his  house,   2, 


400 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


7,  9;  appointed  ecclesiastical 
judge,  V.  436 

Du  Crest,  Nicholas,  premier  sjm- 
dic  of  Geneva,  iii.  364,  374; 
takes  part  in  consultation  for 
peace,  395 ;  envoy  to  Berne, 
402;  fails,  405;  iv.  190,  200; 
searches  the  bishop's  palace, 
235,  255;  escapes  Irom  Gene- 
va, 316 

Dumont,  syndic  of  Geneva,  dep- 
uty to  the  bishop,  i.  460 

Dumoulin,  \_ Alexander  Canus'\ 

Uunbar,  Gawin,  archbishop  of 
Glasgow,  chancellor  of  Scot- 
land, with  the  primate  and 
other  prelates  placed  at  the 
head  of  the  government,  vi. 
74;  deprives  the  nobles  of  their 
jurisdiction  and  sets  up  a  Col- 
lege of  Justice,  85;  presides  at 
prosecution  of  Kennedy  and 
llussel,  121 ;  intimidated  by 
agents  of  Beatoun,  condemns 
them,  122;  threatened  by  James 
v.,  125;  becomes  chancellor, 
162 ;  opposes  the  law  giving 
freedom  to  read  the  Bible,  162; 
takes  possession  of  church 
at  Ayr,  to  prevent  Wishart 
preaching,  187 

Duncan,  Andi'ew,  captured  by  the 
English  at  Flodden,  vi.  9;  at- 
tempts rescue  of  Patrick  Ham- 
ilton, 59;  captured  by  Beatoun' s 
troops  and  banished,  59 

Dunkeld,  bishop  of,  counsels 
peace,  vi.  16;  with  other  prel- 
ates placed  at  head  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, 74;  his  interview  with 
Thomas  Forrest,  104 

^unstable,  Cranmer's  court  at,  iv. 
133  sqq. 

Duprat,  Cardinal,  i.  342,  346,  360, 
400,  409;  character  and  posi- 
tion, 410;  sides  wiih  Rome,  411; 
at  synod  of  Paris  instigates 
persecution  of  Lutherans,  415; 
appeals  to  Francis  L,  416;  h's 
ambition  and  aggrandisement, 
417;  his  quarrel  with  the  parlia- 
ment of  Paris,  417;  combines 
with  the  parliament  against  Lu- 
therans, 417,  429;  ii.  33,  67,  120; 
sent  to  Paris  to  stop  intrigues 


I      of  the  Sorbonne,    126;  arrests 

Le  Picard,  127;  his  spies,  128; 

summons  the  priests,  128;  the 

doctors  of  the  Sorbonne,   128, 

212,  218;  iii.  113,  115 
Dutch  New  Testament,  published, 

vii.  501;  Old  Testament,   517; 

the  whole  Bible,  517 
Durlllard,  J.,  appointed  sjTidic  of 

Geneva,  iv.  242 

ECK,  Dr.,  at  Diet  of  Eatisbon, 
vii.  25;  declines  invitation  to 
Denmark,  162 

Edinburgh,  entered  by  Lord  Hert- 
ford and  English  army,  vi.  184; 
pillaged  and  burnt,  184 

Edward  VL,  King  of  England, 
proposal  for  his  marriage  with 
Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vi.  157; 
the  treaty  concluded,  165;  frus- 
trated, 171;  his  birth,  viii.  Ill; 
created  Prince  of  Wales,  141; 
hopes  excited  by  his  birth,  143; 

Egidius,  John,  preacher  at  Se- 
ville, viii.  22,  23;  his  scholastic 
sermons,  23;  his  interview  with 
Valerio,  24;  conversion,  24,  25; 
his  evangehcal  preaching,  26; 
interview  with  Ponce  de  la 
Fuente  and  Vargas,  27,  28;  di- 
vision of  labor  with  them,  29; 
opposition  aroused,  31;  loses 
his  two  friends,  34,  35 ;  schemes 
of  his  enemies,  35 

Egmont,  Nicholas  van,  inquisitor 
in  the  Netherlands,  vii.  491,  493 

Ehrard  of  Nidau,  account  of,  v. 
376 

Einarsen,  Gisser,  vii.  228;  sent  to 
Copenhagen,  228;  made  bishop 
of  Skalholt,  228;  his  death.  229 

Einarsen,  Morten,  elected  bishop 
of  Skalholt,  taken  prisoner  by 
Bishop  Aresen,  vii.  229 

Eliae,  Paul,  vii.  125;  interpreter 
of  Keinhard,  131;  sent  to  Oden- 
see,  131;  attacks  Reinhard,  132; 
preaches  against  Lutheranism, 
147;  attends  conference  at  Co- 
penhagen, 171;  remains  silent, 
181 ;  publishes  apology  for  the 
mass,  182;  draws  up  plea  for 
the  bishops,  206 

Eliot,  Nicholas  [8/ucZenfs, English] 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


401 


Eliot,  Sir  Thoiaas,  begs  for  gift 
of  convents,  v.  99 

EUzahelh,  Queen,  birth  of,  iv.  166; 
excitement  in  London,  166 ; 
commended  to  care  of  Parker, 
V.  133 

Elizabeth  of  Arnex,  plots  against 
Farel,  iii.  213;  ber  conversion, 
22<'. 

Engelhrechtsen,  Olaf,  archbishop 
of  Brontheim,  receives  Chris- 
tian IL,  vii.  185;  flies  to  the 
Netherlands,  223,  224 

England,  laity  and  clergy,  iv.  1; 
Scriptural  reformation,  2;  spe- 
cial character  of  Keformation 
in,  3,  4;  the  Komish  and  polit- 
ical parties,  5;  the  Society  of 
Christian  Brethren,  6;  Table- 
talk,  8;  popular  excitement,  8; 
petition  of  the  Commons,  10; 
reforms  of  the  clergy,  16;  abo- 
lition of  pluralism,  18,  19;  Eng- 
lish address  to  the  pope,  43; 
the  clergy  predominant,  60; 
royal  supremacy  recognized  by 
clergy,  65,  66;  popular  agita- 
tion, 67;  beginning  of  persecu- 
tion, 76;  importance  of  choice 
of  new  primate,  113;  papal  au- 
thority set  aside  by  parliament, 
130;  separation  from  France, 
174;  general  movement  against 
papal  supremacy,  178;  aboli- 
tion of  papal  privileges,  179; 
Romish  exactions,  179;  the  tree 
lopped,  180;  a  critical  epoch,  v. 
1,  2;  people  and  clergy  against 
Home,  7;  confusion,  53;  etfect  of 
execiition  of  More  and  Fisher, 
75,  76;  general  visitation  of 
churches  and  monasteries  or- 
dered, 82 ;  suppression  of  lesser 
monasteries,  9(5;  advantageous 
results,  100,  102,  103;  state  of 
parties  after  Queen  Anne's 
death,  171;  sarcasms  against 
the  papacy,  180;  the  King's 
Articles  of  Religion  published, 
192;  evangelical  reaction,  198; 
prosecutions,  200  ;  insurrec- 
tion in  the  North,  202  sqq. ;  re- 
newal of,  212;  invasion  of,  pro- 
posed by  Paul  IIL,  vi.  109; 
three    parties    in.     viii.     140 ; 


source  and  effect  of  the  Refor- 
mation in,  140;  relations  with 
Swiss  reformers,  143;  various 
parties,  attempt  at  comprom- 
ise, 179  sqq. ;  the  Six  Articles, 
181  sqq. ;  Cranmer's  Bible  and 
others  published,  205;  Catholic 
policy  on  marriage  of  Henry 
VIII. ,  with  Catherine  Howard, 
236 

Enthusiasts,  The,  in  the  Nether- 
lands, vii.  538  sqq.  \_Spirituals, 
The] 

Enzinas,  Francis  de  {Enzinas, 
The],  returns  to  Burgos,  inter- 
view with  Peter  de  Lerma,  viii. 
41 ;  desires  conversion  of  Spain, 
42;  undertakes  translation  of 
New  Testament,  43;  his  ac- 
quaintance with  Alasco,  43; 
with  Hardenberg,  43;  writes  to 
Alasco,  44;  presents  his  sword 
to  him,  45;  goes  to  Paris,  45; 
attends  death-bed  of  Peter  de 
Lerma,  45;  goes  to  Wittenberg, 
48;  completes  his  translation  of 
the  New  Testament,  58;  visits 
Alasco  and  Hardenberg,  reaches 
Lou  vain,  59;  at  Antwerp,  59; 
opinions  on  his  New  Testa- 
ment, 60;  submits  it  to  the 
dean  of  Louvain,  60;  obstacles, 
61;  interview  with  the  printer, 
62;  with  a  Dominican,  63;  the 
title-page  criticised,  63;  goes 
to  Brussels,  67;  dedication  of 
his  New  Testament,  67;  diffi- 
culty of  access  to  Charles  V., 
68,  69;  interviews  with  Men- 
doza,  69;  presented  to  the  em- 
peror, 71;  the  conversation,  71; 
interview  with  De  Soto,  72; 
hears  his  sermon,  74;  inter- 
views with  him,  75  sqq. ;  ex- 
citement in  the  convent,  78; 
arrested,  79;  imprisoned,  79; 
his  dejection,  79;  consoled  by 
Tielmaus,  80;  his  examination, 
81;  reproached  by  friends,  82; 
reads  Calvin  and  the  Psalius, 
83;  his  numerous  visitors,  84; 
failure  of  at.'einpts  in  his  be- 
half, 85;  resolves  to  fly,  88;  es- 
capes, 89;  in  danger  at  M(;cli- 
lin,   90;  roaches  Antwerp,   91; 


402 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


a  legend  about  him,  91;  an- 
other tale,  92;  his  correspond- 
ence with  Calvin,  93;  goes  to 
Wittenberg,  intercourse  with 
Melanchthon,  94;  counsels  his 
brother  to  leave  Rome,  95; 
hears  of  his  death,  97;  writes 
to  Calvin,  98 

Enzinas,  James  de  [Enzinas,  The], 
at  Paris,  viii.  46;  his  character, 
46;  impressed  by  heroism  of 
martjTS  at  Paris,  46;  his  Cate- 
chism, 48;  sent  by  his  father 
to  Eome,  95;  his  dissatisfac- 
tion, 95  ;  resolves  to  leave 
Rome,  arrested  by  the  Inquisi- 
tion, 96;  his  trial,  97;  his  mar- 
tyrdom, 97  sqq. 

Enzinas,  John  de  [Enzinas,  The], 
settles  in  German}^  \dii.  48 

Enzinas,  The,  viii.  38;  sent  to 
Louvain,  39;  their  character, 
39;  religious  disposition,  39; 
friendship  with  Cassander,  40; 
study  the  Bible  and  read  Me- 
lanchthouf  41 ;  [Enzinas,  Fran- 
cis de,  James  de,  and  John  de] 

Eperies,  Conference  of,  vii.  410 

Erasmus,  i.  331;  approves  Ber- 
quin's  propositions,  344,  378, 
403;  attempts  to  restrain  Ber- 
quin,  405;  again,  407;  his  col- 
loquies proscribed  by  the  Sor- 
bonne,  407;  shrinks  from  con- 
flict, 408;  writes  to  Margaret 
of  Angouleme,  412;  advice  to 
Berquin,  432;  ii.  1 ;  warns  Fran- 
cis I.,  32,  299;  iii.  155;  meet- 
ing with  Calvin,  156;  breaks 
with  him,  157,  166;  his  follow- 
ers, iv.  349,  454,  455,  458;  la- 
ments More,  V.  75;  depicts 
court  of  Brussels,  222 ;  the  ideal 
of  John  Alasco,  vii.  434;  re- 
ceives Alasco  as  his  guest,  437; 
his  counsels,  438;  his  contro- 
versy with  Luther,  438;  esteem 
for  Alasco,  440,  441;  mourns 
his  departure,  441;  letter  to 
Ahisco,  442;  writes  to  King 
Sigismund,  448;  his  coolness 
towards  Alasco,  450;  friendship 
with  Viglius,  476,  477;  a  fore- 
runner of  reformation,  485;  as- 
sailed by  theologians  of  Lou- 


vain,  487;  his  opinion  of  the 
monks,  491,  517;  read  in  Spain, 
viii.  2;  writes  to  Valerio,  13,  14 
Erdoed,  Conference  of,  vii.  409 
Erick,  king  of  Sweden,  the  gov- 
ernment resigned   to   him    by 
Gustavus,  vii.  323;  his  charac- 
ter, 324;  seeks  the  hand  of  the 
princess  Ehzabeth  of  England, 
325;  his  character  and  attain- 
ments, 325;  instructed  in  Cal- 
vin's principles,  326;  abolishes 
Catholic  rites,  opens  Sweden  to 
aU  Protestants,  327;  his  mad- 
ness, 328;  slays  Nils  Sture,  328; 
his   flight,   329;   slays  Bun-ey, 
329;  escajoes  from  his  guard's, 
his  wanderings,   329;  taken  to 
Stockholm,     330;    conferences 
with  his  brother  John,  330;  de- 
prived   and    imprisoned,    331; 
his  treatment,  331 ;  his  murder 
ordered  by  John  IIL,  336,  337; 
his  death  by  poison,  337 
Erick,  St.,  Feast  of,  vii.  332 
Eszeky,  Emeric,  preaches  at  Tol- 
na,  vii.  413;  application  of  the 
priests  to  pasha  at  Buda  against 
him,    414 ;    declared    free    to 
preach,      414 ;     estabhshes     a 
school,  414 
Etampes,  Duchess  of,  ii.  184 
Europe,  awakening  of,  i.  315 
Evangelicals.      iLutherans,     Eng- 
land, France,  Geneva} 
Evaiigelisis,  sent  out  by  Calvin, 

iii.  58;  abuse  of,  62 
Excommunication,    Calvin's    view 

of,  vi.  286,  288 
Exeter,  Marquis  of,  charged  with 
treason  and  executed,  viii.  152 

FABEB,  John,  bishop  of  Vienna, 
writes  against  Luther,  vii.  375; 
appointed  bishoj^,  376;  cites 
Devay  before  him,  376 

Fabri,  John,  Friburg  envoy  to 
Geneva,  i.  154,  155 

Fabri  (Chr.  Libertet),  iii.  161; 
joins  Fare!  at  Morat,  202;  sent 
to  Neuchatel,  203;  removes  to 
Bole,  305;  Catholic  riot  in  his 
chapel,  306;  rising  of  Protes- 
tant j)pasants,  307;  another 
riot,    3U8,    309;   with   A'iret  at 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


403 


Lausanne,   vi.   229;  his  trials, 
270 
Facts  and  Ideas,  iii.  409 
Faith  and  Science,  iii.  61,  62:  vi. 

32,  33 
Farel,  William,  i.  2,  305,  317;  at 
Strasburg,    3(52   sqq.;   light   of 
France,     370;    invited     to    La 
Marche,  372;  his  qualifications 
as _ reformer,    374;    hesitation, 
375;  his  connection  with  fam- 
ily of  Mirabeau,  375;  preaches 
at  Gap,  376;  arrested  and  res- 
cued,    376;    school-master    at 
Aigle,  377,  381,  386;  ii.  100,  263, 
436;  his  perils,  439;  his  atten- 
tion fixed  on  Geneva,  439:  calls 
Toussaint  to  go  there,  439;  con- 
sulted by  evangehcals  of  Paris, 
iii.  94;  draws  up  a  protest,  95; 
the  great  evangelist,   199;  de- 
velopment and  character,  199; 
scene   of   his    labors,    201;    at 
Morat,  joined   by   Fabri,   202; 
preaches    at     Orbe,     204  ;     at 
Avenches,  212;  again  at  Orbe, 
riot  at  his  sermon,  212;  plot  of 
women,  213;  assaulted  and  res- 
cued, 214;  his  strange  congre- 
gation, 216:  another,  217;  ser- 
mon on  penance,  217;  care  for 
the  ministry,  219;  meets  with 
Viret,  221;  their  friendship,  224; 
the  Lord's  Supper  at  Orbe,  227; 
invites  preachers  into  Switzer- 
land, 232;  letter  to  Andi^onicus, 
233  sqq. ;  goes  to  Granson,  235; 
rough    reception    at   the    con- 
vents, 237,  238;  goes  to  Morat, 
238;    imprisoned   at   Granson, 
239;  assailed  in  a  church,  240; 
invited   to    Waldensian  synod, 
251;  his  journey,  253;  the  dis- 
cussions, 255,  257;  resolves  to 
visit     Geneva,     261  ;     reaches 
Geneva,    275  ;    consults    with 
Ohve'tan,   275;   interview  with 
Huguenot    leaders,    277    sqq.; 
agitation  against  him,  281 ;  ap- 
pears before  the  town  council, 
282;   conspiracy   against,    285; 
summoned     before     episcopal 
council,  285;  the  examination, 
288  sqq.;  tumult,  289;  threats, 
291 ;  assault,  291 ;  dangers,  292, 


293;  banished,  293;  attempt  to 
kill  him,  295;  escapes,  297;  at 
Yvonand,  298;  invites  Froment 
to  go  to   Geneva,   298 ;   urges 
Olivetan  to  translate  the  Bible, 
300;  sent  by  Bernese  to  Geneva, 
iv.  207;  his  character,  208,  211; 
at   the   tournament,    217;   dis- 
putation with  Furbity,  222  sqq.  • 
244,   247,    249;   interview  with 
Father  Gourtelier,  250;  preaches 
in  the  convent  at  Kivo,  253,  257; 
domestic  trials,  259;  letter  to 
evangelicals  of  Paris,  259;  pre- 
sides at  first  evangelical  mar- 
riage, 278;  at  first  evangeUcal 
Pentecost,  282;  before  the  coun- 
cil, 306;  protests  against  union 
with  popery,  353;  attempt  to 
poison  him,  v.  246;  promotes  a 
public  disputation,  252;  invita- 
tions, 256;  interview  w^th  Ca- 
roli,   261  sq. ;  preaches  at  the 
Madeleine,  278;  summoned  be- 
fore the  Council,  278;  preaches 
at  the  Cathedral,  281  sqq. ;  be- 
fore Council  of  Two  Hundred, 
293;   preaches  to  nuns  of  St. 
Claire,  302;  exhorts  the  coun- 
cil, 364,  366,  408,  409;  calls  for 
a  general  confession,  410;  asks 
for  help,  418;  meeting  with  Cal- 
vin, 458;  presses  him  to  stay  at 
Geneva,    459    sqq.;    urges  'the 
council   to    retain    Calvin,    vi. 
228  ;   goes   to    Lausanne,    229, 
237;  his  theses  at  the  disputa- 
tion, 237;  his  opening  speech, 
238,    opposes    protest    of    the 
canons,    238;   his   closing   dis- 
course, 256,  259;  his  search  for 
pastors,  268,  269;  presents  tlie 
confession  of  taith  to  the  Coun- 
cil, 283;  his  reverence  for  Cal- 
vin, 295;  made  a  citizen  of  Ge- 
neva, 297;  his  depressed  state, 
312 ;    attends    synod    of   Lau- 
sanne, 313;  with  Calvin  at  the 
council,  347;  accompanies  him 
to    Berne,    348 :    excluded    by 
Berne   from   collocjuies  of  tlie 
Vaudois,  372;  sent  to  synod  of 
Lausanne,  373;  before  the  coun- 
cil,  377,   378:  jirotests  agains-t 
imprisonment  of  Courault,  383; 


404 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


with  Calvin  declines  to  fidrain- 
ister  the  Supper,  391,  392 ;  in  de- 
fiance of  prohibition  preaches, 
396 ;  a  disturbance  in  the 
church,  397;  banished,  403, 
407;  leaves  Geneva,  409;  goes 
to  Berne,  416;  at  synod  of  Zu- 
rich, 420  sqq. ;  returns  to  Berne, 
426;  interview  v/ith  Kunz,  427; 
with  Cahdn  before  the  senate, 
430 ;  reconducted  to  Geneva 
by  Bernese,  431;  banished  by 
vote  of  general  council,  439 ;  at 
Berne,  441 ;  at  Basel,  441 ;  goes 
to  Neuchatel,  446;  his  letter  to 
the  Genevese,  455;  urges  Cal- 
vin to  return  to  Geneva,  vii. 
22;  edict  of  expulsion  revoked, 
43;  deprived  and  banished  from 
Neuchatel,  49;  reinstated,  50; 
a  man  of  action,  114,  115 
Farnese,  Alexander  {Paul  III.} 
— ,  Cardinal,  sent  by  the  Pope  to 
Charles  V.  at  Katisbon,  \ii.  26; 
Favre,  Francis,  Genevese  deputy 
to  Berne,  ii.  307,  348;  assailed 
by  Mamelukes,  iii.  449;  envoy 
to  Berne,  iv.  309 
Felix  V.  [Amadeus  F//I] 
Feray,  Claude,  vii.  22,  23 
Ferdinand,  the  Catholic,  deprives 
his  daughter  Joanna  of  her 
crown  and  imprisons  her,  "^iii. 
127;  assumes  the  government 
of  Castile,  128;  meeting  with 
Philip,  132;  agreement  between 
them,  132,  133;  his  secret  pro- 
test, 133 ;  his  delegate  left  with 
PhiHp,  134 
Ferdinand,  of  Austria,  King  of 
Bohemia  and  Hungary,  ii.  109; 
invested  with  duchy  of  Wiirtem- 
berg,  109,  217;  threatened  by 
alliance  of  Francis  I.  and  Philip 
of  Hesse,  appeals  to  the  pope, 
249,  250;  his  army  defeated  by 
Philip,  253;  loses'Wiirtemberg, 
255;  attempts  to  maintain  papal 
power  in  the  duchy,  255;  op- 
poses Zapolya  and  is  crowned 
King  of  Hungary,  vii.  364;  pub- 
lishes edict  against  the  Luther- 
ans, 365;  supported  l)y  Charles 
v.,  370;  annuls  edict  of  tolera- 
tion,  370;  less  hostile   to   the 


Preformation,  384;  appoints  a 
conference  between  the  bishops 
and  Szantai,  384;  his  embar- 
rassment, 386;  interview  with 
the  bishops,  386,  387;  banishes 
Szantai,  387;  concludes  agree- 
ment with  Zapolya,  390;  issues 
ordinance  for  maintenance  of 
CathoHc  faith,  399;  another, 
400;  his  desire  for  union  of  the 
two  churches,  408 

Ferrara,  Hercules,  duke  of,  his 
marriage  at  Fontainebleau,  i. 
418 

Ferrara,  Rene'e,  duchess,  of  [Benee 
of  France] 

Ferrara,  University  of,  declares 
for  divorce  of  Henry  VIII.,  iv. 
41;  knowledge  of  evangelical 
doctrines  at,  427,  489;  influence 
of  Calvin  at,  v.  422  sqq. ;  the 
Inquisition,  444 

Feyt,  Florentius,  Jesuit,  sent  to 
Sweden,  vii.  333 

Fief,  Peter  du,  conducts  persecu- 
tion at  Lou  vain,  vii.  554;  re- 
monstrance of  the  townsmen, 
556,  569 

Finlason,  James,  one  of  the  Perth 
Protestants,  condemned  bv  Car- 
dinal Beatoun,  vi.  180,"  181  ; 
hung,  181 

Fisher,  John,  bishop  of  Roches- 
ter, iv.  4,  5;  defends  the  church, 
16;  summoned  before  the  kiug, 
17;  his  subterfuge,  18;  rn.mor 
of  attempt  to  poison  him,  68, 
141 ;  supports  Maid  of  Kent.  v. 
10,  12;  attainted,  sentenced  to 
death,  10,  17;  refuses  to  take 
the  oath  of  supremacy,  4(5;  at- 
tainted, 46;  steadfast,  46;  visited 
by  Cromwell,  64;  made  cardi- 
nal, 64;  his  last  moments,  66; 
death,  67;  characterised,  74;  ef- 
fect of  his  death  at  Rome,  76 

Fdzlierberi,  Anthony,  commission- 
er for  supi:)ression  of  lesser 
monasteries,  v.  100* 

Fdzu-illiam,  Sir  William,  lord-ad- 
miral, iv.  5 

Fitzicilliam,  Lord,  Govern<n-  of  the 
Tower,  th^livers  Fryth  to  mes- 
sengers of  the  priuuitt',  iv.  153 

Flaniinio,   Marco   Antonio,  poet, 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


405 


iv.  427;  birth  and  early  life  of, 
477,  478;  character,  478;  at  Na- 
ples with  Valdez,  479  sq.;  at 
Rome,  with  Pole  and  Caraffa, 
481 

Florence,  iv.  432 

Folengo,  Giovanni  Battista,  ac- 
count of,  iv.  482,  483 

Fontainebleau,  rejoicings  at,  1.  418 
sqq. ;  interrupted,  422 

Forest,  Father,  defends  Catherine 
of  Aragon,  iv.  103 

For  man,  Andrew,  competitor  for 
see  of  St.  Andrews,  vi.  10;  seizes 
the  castle  and  monaster}',  10 

Forrest,  Henry,  Benedictine,  im- 
prisoned by  Beatoun,  vi,  92  ; 
degraded,  93;  burnt,  93 

Forrest,  Thomas,  Augustine,  reads 
the  wi-itiugs  of  St.  Augustine, 
vi.  103;  priest  of  Dollar,  103; 
denounced,  104;  his  interview 
with  the  bishop  of  Dunkeld, 
104,  arrested,  116;  examined 
before  the  cardinal,  116;  burnt, 
118 

Fouqact,    [Trois-Mou  tiers,   prior 

^^^^ 

Fox,  Edward,  high  almoner,  de- 
puted with  Gardiner  to  obtain 
opinion  of  Cambridge  Univer- 
sity on  the  king's  divorce,  iv. 
29;  with  Longland,  that  of  Ox- 
ford, 33;  summoned  to  Wind- 
sor, 35 ;  ambassador  to  Ger- 
many, V.  109;  concludes  alliance 
with  the  princes,  110;  sent  to 
conduct  discussion  with  Prot- 
estants at  Wittenberg,  116;  has 
audience  of  Elector  of  Saxony, 
117;  his  speech  at  Convocation, 
188 

France,  struggles  in,  i.  5;  royalty 
in,  285,  springs  of  reformation, 
316;  state  of,  322  sqq. ;  afcer  bat- 
tle of  Pavia,  323;  dismember- 
ment of,  proposed  by  Charles 
v.,  325;  persecution  of  Lu- 
therans in,  332;  proclamation 
against  the  Bible  in  French, 
Luther's  works  and  doubt,  342; 
who  will  be  the  reformer  of? 
369,  378;  councils  against  her- 
esy, 417,  418;  hopes  of  reform- 
ers, ii.  132;  progress  of  reform. 


183  sqq. ;  flight  of  evangelicals 
from,  212;  proposal  for  union 
with  German  Protestants,  214; 
rival  plans  of  reform,  256;  spirit 
of  liberty  in,  286;  evangeliza- 
tion of,  begun  by  Calvin,  iii. 
55,  58 ;  progress  of  the  Gospel, 
60,  66;  'year  of  the  placards,' 
92  sqq. ;  importance  of,  iv.  361 ; 
invasion   of,   by   Henry  VTTT., 
viii.  267 
F'ancls  1.,  of  France,  i.  79,  234, 
266,    285 ;   captured  at   Pavia, 
324;  suppliant  to  Charles  V., 
325;  at  Madrid,  320;  iUness,  328; 
recovery,  329;  patron  of  letters, 
336;  orders  persecution  to  be 
stayed,  336,  his  abdication,  336; 
his   contradictory   oaths,    337 ; 
treaty   with    Charles    V.,    337; 
inconsistency,  338;  stops  pro- 
ceedings against  Berquin,  344; 
returns  to  France,  352;  refuses 
permission   for   Count  of  Ho- 
henlohe  to  go  into  France,  353, 
354;  liberates  Lutheran  prison- 
ers, 358,  359;  consents  to  mar- 
riage  of  Henry   d'Albret   and 
Margaret,  378;  his  promises  to 
them,  379;  treaty  with  Charles 
v.,    379;   his  attitude  towards 
the  Eeformation,  402;  arrests 
Beda,  405 ;  exasperation  against 
the  Sorbonne,   406;  hesitation 
between  Eome  and  the  Kefor- 
mation,  410,  411;  deaf  to  ap- 
peal of  Duprat,  415,  416;  deaf 
to   the    priests,    417 ;    goes    to 
Paris,  422;  investigates  case  of 
mutilation  of  image  of  the  Vir- 
gin, 424;  sanctions  persecution, 
426;  consents  to  inquiry  against 
Berquin,  432 
— ,   warned  by  Erasmus,   ii.  32; 
signs    treaty   of  Cambray,    61; 
his   children  restored,    62,    63, 
65;   his  marriage  and   coi-ona- 
tion  of  his  queen,  Eleanor,  65 
sqq. ;    the    Protestants  accused 
to  him,  70;  receives  envoy  and 
letter  from  German  Protestant 
princes,   71;  pi'oposes  a  coun- 
cil, 72;  hears  L<-'co(i  preach,  75; 
has  secret  interview  with  him, 
75;  veers  towards  reform,  94; 


406 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


sends  Du  Bellay  to  Germany, 
85;  and  to  England,  102;  alli- 
ance with  Henry  VIIL,  103; 
meets  liim,  complains  of  the 
I)ope,  101;  treary  with  Henry, 
105 ;  sends  embassy  to  the  pope, 
105;  threatens  separation  from 
the  papacy,  106;  alarm  in  Eu- 
rope, 106;  confines  heads  of 
both  parties  in  their  own 
houses,  12-1;  warned  by  Henry 
of  Navarre  and  Du  Bellay,  126; 
receives  deputation  from  Sor- 
bonne,  126;  insults  the  depu- 
ties, 127;  banishes  Beda,  130; 
sends  ambassadors  to  confer- 
ence of  Bologna,  142,  146;  aims 
at  alliance  with  Henry  VIIL 
and  the  pope,  148  ;  conse- 
quences of  his  scheme,  148 ; 
sends  special  ambassador  to 
Bologna,  148;  proposes  mar- 
riage of  Henry  duke  of  Orleans 
with  Catherine  de'  Medici,  149; 
claims  ai^  Italian  state,  149  ; 
hesitation,  154;  sends  the  i:)ope 
full  powers  for  the  contract, 
155;  his  policy,  157;  proposes 
a  lay  council,  157;  a  meeting 
with  Clement  arranged,  163  ; 
silences  Montmorency  accus- 
ing Margaret,  177;  orders  in- 
quiry on  the  decision  of  the 
Sorbonne,  180;  meets  Clement 
Yll.  at  Marseilles,  192;  his  de- 
mands, 194;  at  marriage  of  his 
son  with  Catherine  de'  Medici, 
195;  orders  persecution  of  here- 
tics, 197;  intrigues  with  Prot- 
estants, 197;  holds  a  council  at 
Avignon,  214;  his  policy  in 
German V,  210;  goes  to  Bar-le- 
Duc,  221;  invites  Philip  of 
Hesse  to  a  conference,  224;  dis- 
cusses affairs  of  Germany,  224; 
desires  to  see  Melanchthon, 
225 ;  concludes  treaty  with 
Philip,  226;  returns  to  Paris, 
232;  refuses  to  burn  Roussel 
and  others,  232  ;  imprisons 
Beda,  233;  vacillation,  234;  sets 
free  the  preachers,  234;  quotes 
Scripture,  247;  co-operates  with 
Bucer  and  Da  Bellay,  247;  gives 
audience  to  waywode  of  W'al- 


lachia,  248;  receives  news  of 
Philip's  victory,  254 ;  sends 
Chelius  to  Germany,  260;  re- 
ceives memoirs  of  German  doc- 
tors, 264;  holds  conferences  in 
the  Louvre,  265;  approves  Me- 
lanchthon's  views,  282:  sends 
envoy  to  Germany  and  con- 
fesses his  mistakes,  283;  orders 
French  version  of  reformers' 
opinions,  284;  his  tactics,  285; 
difference  between  him  and 
Henry  VIIL,  295;  leans  towards 
the  Keformation,  296;  supports 
demands  of  Savoy  against  Ge- 
neva, 390 

— ,  steps  towards  reformation,  iii. 
67;  a  'placard'  on  his  door, 
106;  his  exasperation,  107;  or- 
ders search  for  evangelicals, 
107;  returns  to  Paris,  113; 
harsh  towards  Margaret,  115; 
recaUs  her  to  Paris,  116;  inter- 
view with  her  preachers,  117; 
pardons  them,  125;  orders  pro- 
cession of  rehcs,  127;  his  peni- 
tence, 130;  his  speech,  133; 
present  at  torture  and  death  of 
martyrs,  137,  138,  139;  orders 
extirpation  of  Lutherans,  140; 
abolishes  printing,  140;  his 
motives,  144;  writes  to  Ger- 
man princes,  148  ;  illusions 
about  him,  107;  Calvin's  letter 
to,  182 

— ,  incliues  towards  Eome,  iv. 
127,  165,  167;  meeting  with 
Clement  VII.,  167;  conference 
with  English  envoys,  167;  con- 
versation with  the  pope,  172; 
their  accord,  174;  attempts  me- 
diation between  England  and 
the  pope,  177;  at  Pa  via,  321; 
appeal  of  Bernese  to,  in  behalf 
of  Maisonneuve  and  Janiu,  322; 
liberates  them,  328;  his  letter 
to  the  s3-ndics  of  Geneva,  330, 
348,  349 ;  writes  to  German 
princes,  351,  354;  inclines  to 
reform,  357;  invites  Melanch- 
thon to  France,  35^S;  his  letter 
to  Melanclithon,  363;  his  sin- 
cerity questionable,  3G4;  pub- 
lishes amnesty,  368;  instructs 
Cardinal  du  Bellay,  368;  pro- 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


407 


poses  a  conference  between 
Catholics  and  reformers,  369, 
gives  up  the  scheme,  371;  his 
political  designs,  393;  proposes 
to  write  to  Elector  of  Saxony, 
394;  his  views  of  reformation 
set  forth  by  Du  Bellay  at  Sraal- 
calde,  399  sqq. ;  plays  two  parts, 
4(15;  his  anger  at  Carnesecchi, 
475 

— ,  proposes  interview  with  Hen- 
ry VIII.,  V.  21;  sends  embassy 
to  him,  58,  75;  accepts  alliance 
of  Charles  V.,  114;  proposes 
crusade  against  Henry,  114; 
prepares  for  war  with  the  em- 
peror, 116;  secretly  aids  Gene- 
va, 360,  365;  resolves  to  invade 
Savoy  and  the  Milanese,  377 

— ,  refuses  to  deliver  up  Cardinal 
Pole  to  Henry  VIIL,  viii.  150; 
expels  Pole  from  France,  150; 
opposes  marriage  of  Henry 
VIIL  with  duchess  of  Milan, 
174;  proposes  mari'iage  of  Hen- 
ry of  Orleans  with  princess 
Mary  of  England,  176;  author- 
izes printing  and  importation 
of  Bibles  by  Grafton,  176;  re- 
joices at  Cromwell's  fall,  211; 
and  at  persecution  of  Protes- 
tants in  London,  240;  pretexts 
of  Henry  VIIL  for  war  with, 
267  ;  concludes  peace  with 
Charles  V.,  268 

Francis,  bishop  of  Geneva,  i.  21, 
26,  33 

Franciscans,  at  Geneva,  i.  44; 
compared  with  Dominicans,  iv. 
245 

Frungipani,  Francisco,  vii.  369, 
383 

Frankfort,  Protestant  doixities  at, 
ii.  97;  assembly  of  Protestant 
Princes  at,  v.  il8;  Conference 
of  theologians  at,  vi.  473  sqq. ; 
beginning  of  reformation  at, 
viii.  317 

Frederick,  duke  of  Holstein,  forms 
alliance  with  LUbeck  against 
Christian  IL,  vii.  136;  his  char- 
acter, 141 ;  a  canon  of  Cologne, 
resigns  the  canonry,  141;  ac- 
cepts crown  of  Denmark,  142; 
promises   not   to  tolerate   Lu- 


FRI 

therans,  142;  resolves  to  main- 
tain impartiality,  143;  his  edict 
of  toleration,  145  ;  his  son 
Christian  in  Germany,  147, 
148;  enters  Copenhagen,  149; 
professes  Lutheranism,  149  ; 
his  coronation,  154;  liberates 
Tausen,  155;  convokes  diet  at 
Odensee,  162;  his  sijeech,  162, 
163;  by  his  ordinance  estab- 
lishes freedom  of  conscience, 
164;  assembles  a  conference  of 
the  bishops  and  the  Lutherans, 
171;  prohibits  preaching  of  the 
Lutherans,  withdraws  the  pro- 
hibition, 173;  his  impartiality, 
181,  183;  allies  himself  with 
German  princes,  184;  assem- 
bles army  and  fleet,  186;  im- 
prisons Christian  II. ,  190;  his 
death,  193;  his  character  and 
his  family,  194 
Frederick  the  Wise,  i.  406;  his  re- 
ply to  the  king  of  Hungary, 
vii.  349 
Fregoso,   archbishop  of  Salerno, 

made  cardinal,  iv.  487 
Friburg,  citizenship  of,  granted 
to  Genevese  patriots,  i.  37;  en- 
voys of,  at  Geneva,  protect 
Berthelier,  84;  another  deputa- 
tion to  Geneva,  87;  indigna- 
tion at  refusal  of  safe-conduct 
lor  Berthelier,  87;  Genevese 
embassy  to,  demands  alliance, 
140,  141;  offer  of  alliance  ac- 
cepted by  Geneva,  148,  149; 
the  duke  of  Savoy  tries  to  break 
the  alliance,  152;  disturbances, 
152;  Fabri  sent  to  Geneva,  154; 
the  alliance  conlirmtfd,  156  ; 
the  canons  of  Geneva  declare 
against  it,  159;  deputation  sent 
to  Geneva,  169;  alliance  re- 
nounced by  Mamelukes,  179; 
sends  army  to  Geneva,  179; 
message  to  the  duke,  180;  pro- 
tects and  receives  fugitive  pa- 
triots of  Geneva,  275;  prom- 
ises help,  280  ;  embassy  to 
Geneva,  281;  arrival  of  wives 
and  childn^n  of  exiles,  283; 
alliance  with  Berne  and  Gene- 
va. 303;  di'parture  of  Genevese 
exiles,  304,  305,  307,  310,  313, 


408 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


FBI 

314;  ii.  391,  392,  400,  404,  415, 
418,  419,  423,  431,  441;  asks 
help  of  Geneva,  442;  outrages 
of  Friburgers  at  Geneva,  444; 
demands  renunciation  of  alli- 
ance, 449;  alliance  maintained, 
450  ;  complains  of  Lutheran 
proceedings,  466 ;  joint-suze- 
rain of  Orbe,  iii.  205;  deputa- 
tion from  Orbe  to,  212;  orders 
liberation  of  priests,  231;  with 
Berne  publishes  first  act  of  re- 
ligious liberty  in  Switzerland, 
244;  sends  embassy  with  threats 
to  Geneva,  354;  mediation  of 
Friburg  merchants  between 
Catholics  and  Lutherans,  393; 
urges  bishop  of  Geneva  to  re- 
turn, 423  ;  demands  satisfac- 
tion for  Wernli's  death,  428; 
deputies  of,  attend  the  bishop 
on  his  return,  432;  rumors  of 
intervention  at  Geneva,  447 ; 
the  deputies  demand  justice 
for  Weriili's  death,  447;  sup- 
port episcopal  citation,  451, 
453;  iv,  231;  renounces  alli- 
ance with  Geneva,  258 

Friesland,  religious  condition  of, 
vii.  457;  a  battle-field  of  religious 
parties,  457;  Countess  Anna, 
461,  463;  John  of  Falkenberg, 
464;  Countess  Anna's  reply  to 
Alasco,  467 ;  suppression  of  Ro- 
manism, 467;  disorders,  473 

Frohenius,  iv.  407 

Fromeid,  Christian  Anthony,  iii. 
298;  urged  bv  Farel  to  go  to 
Geneva,  298,  299,  312,  313:  goes 
to  Geneva,  314;  coldly  received, 
314;  departs  bat  returns,  315; 
advertises  his  school,  316;  his 
proceedings,  316;  success,  317; 
alarm,  319,  320;  conversion  of 
Claudine  Levet,  323;  disputa- 
tion with  PcllV^r,  331  ;  ends 
with  a  riot,  333;  advised  not 
to  preach,  335;  preaches  at  the 
Molard,  338;  forbidden  by  syn- 
dics, continues,  341;  interrupt- 
ed by  armed  priests,  rescued 
by  Bernard,  347 ;  attempted 
concealment,  347 ;  employed 
as  a  servant,  318,  350;  attacked 
and  rescued,  351 ;  goes  to  Yvo- 


nand,  352;  results  of  his  labors 
at  Geneva,  352;  returns  to  Ge- 
neva, iv,  195,  attempts  to  arrest 
him,  198;  refutes  Furbity,  204; 
assailed  in  the  church,  rescued 
by  Maisonneuve,  204  sq. ;  leaves 
Geneva,  206;  returns,  215;  at 
the  tournament,  217;  at  fir.st 
evangelical  Pentecost,  282,  330; 
attempt  to  poison  him  by  An- 
tonia  Yax,  v.  246;  at  the  dispu- 
tation, V.  268 

^Fi'ondeur,'  an  unhappy,  ii.  88; 
at  Strasburg,  88  ;  returns  to 
France,  89;  received  by  Cal- 
vin, 89 

F'yih,  John,  sought  for  by  Henry 
VIIL,  iv.  59;  married,  59;  ac- 
count of  him,  139;  his  true 
Catholicism,  140;  assists  Tyn- 
dale,  140;  returns  from  the 
Low  Countries,  140;  his  reply 
to  More  and  others  on  pur- 
gatory, 141;  in  the  stocks  at 
Reading,  141;  liberated,  goes 
to  London,  142;  his  doctrine 
of  the  Lord's  Supper  written 
down,  143 ;  a  copy  treacher- 
ously taken  to  the  Chancellor, 
143;  leaves  London,  143;  Tyn- 
dale's  letter  to,  144;  hunted  by 
More,  144;  arrested,  145;  reads 
More's  reply  to  him,  146;  writes 
the  Buhoark,  147;  other  labors 
in  prison,  147;  some  liberty  al- 
lowed him,  148;  visits  Petit, 
149;  the  bishops  bent  on  his 
death,  150 ;  ordered  for  trial,  151 ; 
his  judges,  151 ;  taken  by  Cran- 
mer's  messengers  to  Lambeth, 
154;  will  not  step  backwards, 
154,  155;  the  scheme  for  his 
escape,  156;  refuses  to  escape, 
158;  his  trial  at  Croydon,  159; 
his  view  of  the  sacrament,  159; 
agaiii  sent  to  the  Tower,  160; 
his  cause  transferred  to  bishop 
of  Loudon,  160;  sentenced  to 
death,  161;  in  Newgate,  161; 
burnt  at  Smithfield,  162;  influ- 
ence of  his  writings,  162;  v.  34 

FiDteral  Procession  of  the  Papacy, 
at  Geneva,  ii.  347 

Furbity  Guy,  Dominican,  sent  to 
Geneva,   iv.    200;   preaches   in 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


409 


the  Cathedral,  201;  challenges 
Lutherans,  203;  answered  hy 
Froment,  204;  tumult  in  the 
church,  204  sq.;  eulogizes  St. 
Thomas  of  Canterbury,  207 ; 
watched  by  city  guards,  212; 
prevented  from  leaving  Gene- 
va, 213  ;  appears  before  tho 
council,  will  not  speak,  217, 
218;  his  trial  demanded  by  Ber- 
nese, 219;  colloquy  with  Dies- 
bach,  220;  disputation  with  Fa- 
rel,  222  sg.;  visits  Pennet  in 
prison,  240;  summoned  before 
the  council,  243;  his  apologies 
in  the  Cathedral,  244;  violently 
assailed  and  again  imj)risoned, 
245;  his  release  requested  by 
Francis  L,  330;  liberated,  330; 
declines  to  take  part  in  dispu- 
tiou,  V.  266,  267;  liberated,  407, 
408 


GABRIEL  DUXE,  Gardiner's 
agent  against  Tyndale,  v.  35  5^. 

Gaillard,  Castle  of,  Duke  Charles 
III.  at,  i.  169 

Galle,  Peter,  champion  of  the 
papacy  against  Olaf  Petersen, 
vii.  274;  discussion  with  Olaf 
at  Westeraas,  290 

Galilean  Liberties,  ii.  245,  246,  286 

Gamhara,  nuncio,  ii.  144 

Gardlher,  Stephen,  deputed  to  ob- 
tain opinion  of  Cambridge  uni- 
versity on  the  king's  divorce, 
iv.  29,  31,  32;  made  bishop  of 
Winchester,  72,  his  interviews 
with  Fryth  in  the  Tower,  146; 
one  of  Fryth's  examiners,  151; 
envoy  to  Marseilles,  167;  jeal- 
ousy of  Bonner,  168,  resolves 
on  death  of  Tyndale,  v.  35;  his 
agents,  Philips,  and  Gabriel, 
35,  41;  opposes  translation  of 
the  Bible,  55;  opposes  visita- 
tion by  Cranmer,  57;  opposes 
alliance  with  German  Protes- 
tants, 110;  his  reply  to  Pole, 
177;  his  policy,  his  embassy  to 
France,  viii.  158;  complains  to 
Granvella  of  cnlunniies  about 
himself,  158 ;  his  entry  into 
London,  158;  urges  the  king 
to  persecution  of  heretics,  160; 
vol..    vni.— 18 


his    secret    conferences    with 
other  bishops,    161;  instigates 
prosecution  of  Lambert,  166;  at 
his  trial,  170,  187;  preaches  at 
Paul's  Cross  instead  of  Banies, 
202 ;  brings  subject  of  the  king's 
divorce     before     Convocation, 
231;  reads  the  judgment,  232; 
introduces   Catherine   Howard 
to    the    king,    234;    sent    with 
Norfolk  to  examine  the  queen 
on  charges  made  against  her, 
250;  his  argument  for  keeping 
Latin  words  in  English  Bible, 
256;  takes  part  in  plot  against 
Cranmer,  263;  persecutes  evan- 
gehcals    of   Oxford,    264   sqq.; 
examines    Anne    Askew,    278; 
gets  roj^al  proclamation  issued 
against    New    Testament    and 
many    religious    books,     279, 
286,     287 ;     instigates     Henry 
against    the    queen,    288 ;    in- 
trigues against  her,  289;  with 
Wriothesley,  draws  up  indict- 
ment against  her,  290;  in  dis- 
grace, appeals  to  the  king,  293; 
excluded  from  number  of  the 
king's  executors  and  from  the 
council  of  regency,  298 
Garret,  evangelical  preacher,  viii. 
202;  preaches  at  Paul's  Cross, 
202;  reprimanded  by  the  king, 
204;  committed  to  the  Tower, 
204;  burnt  at  Smithfield,  226- 
228 
Gaudet,  Pierre,  iv.  284;  settles  at 
Geneva,  v.  237;  sets  oflf  for  Gex, 
238;  seized  and  taken  to  Peney, 
239;  tortured,  240;  his  death, 
241 
Gandri,   Bishop  of  Laon,   slain, 

ii.  450 
Gazzini,  Pietro,  Bishop  of  Aosta, 
ii.   367;  commissioned  to  seek 
help  of  the  pope  for  Duke  of 
Savoy,  393;  his  opposition  to 
the  Lutherans,  v.  449,  450 
Geelen,  Jan  van,    'Spiritual,'  ex- 
cites   revolt    in    Hollund.     at- 
tempts suiiirise  of  Amsterdam, 
viii.  348;  fate  of  his  followers, 
349 
Genera,    centre   of  Reformation, 
i.  1 ;  characteristics  of  the  move- 


410 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


GEN 

ment,  2;  importance  of  politi- 
cal element,  3;  great  things  to 
be  studied  in  small  at,  7;  Ro- 
man, German,  Christian  influ- 
ences combined,  8;  Burgundian 
conquests,  9;  the  gospel  first 
brought  to,  10;  its  first  bishop, 
10;  early  history  and  liberties, 
11;  Charlemagne  at,  11;  the 
Counts  of,  12 ;  their  castles 
and  mode  of  life,  12;  growth 
of  power  of  the  bishops,  13; 
the  first  prince-bishop,  13;  cov- 
eted by  House  of  Savoy,  14; 
seizure  of  the  castle  by  Peter 
of  Savoy,  16;  placed  under  his 
guardianship,  16 ;  attempt  of 
Amadeus  V.,  17;  the  vidamy, 
18;  rectors  of  the  city  elected, 
19;  attempt  of  Amadeus  VIII. , 
21;  visit  of  Pope  Martin  V.,  19; 
the  fair  transferred  to  Lyons, 
26 ;  surrounded  by  states  of 
Savoy,  27;  renovation  prepar- 
ing, 28;  Excitement  at,  about 
death  of  bishop  Charles  de 
Seyssel,  29,  30;  entry  of  the 
Bastard  of  Savoy,  38;  settle- 
ment of  Savoyards  in,  41;  given 
to  Savoy  by  Leo  X.,  50;  excite- 
ment and  opposition,  50;  con- 
sent of  cardinals  refused,  the 
bull  recalled,  52 ;  corruption 
fostered  by  Phiiibert  the  Fair, 
58;  assembly  of  patriots,  69; 
terror  caused  by  torture  and 
death  of  Pecolat,  83;  peril,  86; 
Swiss  alliance  sought,  87;  ex- 
communication riot,  105;  plot 
of  the  duke,  the  bishop,  and 
the  count,  111 ;  agitation  caused 
by  deaths  of  Blanchet  and  Na- 
vis,  124  sqq. ;  meeting  of  the 
council,  127;  embassy  to  Duke 
of  Savoy,  128 ;  critical  posi- 
tion of  the  Eepublic,  129;  an- 
other embassy  to  the  duke  and 
the  bishop,  132;  consultation 
of  patriots,  134  ;  rejection  of 
sealed  letter  from  the  bishop, 
138;  the  Great  Council,  138; 
conflict  of  ecclesiastical  and 
secular  society  in,  139;  fruit- 
less debate  on  Swiss  alliance, 
141;    excitement,    142;    recep- 


tion of  ducal  embassy,  146; 
Swiss  alliance  carried,  148  ; 
election  of  Huguenot  syndics, 
1-49;  Mameluke  organization, 
150;  the  canons  in  danger,  159; 
surrounded  by  ducal  army, 
162;  insolent  ducal  emliassj', 
163;  ordered  by  Swiss  Diet  to 
receive  the  duke,  164 ;  sum- 
moned by  Charles  III.,  165; 
reply  of  the  Syndics,  165,  166; 
preparations  for  war,  166;  a 
truce,  170;  attack  of  the  diike 
frustrated,  171;  entered  by  the 
duke,  174;  distribution  of  his 
army,  174;  conquered,  176;  pil- 
Laged,  177;  Friburg  aiiny  at, 
180;  the  plague,  183;  entered 
by  the  bishop,  187;  Mameluke 
reaction  at,  200;  restriction  of 
liberties,  203;  the  decrees  re- 
voked, 206 ;  Huguenots  recover 
their  liberties,  207;  papal  cita- 
tion, 208;  procession  organized 
by  priests,  210;  PieiTe  de  la 
Baume,  prince  bishop,  215  ; 
time  of  dejjression,  217;  vanity 
of  the  Genevese,  219;  entry  of 
the  duke  and  duchess,  220 ; 
'  mystery  '  performed,  222  ; 
seeming  success  of  Savoyard 
seductions,  224  ;  New  Testa- 
ment introduced,  225;  quarrels 
with  Savoyards,  232;  corrup- 
tion and  disorders,  235,  236; 
agitation  caused  by  seizure  of 
Levrier,  248;  indignation  at  his 
execution,  255;  departure  of 
the  duke,  256;  vengeance  of 
Savoyard  council  for  assault  on 
Boul'et,  261;  election  of  Hu- 
guenot syndics,  263;  appeal  of 
Council  to  the  pope  against 
Savoy,  264  ;  the  delegates 
stopped  by  the  duke,  266;  ap- 
peal withdrawn,  268;  the  ducal 
army  near,  269;  enters,  270; 
exodus  of  patriots,  270 ;  en- 
tered by  Charles,  279;  about  to 
surrender  independence,  280; 
Swiss  embassy  to,  280;  depart- 
ure of  wives  and  children  of 
exiles,  282;  'council  of  hal- 
berds,' 287;  departure  of  the 
duke,  289;  mission  of  Lullin, 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


411 


290;  justification  of  the  fugi- 
tives, 290  sqq. ;  return  of  the 
bishop,  297;  election  of  Hugue- 
not syndics,  301  sqq. ;  old  con- 
stitution restored,  302;  Swiss 
alliance  concluded,  304;  return 
of  exiles,  304;  Council,  305; 
General  Council,  307  sqq.  ; 
gleams  of  reformation,  310 ; 
conspiracy  of  canons,  311  ; 
flight  of  Mamelukes,  312  : 
Swiss  embassy,  313;  alliance 
sworn,  313;  rejoicings,  314 
-,  the  new  situation,  ii.  302;  the 
castles,  303;  traders,  303;  meas- 
ures of  defence,  306;  deputa- 
tion to  Berne,  307;  immorali- 
ties, 318;  project  of  the  duke 
against,  322  ;  warnings,  323  ; 
delivered  from  the  canons,  325, 
326;  the  bishop  made  a  citizen, 
328;  civil  jurisdiction  conceded, 
328;  new  party  forms,  333;  im- 
morality attacked,  334;  claim 
and  threats  of  the  duke,  338; 
flight  of  the  bishop,  340;  con- 
stitution formed,  344;  fall  of 
the  ducal  arms,  344;  excom- 
munication and  interdict  pro- 
nounced against,  345  ;  papal 
letters  prohibited,  346;  funeral 
procession  of  the  papacy,  347; 
bids  the  duke  mind  his  own 
business,  350;  assailed  by  'gen- 
tlemen of  the  Spoon,'  357;  civil 
jurisdiction  revoked,  363;  men- 
aced by  the  bishop,  363;  reply 
to  his  envoys,  364;  the  messen- 
ger of  the  council  insulted,  366; 
intrigues  in  the  convents,  370; 
arrival  and  departure  of  auxil- 
iarj'  troops,  372;  insolence  and 
death  of  Poutverre,  376  sqq. ;  a 
Genevan  crucified,  383;  'Day 
of  the  Ladders,'  383,  384;  em- 
bassies from  the  Swiss  and  from 
Savoy,  390;  will  not  give  up 
Swiss  alliance,  391;  defies  the 
emi^eror,  395  ;  emperor  and 
pope  unite  against,  396;  war 
begun  by  duke  and  bishop,  416; 
march  of  allies  on,  417  sq. ;  still 
a  Catholic  city,  417;  blockaded, 
418;  skirmishes,  419;  night  at- 
tack, 420;  retreat  of  Savoyards, 


422;  an-ival  of  Swiss  troops, 
424  sqq. ;  preachings  in  the  ca- 
thedral, 426  sqq. ;  truce  of  St. 
Julien,  428;  declines  interven- 
tion of  the  emperor,  431 ;  an- 
other attack  threatened  and 
frustrated,  431,  432;  Diet  of 
Payerne,  432;  a  pilgrimage  to 
St.  Claire  resisted,  433;  anoth- 
er allowed,  434;  'de  Christo 
meditare,'  437;  agrees  to  help 
Berne  and  Friburg,  442;  again 
threatened  by  the  duke,  442; 
election  of  Catholics,  struggles, 
444;  threatened  by  the  duke, 
445;  Swiss  alliance  adhered  to, 
446;  withdrawal  of  ducal  army, 
447;  preparation  by  sufterings 
and  dangers,  447  sqq. ;  Swiss 
alliance  cancelled  by  patricians, 
449;  but  maintained  by  citizens 
of  Berne,  450;  cession  of,  to 
son  of  the  duke  proposed,  452; 
agitation  about  the  General 
Pardon  posted  up  by  Luther- 
ans, 463  sqq. ;  Friburg  embassy 
and  threats,  466;  placards  and 
preaching  prohibited,  466;  first 
official  act  in  favor  of  reforma- 
tion, 467;  letter  from  arclil)ish- 
op  to  the  sjaidics,  468;  stand- 
ard of  the  Gospel  raised,  472; 
conflict  of  two  parties,  472  sqq. 
-,  saves  Europe,  iii.  199;  Farel's 
arrival  at,  275;  progress  of  ref- 
ormation, 325,  328 ;  tumult, 
333,  334;  Froment"s  sermon  at 
the  Molard,  priests  in  arms, 
338,  339;  balance  of  parties, 
350;  agitation  against  Luther- 
ans, 366;  conspiracy,  367;  both 
parties  armed,  371;  disturbance 
in  the  cathedral,  372;  Catholic 
preparations  to  fight,  375;  the 
corps  formed,  376;  mustering 
of  the  corps,  377;  distresses  in 
the  homes,  381,  382;  the  Hu- 
guenots on  the  defensive,  390; 
bloodshed  prevented,  392;  me- 
diation of  Friburuers,  393  ; 
peace  proclaimed,  395;  articles 
of  peace,  397;  distpiietude,  401; 
holiday  evening  and  a  brawl, 
411;  the  tocsin,  413;  fight  in 
the  Molard,  415  sqq. ;  the  bish- 


412 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


op  inyited  to  return,  425;  his 
entrance,  433;  a  general  coun- 
cil, 434;  the  Charters  consulted, 
436;  episcoi^al  proscriptions, 
439;  deputation  of  elders  to  the 
bishop,  451;  resolution  of  the 
Sixty,  453;  of  the  Two  Hun- 
dred, 455;  gathering  perils,  4u0 
-,  the  part  of  Geneva  in  the  Eef- 
ormation,  iv.  184 ;  agitation 
about  Lutheran  prisoners,  186; 
the  bishop's  final  departure, 
192;  evangelical  preaching  au- 
thorized by  the  Council,  196; 
plot  of  the  Catholics,  211;  both 
parties  in  arms,  211;  Bernese 
embassy  to,  215;  the  toarna- 
ment,  217  sqq. ;  the  bishoi^'s 
coup  d'etat,  231;  assassinations 
and  tumult,  232,  233  sqq. ;  the 
bishop's  palace  searched,  236 
the  cathedral  searched,  237 
four  Huguenot  syndics,  242 
Savoyard  procession  forbidden 
to  enter,,  279;  another  enters 
and  is  driven  out,  280  sq. ;  im- 
age-breaking, 281  ;  Whitsun- 
tide procession,  284;  embassy 
from  France,  292;  Feast  of 
Corpus  Christi,  304;  rumors  of 
attack  by  bishop  and  duke,  308 
sq.;  prejjarations,  309;  plans 
of  the  invaders,  310;  advance 
on  the  city,  311  ;  treachery 
within,  311;  a  warning,  312; 
called  to  arms,  312;  retreat  of 
the  Savoyards,  315;  vigilance, 
317  ;  city  and  suburbs  de- 
scribed, 323  ;  destruction  of 
suburbs  ordered,  324,  326;  op- 
position of  Catholics,  327;  the 
houses  razed,  lamentations, 
333,  334;  ramparts  built,  335; 
the  see  removed  to  Gex,  338; 
excommunications  by  the  bish- 
op, 339;  appeal  to  the  pope, 
340;  prepares  for  defence,  342 
-,  three  j^arties  to  uphold  the 
Reformation,  v.  232;  Huguenot 
magistrates  elected,  232  ;  a 
monk  allowed  to  preach  the 
Gospel,  234;  riot  of  women  in 
the  church,  236;  plots  of  Ro- 
man Catholics,  243;  a  disputa- 
tion   announced,    256;    refusal 


of  the  papists,  257;  the  debate, 
264  sqq.;  its  eifect,  274;  trade 
or  intercourse  with  Geneva  for- 
bidden by  the  bishop,  270; 
misery  in  the  city,  276;  Farel 
at  the  Cathedral,  280  sqq. ;  for- 
bidden to  preach  there,  283; 
images  broken,  285;  campaign 
against  idols,  288  sqq. ;  mass 
suppressed,  church  property 
confiscated,  295;  the  monks 
dumb  before  the  Council,  299; 
flight  of  papists,  299;  hospital 
and  school  founded,  309;  men- 
dicity abolished,  310;  end  of 
Eomanism,  311;  proclaimed  as 
infected  by  duke  of  Savoy.  314; 
skirmishes  and  alarms,  314;  re- 
fuses to  expel  heresy  and  re- 
store the  bishop,  317;  news  of 
battle  of  Gingins,  346;  storm- 
ing of  convent  of  St.  Jean,  357; 
blockaded,  358 ;  assault  re- 
pulsed, 358;  coins  money,  360; 
refuses  a  truce,  362;  the  troops 
partly  withdrawn,  363;  rejects 
offer  of  French  protectorate, 
365;  attack  on  the  church  of 
our  Lady  of  Grace  repulsed  by 
Jesse,  366,  367;  night  attacks 
by  Savoyards,  368;  the  icar  of 
Cologny,  369;  famine,  375;  Ber- 
nese help  promised,  376;  en- 
trance of  Nagueli,  and  the  Ber- 
nese army,  387 ;  the  castk^s 
burnt,  392,  393;  rejects  sover- 
eignty of  Berne,  397;  attack  on 
Chillon,  399  sq. ;  evangelization 
of  the  town  and  the  country, 
404,  405;  difficulties  with  the 
priests,  406;  morals  in  the  cit}', 
408;  the  General  Confession 
(21st  May),  412  sqq.;  return  of 
refugees,  415;  toleration,  416, 
417;  action  of  the  Government 
in  religious  affairs,  465 
-,  importance  of  the  services  of 
Geneva  to  fi*eedom  and  relig- 
ion, vi.  219,  220,  221 ;  arrival  of 
Calvin,  221;  church  discipline 
before  his  time.  224;  long  prep- 
aration of  the  Genevese  for  tri- 
umph of  the  Eeformation,  226, 
227;  conference  of  pastors  at, 
273,   274;   Calvin's   Confession 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


413 


GEN 


GEE 


of  faith  adopted,  284;  his  arti- 
cles ou  order  and  discipline  al- 
lowed,   289  ;   measures   of  the 
council,  290,  291 ;  Convocation 
of  the  people,  the  Confession 
adopted,   29-1;   but  refused  by 
many,   294;   discipline   by  the 
state,    297;   description   of  the 
city,  298;  parties  at,  335;  the 
Confession  sworn  to,  337  sq.; 
resistance   of  the    Huguenots, 
338    sq.  ;    a    general    Council,' 
341 ;    the    remonstrance,    342, 
343  ;   confusion,    344 ;   deputa- 
tion to  Berne,  348;  refusal  of 
the  council  to  exclude  any  from 
the  Supper,  354;  disorders,  355, 
356;  two  parties  in  the  repub- 
lic,   358;    election   of  syndics, 
360;  victory  of  the  opposition, 
361;  proclamation  against  dis- 
orders, 362;  refuses  to  entertain 
project  of  submission  to  France, 
363;  confusion  of  church  and 
state  at,   365;   Bernese  usages 
adopted,  379;  disturbances,  380; 
confusion,  386  sqq. ;  Easter  Sun- 
day 1538,  395;  banishment  of  the 
reformers  decreed,  403,  407;  dis- 
may at  their  departure,  412;  li- 
centiousness of  the  vulgar,  413; 
the  new  pastors,  414;  reply  to 
Bernese  letter,  419;  resistance 
to  return  of  Farel  and  Cahdn, 
431 ;  Bernese  delegates  received, 
433;  vote  of  banishment  of  the 
reformers  by  general  council, 
439 ;     the     ceremonies     estab- 
hshed,  449;  new  pastors,  449, 
450;    party   strife,    450;    disor- 
ders, 451;  despotism,  465,  466; 
i\\e  rector  and  regents  of  the 
College  banished,  467;  election 
of  new  syndics,  471 :  suppres- 
sion  of  disorders,    471;   letter 
from  Sadoleto  received  by  the 
Council,  480;  effect  of  Calvin's 
reply  to  it,  496,  497;  Catholic 
priests  before  the  Council,  500, 
501;  dispute  about  treaty  with 
Berne,  512;  a  new  treaty  signed, 
513;  quarrel  about  it,  514,  515- 
summoned  by  Berne  to  a  trial 
at  Lausanne,  the  treaty  reject- 
ed  by   general    Council,    515; 


judgment  against  Genevese  de- 
livered   at    Lausanne,    516 ;   a 
general     reconciliation,      5i6  ; 
agitation     about     the    quarrel 
with  Berne,  517;  flight  of  the 
Articulauts,    518;   a   riot,    521; 
fate  of  the  Articulants,  524 
-,  proceedings  for  recall  of  Cal- 
vin, vii.  5;  letter  of  the  Coun- 
cil, 8;  edict  of  expulsion  of  the 
reformers  revoked,  43;  letters 
of  the  Syndics  to  Zurich.  Basel 
and  Strasburg,  43  sqq. ;  value 
of  these  documents,  45;  prep- 
aration for  reception  of  Calvin, 
50;  a  day  of  humiliation,   59; 
the    '  Ordinances '    considered 
by  the  Council,  61,  62;  adopt- 
ed, 63;  Geneva  to  be  made  an 
ecclesiastical  fortress,    65;  the 
name  of  Jesus  engraved  on  the 
gates,   77;  relation   of  church 
and   state   at,    77   sqq.  ;    state 
of  men's   minds   at,    96;   new 
pastors,    106;    moral    chancre, 
111 
Geovge,  Duke  of  Anhalt,  his  birth 
and  early  life,  viii.  322;  his  ad- 
herence to  Rome,  323;  searches 
the  Scriptures,  323;  inquiry  and 
perplexity,  324;  reads  Luther, 
325;  gains  over  his  brothers  to 
his  views,  325;  exercises  epis- 
copal authority,  325 
Gerac,  castle  of,  iii.  15  sqq. 
German  Envoys  in  England,  viii. 
153  sqq. ;  their  long  stay,  fruit- 
less    discussions,     155";     their 
view,  155;  leave  England,  157 
German  Protestant  Princes  send 
envoy  to  Francis  L,  ii.  71;  en- 
voy sent  to,   72;   proposal   for 
union  of  France  with,  214;  Eng- 
hsh    embassy   to,    v.    109;    a7- 
tempt  at  alliance  renewed,  117, 
118  ;    assembly    at    Frankfort, 
118;  embassy  to  Henry  VIII., 
118;  renounce  his  alliance.  170; 
send   envoys  to  Henry  VIII., 
viii.   153;   discussion   at   Lam- 
beth, 154 
Germans,   The,   papal   treatment 

of,  i.  120 
Germany,   affairs  in,  ii.   95  sqq.; 
peasant    revolt    in,    compared 


414 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


with  Pilgrimage  of  Grace,   v, 
2U7 

Gex,  meeting  of  duke  of  Savoy 
and  bishop  of  Geneva  at,  ii. 
415,  424 

Ghent,  the  Eeformation  at,  vii. 
546  sqq. 

Ghinucci,  deprived  of  see  of  Wor- 
cester, iv.  180 

'Ghost  of  Lyons,'  i.  408 

Giberto,  Giovanni  Matteo,  bishop 
of  Verona,  iv.  478,  482 

Gingins,  Aime  de,  abbot  of  Bon- 
niout,  i.  31;  elected  bishop  of 
Geneva,  32;  set  aside  by  the 
Pope,  35;  pensioned  by  the 
Bastard,  40,  157,  159,  160,  169; 
ii.  410,  467;  episcopal  council  at 
his  house,  iii.  284;  presides  at 
examination  of  Farel,  288,  292, 
397;  armed  gathering  at  his 
house  412;  v.  257;  flies  from 
Geneva,  308;  discovered  by  the 
Bernese  at  Divonne,  ransoms 
himself,  386 

Gingins,  Francis  de,  lord  of  Di- 
vonne, account  of,  v.  385,  386; 
a  ransom  exacted  from  him  by 
the  Bernese,  386 

Gingins,  battle  of,  v.  332  sq. ;  ef- 
fect of  it,  355 

Giraldi,  Lilio,  iv.  427 

Girard,  Aime,  deputy  to  bishop 
of  Geneva,  i.  262,  270,  276;  ii. 
366,  378 

Gjdc,   Henry,  holds  Copenhagen 
for  Christian  II.,  vii.   149;  ca- 
pitulates to  Frederick,  149 
Gjoe,  Magnus,  councillor  of  Den- 
mark,    embraces     the     llefor- 
mation,    vii.    149;   head  of  re- 
form  part3%    164 ;    his    speech 
at  the  electoral  diet,    197;  re- 
fuses to  sign  the  compact,  198; 
in    Jutland,    209;    urges    elec- 
tion of  Christian  III.,  210;  an- 
nounces  to   him  his  election, 
212 
Gjoe,  Brigitta,  vii.  204 
Glareanus,   his  intercourse  with 

Alasco,  vii.  439 
Gnaphens,  William,  vii.  500;  takes 
part  in  translating  New  Testa- 
ment, 501 ;  arrested  and  impris- 
oned, 501;  liberated,  502;  again 


arrested,   519;  his   Tobias  and 
L  tzar  us,  519 

Gocti,  Jan  van,  vii.  482 

Golden  Bull,  The,  read  at  Gene- 
va, ii.  460 

Goldenhautr,  Gerhard,  preaches 
in  Guelderland,  vii.  525;  goes 
to  Strasburg,  526;  Professor  of 
Theology,  Marburg,  526 

Gonin,  Martin,  Waldensian  dep- 
uty to  Granson,  iii.  251,  2t2, 
298,  302,  303  sq. 

Gonzaqa,  Giuha  di,  among  friends 
of  Valdez,  iv.  465;  Barbarossa's 
attempt  to  carry  her  off",  465; 
her  religious  struggles,  468; 
conversations  with  Yaldez,  469 
sq. 

Gosseau,  Jacques,  vii.  551,  570 

Gostwick,  Sir  John,  accuses  Cran- 
mer,  viii.  243;  the  king's  men- 
ace to  him,  247 

Gothus,  Lawrence,  appointed 
archbishop  of  Upsala,  vii.  333 

Gottschalken,  Oddur,  vii.  226;  sec- 
retary to  (Egmund,  226;  trans- 
lates the  New  Testament,  227; 
his  translation  printed,  228 

Goulaz,  Jean,  takes  part  in  post- 
ing up  General  Pardon  at  Ge- 
neva, ii.  463 ;  affray  with  a  can- 
on, 465;  fined,  466;  visits  Farel, 
iii.  277,  278,  296,  314;  supports 
Froment,  319,  372;  with  Porral 
charged  to  maintain  good  mor- 
als in  the  city,  vi.  289  ;  re- 
nounces citizenship  of  Gene- 
va, and  is  imprisoned,  470,  471 ; 
assists  Calvin  in  preparing 
constitution  of  a  church,  vii. 
56 
Gourlay,  Norman,  condemned  and 

burnt  with  Straiton,  vi.  96 
Gi-afton,  Richard,  asks  permission 
to  sell  Tyndale's  Bible,  v.  227; 
interview  with  Craniner,  227; 
with  Whitchurch,  authorized 
by  Francis  I.  to  print  and  im- 
port the  Bible  into  France,  viii. 
176;  with  Covordale  goes  to 
Paris,  177  ;  their  difficulties, 
177;  the  printing  stopped  by 
the  Inquit^ition,  178;  and  com- 
pleted in  London,  178;  cited 
before  the  Council,  238;  saved 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


415 


by  intervention  of  Wriothesley, 
238 

Graham,  Patrick,  primate  of  Scot- 
laud,  deprived  and  imprisoned 
for  life,  vi.  6 

Gramont,  Cardinal  de,  ambassa- 
dor to  Clement  VII.,  ii.  105; 
to  Conference  of  Bologna,  142 ; 
characterizad,  147  \_Tournon'] 

Gramont,  De,  Bishop  of  Tarbes, 
ambassador  to  the  emperor,  iv. 
24;  confers  with  Earl  of  Wilt- 
shire, 27 

Gran,  Archbishop  of,  cites  evan- 
gelists of  Hermanstadt  before 
him,  vii.  350;  goes  to  Rome, 
351;  takes  part  in  suppression 
of  Lutheranism,  352 

Gra.nr,on,  battle  of,  iii.  236;  the 
churches  opened  to  Farel  by 
order  of  Berne,  238;  a  fray  in 
the  church,  240 

GranveUa,  Imperial  chancellor, 
iii.  265;  gives  to  Bellegarde 
answer  of  the  emperor  to  duke 
of  Savoy,  265;  his  relations  with 
de  Soto,  viii.  67;  orders  arrest 
of  Enzinas,  75 

Grapheus,  Cornelius,  account  of, 
vii.  492;  seized  by  Inquisitors, 
492;  apologizes  and  is  impris- 
oned, 492;  retracts,  493;  his 
property  is  confiscated,  impris- 
oned for  life,  493;  his  api^eal 
fruitless,  494 

Greenvcich,  tournament  at,  v.  137 
sqq. 

Gregorius,  Matthias,  Bishop  of 
Strengnaes,  vii.  237;  massacred 
at  coronation  of  Christian  II., 
239 

Gregory,  Father,  orator  of  Roman 
party  at  Conference  of  Schass- 
burg,  vii.  384  sqq. 

Grimani,  Marco,  legate,  sent  to 
Scotland,  vi.  166;  co-operates 
with  Lennox,  167 

Grinqalel  and  Levrat,  monks,  in- 
trigue for  duke  of  Savoy,  ii. 
369;  banished  from  Geneva, 
371 

Grivat,  George,  precentor,  iii. 
226;  preaches  at  Orbc,  227 

Groningen,  reformers  at,  vii.   502 

Grooi,  Gerard,  vii.  482 


Gros,  Claude,  his  mule,  i.  73,  74; 
mock  auction,  74;  his  com- 
plaint  before   the   vidame,    74 

GryncKus,  Simon,  his  intercourse 
with  Calvin  at  Basel,  iii.  160, 
167;  condemns  divorce  of  Hen- 
ry VIII.,  iv.  42;  defends  Bu- 
cer,  vi.  325;  takes  part  in  the 
synod  of  Berne,  327;  his  letter 
to  Calvin  and  Farel,  442;  re- 
ceives Calvin  into  his  house, 
443;  his  early  life,  vii.  346;  pro- 
claims evangelical  doctrines  at 
Buda,  346;  seized,  imprisoned 
and  banished,  354;  Professor  at 
Basel,  354;  viii.  143 

Guarlno,  Francesco,  sets  out  with 
Curione  for  Wittenberg,  iv. 
415;  arrested,  416 

Guene,  William,  instigates  perse- 
cution at  Brussels,  vii.  569 

Guerin,  iii.  328,  352,  356,  358;  pre- 
sides at  the  Lord's  Supper  at 
Geneva,  360;  leaves  Geneva, 
361 

Guidacerio,  of  Venice,  publishes 
commentaries  on  Scripture,  ii, 
90;  accused  by  Beda,  239 

Guido,  iii.  298,  301,  303  sqg. 

Guillaume,  Thomas,  named  chap- 
lain to  Earl  of  Ai-ran,  vi.  155; 
outcry  agaiust  him,  156;  for- 
bidden to  preach,  goes  to  Eng- 
land, 168 

GuUlet,  M.,  i.  42 

Gnndebald,  at  Geneva,  i.  10 

Guslarus  Vasa,  his  birth  and  boy- 
hood, vii.  244;  his  first  cam- 
paign, 245;  one  of  the  hostages 
assigned  to  Christian  II.,  taken 
prisoner  and  confined  in  Jut- 
laud,  245;  escapes  to  Liibeek, 
pursued,  246;  returns  to  Swe- 
den and  enters  Calmar,  246; 
escapes  to  the  mountain  dis- 
trict, attempts  to  rouse  the 
peasants,  24(j;  his  wanderings, 
247  s(jq. ;  his  interview  with 
arehbishop  I'lfsson,  248;  hears 
of  tlieStockliohn  n)assiicre,  249; 
in  concealment  in  Dalecarlia, 
249;  recognized  at  Ornaes,  251; 
received  by  I'erssons,  251 ;  de- 
nounced, eseapes.  251;  jjursued 
and  wounded,   again   escapos, 


416 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


252;  his  appeal  to  the  peasants, 
253;  iDroclaiined  captain  of  all 
the  communes  of  Sweden,  254; 
growing  success,  255;  the  Dan- 
ish camp  broken  up  by  his  fol- 
lowers, 255;  takes  i:>ossession 
of  Westeraas,  255  ;  beseiges 
Stockholm,  and  takes  it,  255; 
convokes  a  diet  at  Strengnaes, 
256;  proclaimed  king  there, 
257;  his  interview  with  the  re- 
formers, 258;  his  policy,  258; 
appoints  Anderson  chancellor, 
258;  conversations  with  him, 
259;  at  Malmoe,  arranges  with 
Frederick  the  separation  of  the 
kingdoms,  261;  refuses  to  per- 
secute the  Lutherans,  261;  ap- 
points Magnus  primate,  262; 
expels  the  iconoclasts,  266  ; 
makes  a  progress  through  the 
provinces,  267;  present  at  Olaf  *s 
marriage,  267;  bids  the  bish- 
ops translate  the  New  Testa- 
ment, 269;  demands  part  of  the 
tithes  for  ^ate  purposes,  270; 
at  Upsala  on  the  Feast  of  St. 
Erick,  271;  confers  with  the 
Chapter  on  church  temporal 
power,  272;  attends  public  dis- 
putation between  Olaf  and  Pe- 
ter Galle,  274;  declaration  of 
his  pui-pose,  279;  cites  the  pri- 
mate before  him,  279;  resolves 
on  reformation.  280;  convokes 
Diet  at  Westeraas,  281;  his 
speech  and  abdication,  287, 
288;  in  retirement,  289;  re- 
ceives deputations  from  the 
Diet,  291 ;  returns  to  the  Diet, 
293;  his  requirements,  293;  his 
victoiy,  296;  suppresses  revolt 
of  the  Dalecarliaus,  297;  his 
coronation,  298;  convokes  a 
synod,  268;  his  political  view 
of  religion,  299 ;  undertakes 
restoration  of  the  schools,  304; 
marries  Catherine  of  Saxe-Lau- 
enburg,  307  ;  discovers  and 
frustrates  scheme  of  alliance  of 
Hanse  Towns  and  Denmark 
against  him,  308;  his  ecclesias- 
tical measures,  309;  compared 
with  Olaf,  309;  his  coolness 
towards  .Olaf,  309;  rebuked  by 


him,  310;  marries  a  second 
time,  312;  his  letter  to  the  pri- 
mate, 312;  anger  against  Olaf 
and  his  brother,  314;  com- 
mands them  to  be  brought  to 
trial,  315;  compared  with  Hen- 
ry VIIL,  316;  his  claim  to  rule 
the  Church,  317;  absolute  in 
church  and  state,  318;  his  rule 
of  the  church,  320;  orders  ar- 
rest of  the  bishop  of  Streng- 
naes, 321;  excuses  for  severity, 
321 ;  declines  to  join  the  League 
of  Smalcalde,  322;  his  speech 
on  resigning  the  government 
to  his  son,  322,  323;  last  con- 
versations, 323,  324; death,  324; 
grief  over  his  sons,  325 

Guy  Regis,  Superior  of  Grey 
Friars,  iii.  237,  238;  contends 
with  Farel  and  Viret,  239 

Gyldensiern,  Count,  his  interview 
with  Tausen,  vii.  170 

Gyldensiern,  Knud,  commander- 
in-chief  of  forces  of  Denmark, 
vii.  186;  receives  submission  of 
Christian  11. ,  187;  his  conven- 
tion annulled,  189 

Gypsies,  banished  from  England, 
Iv.  68 

EA  CEET,  Sir  John,  at  Brussels, 
iv.  163;  attempts  to  seize  Tyn- 
dale's  New  Testaments  in  the 
ports  of  the  Netherlands,  vi. 
25 

Balidon,  battle  of,  vi.  138 

Ualler,  Berthold,  invites  Farel 
to  Switzerland,  i.  376;  ii.  400; 
V.  316,  360;  blesses  the  Ber- 
nese army,  373;  his  death,  vi. 
325 

Hamburg,  Congress  at,  German 
mediation  between  Christian 
III.  and  Llibeck,  vii.  214;  be- 
ginning of  reformation  at,  viii. 
320;  church  organized  by  Pom- 
eranus,  320,  321 

Hamilton,  made  archbishop  of  St. 
Andrews  after  murder  of  Bea- 
toun,  vi.  215 

Hamilton,  Catherine,  her  trial  be- 
fore the  ecclesiastical  court,  vi. 
97;  leaves  Scotland,  98 

Hamilton,  James,  Lord,  detained 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


417 


HAM 

by  the  Lesleys  as  a  hostage,  vi. 

Hamilton,  John,  of  Linlithgow, 
accompanies  Patrick  Hamilton 
to  the  Netherlands,  vi.  29 

Hamilton,  John,  abbot  of  Paisley, 
arrives  in  Scotland,  vi.  167;  his 
influence  on  the  regent,  167; 
interviews  with  Beatoun,  168; 
alarms  the  regent,  17'2 

Hamilton,  Sir  James,  at  Council  at 
Edinburgh,  demands  reforms, 
vi.  105;  treasurer,  charged  to 
seize  heretics,  128;  imprisoned 
and  put  to  death,  129 

Hamilton,  Sir  James,  resolves  to 
rescue  his  brother  Patrick,  vi. 
55;  is  prevented,  56;  cited  be- 
fore ecclesiastical  court,  leaves 
Scotland,  97;  is  condemned, 
excommunicated  and  deprived 
of  his  estates,  97 

Hamilton,  Sir  Patrick,  vi.  12;  his 
great  reputation,  13,  14;  coun- 
sels peace,  16;  slain  in  afiray 
at  Edinburgh,  16 

Hamilton,  Patrick,  his  birth  and 
early  life,  vi,  12 ;  sent  to  Paris, 
14;  abbot  of  Feme,  14;  be- 
comes acquainted  with  Lu- 
ther's-^a-itings,  17;  death  of  his 
father,  17;  returns  to  Scotland, 
18;  enters  University  of  St. 
Andrews,  19;  refuses  to  enter 
on  the  monastic  life,  20;  begins 
to  preach,  20;  lays  open  the 
New  Testament,  26;  cited  be- 
fore Beatoun,  28;  escapes  to 
the  Netherlands,  29;  arrives  at 
Marburg,  30;  visits  Lambert  of 
Avignon,  31:  member  of  the 
universit}''  of  Marburg,  34;  his 
evangelical  thest-s,  37  sqq. ;  sails 
for  Scotland,  40;  at  Kincavil, 
43;  his  zeal,  43;  his  brother  and 
sister,  44;  his  ministrations,  45; 
preaches  at  Linlithgow,  4();  his 
marriage,  47;  invited  by  Bea- 
toun to  a  conference,  48;  goes 
to  the  conference,  49;  avows 
his  principles,  49;  his  inter- 
views with  Alesius,  51;  with 
Alexander  Campbell,  52;  cited 
to  answer  a  charge  of  heresy, 
54;  appears  before  the  bishops, 


57  sqq. ;  his  doctrines  declared 
hereticid,  58;  arrested  and  con- 
fined in  the  castle  of  St.  An- 
drews, 59;  his  trial  in  the  Ca- 
thedral, 01  sqq. ;  declared  a 
heretic,  64;  at  the  stake,  66-68; 
the  eliects  of  his  martyrdom, 
70-72 

Hanse  Toicns,  alliance  of,  with 
Denmark,  against  Gustavus 
Vasa,  vii.  308 ;  German  and 
Swedish  participators  put  to 
death,  308;  rumors,  308 

Hardenberg,  Albert,  vii.  435;  de- 
clines invitation  to  Friesland, 
45M;  remains  in  convent  of  Adu- 
wert,  459,  460:  denounced  as  a 
heretic,  460;  escapes  imprison- 
ment, 460;  his  inward  conflicts, 
460,  461;  leaves  the  convent, 
goes  to  Wittenberg,  461;  meets 
with  Francis  de  Enzinas,  viii. 
43;  again,  59;  leaves  his  con- 
vent, 59 

Harman,  Richard,  liberation  of, 
ordered  by  Queen  Anne,  v.  33 

Harvel,  Edmund,  ambassador  in 
Italy,  viii.  269 

Uaufjidon,  Prior,  refuses  to  take 
oath  of  succession,  v.  47;  sent 
to  the  Tower,  48 ;  takes  the 
oath,  48;  resolves  to  resist  the 
king's  command,  59;  sent  to 
the  Tower,  61 ;  found  guilty  of 
high  treason  and  executed,  62, 
63 

Haussmann,  Nicholas,  viii.  317, 
326 

Haveloos,  Antoinette,  vii.  548;  re- 
ceives Alasco  as  her  guest,  548; 
her  daughter  Gudule,  549,  551 ; 
her  widowhood.  553;  arrested, 
55(5;  buritd  alive,  563,  564 

Hawkins,  English  ambassador  to 
conference  of  Bolo^Mia,  ii.  163 

Heath,  Archdeacon,  ambiissador 
to  Germany,  v.  109;  signs  alli- 
ance with  the  jn-inccs,  110; 
takes  part  in  discussion  at 
Wittenberg,  116 

Hdlio,  ii.  246;  visit  of  Chelius  to, 
264:  his  pr<iposals  fxainimd 
before  Francis  I.,  265  s(jq.;  iii. 
150 

Hairy  111.  of  England,  i.  10 


418 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


Henry  V.  of  England,  i.  20 

Idenry  VIIL  of  England,  i.  3oG, 
378 

— ,  ii.  99,  102;  alliance  with 
Francis  I.,  103;  meets  Fran- 
cis I.,  104,  105;  dances  with 
Anne  Boleyn  at  Calais,  105; 
treaty  with  Francis,  105;  alarm 
in  Europe,  106;  his  opinion  of 
marriage  of  Henry  duke  of  Or- 
leans with  Catherine  de'  Me- 
dici, 151;  displeasure  of  Charles 
V.  against,  162;  tries  to  prevent 
meeting  of  the  j)oiDe  and  Fran- 
cis I.,  185;  his  marriage  with 
Anne  Bole3^n,  186;  censured 
by  the  pope,  186;  contributes 
to  recovery  of  Wurtemberg 
from  Austria,  254,  294,  296 

— ,  personification  of  Anglo-Saxon 
tendency,  iv.  2 ;  summons  a  par- 
liament, 4 ;  opens  it,  9 ;  requires 
the  bishops  to  answer  petition 
of  the  Commons,  12;  his  char- 
acter and  intentions,  20,  21; 
motives,  2f ;  sends  embassy  to 
the  emperor  and  the  i^ope,  22; 
invites  opinions  of  universities, 
29;  letter  to  Oxford,  33,  an- 
other, 35;  receives  Cambridge 
deputation,  37;  sends  gifts  to 
Francis  L,  39;  sends  agents 
to  Itah'-,  40;  his  proclamation 
against  papal  bulls,  44;  tries 
to  gain  the  evangelical  doctors, 
45;  reads  Tyndaie's  Practice  of 
Prelates,  53;  sends  Vaughan  in 
search  of  Tyndale,  54;  exas- 
perated by  his  report,  57;  fails 
to  gain  Tyndale,  58;  aims  at 
being  head  of  the  church,  61; 
demands  recognition  of  su- 
premacy, 63;  agrees  to  com- 
promise proposed  by  Warham, 
64;  his  supremacy  recognized 
by  the  clergy,  he  pardons  them, 
06;  desires  Catherine  to  leave 
Windsor,  71 ;  authorizes  perse- 
cution of  Lutherans,  76;  will 
not  allow  his  cause  to  be  tried 
at  Rome,  86,  compels  submis- 
sion of  the  bishops,  88;  errors 
of  his  policy,  91 ;  his  court, 
05 ;  his  see-saw  policy,  105  ; 
chooses   Craumer  as   primate. 


116;  marriage  with  Anne  Bo- 
leyn. 118;  insists  on  Cranmer's 
primacy,  119;  converses  with 
him,  120;  demands  necessary 
bulls  of  the  pope,  121;  marriage 
with  Anne  Boleyn,  127;  excom- 
municated by  Clement  VIL, 
128;  obtains  decision  in  favor 
of  divorce  from  Convocation, 
131;  requires  Cranmer  to  mod- 
ify his  letter,  131;  insists  on 
supremacy,  132;  summoned  be- 
fore Cranmer  at  Dunstable,  133 ; 
the  divorce  pronounced,  134; 
his  marriage  with  Anne  de- 
clared lawful,  135;  presents 
her  to  the  peoj)le,  135;  informs 
the  pope,  the  emperor,  &c.,  of 
his  divorce  and  marriage,  138; 
threatened  with  excommunica- 
tion, 138;  orders  trial  of  Fryth, 
151 ;  cited  to  appear  at  Rome, 
appeals  to  a  general  council, 
164;  his  isolation,  165,  166; 
sends  envoys  to  Germany,  165; 
sends  Gardiner  and  Bryan  to 
Marseilles,  167;  sends  Bonner, 
168,  a  proclamation  drawn  up, 
174;  announces  to  foreign  states 
his  determination  to  reduce  the 
power  of  the  poj^e,  176;  his 
message  to  Francis  I.,  176; 
dispenses  with  a  council,  177; 
condemned  by  the  pope,  182, 
348 

-,  condemned  by  the  pope,  v.  2; 
proposes  arrangement  with  the 
pope,  3;  writes  his  book  against 
the  pope,  5;  informed  of  say- 
ings of  Maid  of  Kent,  10;  ad- 
mits her  to  an  audience,  11; 
conspiracy  against  him,  13,  14; 
his  supremacy  recognized  by 
monks,  -10  ;  interviews  with 
Francis  L,  21;  abolishes  power 
of  the  pope  by  j^roclamation, 
23;  anger  against  Queen  Anne, 
34;  sunuwis  episcopus,  42;  his 
tATanny,  49;  his  new  title  rat- 
ified by  Parliament,  49;  con- 
sents to  translation  of  the  Bible, 
56;  his  fixed  idea,  56;  papal 
decree  against  him  withdrawn, 
58;  danger  of  insurrection,  60; 
hesitates    about    execution    of 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


419 


More  and  Fisber,  64;  bull  of 
Paul  III.  against,  7G;  bis  ex- 
cuses, 77;  at  Heading  Abbey, 
79;  makes  advances  to  German 
Protestants,  106;  writes  to  Me- 
lancbtbon,  107;  sends  Barnes 
to  invite  bim,  107;  sends  an- 
otber  embassy  to  Germany, 
109;  requires  Catberine  to  re- 
nounce ber  title,  112;  renews 
attempt  at  union  witb  German 
Protestants,  118;  attracted  by 
Jane  Seymour,  127,  128;  re- 
quired by  tbe  pope  to  put  away 
bis  wife,  131;  resolves  to  get  rid 
of  ber,  133;  appoints  commis- 
sion of  inquiry,  135;  summons 
Parliament,  136;  at  Greenwicb 
tournament,  137 ;  witbdraws, 
138;  orders  tbe  queen  to  keep 
ber  room,  138;  sends  ber  to 
tbe  Towner,  140;  effect  of  ber 
letter  to  bim,  152;  attempts  to 
prove  a  pre-contract  of  mar- 
riage, 153;  determines  to  annul 
tbe  mannage  witb  Queen  Anne, 
160;  puts  ber  to  deatb,  167;  at  a 
bunting  party,  168;  will  main- 
tain rupture  witb  Kome,  173; 
Pole's  book  presented  to  bim, 
174,  177 ;  bis  marriage  witb 
Jane  Seymour  ratified  by  Par- 
liament, 178;  plays  tbe  pope, 
191;  bis  Articles  of  BeUglon,  192 
sqq. ;  dissolves  Parliament  and 
Convocation,  196 ;  refuses  to 
sanction  Coverdale's  Bible, 
198 ;  tbreatens  insurgents  of 
tbe  Nortb,  205;  bis  energetic 
policy,  208 ;  sends  Lancaster 
berald  to  tbe  rebels,  209;  aban- 
dons Tyndale,  221;  autborizes 
sale  of  Tyndale' s  Bible,  227 
-,  bis  quarrel  witb  James  IV.  of 
Scotland,  vi.  9;  receives  Scot- 
tisb  exiles,  99;  projects  mar- 
riage of  bis  daugbter  ^lary  to 
James  V.,  99;  ihe  title  of  iJe- 
fender  of  the  Faiih  witbdrawn 
from  bim  by  tbe  pojie,  109; 
sends  Norfolk  to  observe  events 
in  Scotland,  11-4;  sends  Sir  R. 
SadliT  to  Scotland,  124,  133; 
invites  James  V.  to  an  inter- 
view   at   York,    134 ;    goes    to 


York,  135;  bis  wTatb  at  aban- 
donment of  tbe  interview  by 
James,  136;  WTites  to  bim,  137; 
prejDares  for  war,  137;  refuses 
to  receive  ambassadors,  139; 
bis  manifesto,  140;  orders  ex- 
posure of  tbe  captive  Scots  in 
London,  146;  projects  marriage 
of  bis  son  Edward  witb  Mary 
queen  of  Scotland,  157;  bis  ar- 
rangement witb  tbe  banisbed 
nobles,  157;  bis  scbeme  resisted 
by  Beatoun,  158;  adopted  by 
Scottisb  council,  159;  frustrated 
by  refusal  of  tbe  bostages,  171; 
declares  war  against  Scotland, 
175;  bis  aims,  184;  desires  to 
see  Melancbtbon,  476;  Calvin's 
opinion  of  bim,  476 
-,  promises  aid  to  Cbristian  11. 
of  Denmark  but  does  not  give 
it,  vii.  138 

-,  birtb  of  bis  son  Edward,  viii. 
141;  on  deatb  of  Queen  Jane 
seeks  anotber  wife,  142;  several 
ladies  proposed,  142;  demands 
delivery  up  of  Cardinal  Pole  by 
Francis  I.,  150;  writes  to  Hut- 
ton,  151;  begins  persecution  of 
Anabaptists,  160;  issues  ordi- 
nances against  tbe  reformed 
faitb,  163;  arranges  for  trial  of 
Lambert,"  166;  presides  at  tbe 
trial,  167  sqq. ;  extolled  by  tbe 
Catbolic  party,  and  by  Crom- 
well, 173;  seeks  tbe  band  of 
tbe  ducbess  of  Milan,  174;  tbe 
treaty  broken  off,  175;  sanc- 
tions printing  of  tbe  Bible, 
17() ;  attempts  a  compromise 
between  tbe  conflicting  par- 
ties, 179;  failure  of  tbe  scbeme, 
180;  bis  measures  of  defence 
against  alliance  of  tlie  pope, 
tbe  emperor,  and  tbe  King  of 
Franco,  181;  bis  'Six  Articles,' 
181;  bis  proclamations  declared 
to  be  laws,  1<S3;  bis  attentions 
to  Cranmer.  184;  appeal  of  Me- 
lancbtbon, 189;  exbibits  a  sea- 
figbt  on  tbe  Tbanies.  191;  bis 
autocratic  temper.  192;  mar- 
riage purposes,  r.l2;  Anne  of 
Clevijs,  193;  tbe  marri.ige  ar- 
ranged, 193;  incognito  sees  ber 


420 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


at  Rochester,   195;  returns  to 
Greenwich,    196;  his  perplex- 
ity,   196 ;    conversations    with 
Cromwell,    196,    197;   receives 
Anne  at  Greenwich,   197;   de- 
termines to  get  rid  of  her,  197; 
his  antipathy,   198;  communi- 
cations  to   the   emperor,    199, 
200;  receives  delegates  of  Elec- 
tor of  Saxony  and  Landgrave 
of  Hesse,  201;  promises  to  them 
to  soften  harshness  of  the  Six 
Articles,  201 ;  imprisons  Barnes, 
Garret,   and  Jerome,    204;   ill- 
will    towards    Cromwell,    205  ; 
heaps  honors  and  wealth  upon 
him,    207;   reasons    why,    207; 
his  want  of  money,  208;  gives 
assent    to    bill     of    attainder 
against  Cromwell,  218;  permits 
him  to  write  to  him,  219;  a  fete 
in  honor  of  the  queen,  220;  his 
scheme  for  getting  rid  of  her, 
221;    sends    three    Protestants 
and  three  Papists  to  the  stake 
together,  226  sqq. ;  scheme  for 
the  divorce  of  his  wife,  229  sqq. ; 
the  divorce  pronounced  by  Con- 
vocation,  232;   marries  Cathe- 
rine Howard,  235;  becomes  a 
Catholic,  235;  adopts  a  Catho- 
lic policy,  236;  royal  infallibil- 
ity by  Act  of.ParHament,  236; 
consents    to    Craumer's    com- 
mittal, 243;  his  interview  with 
Cranmer,   244;   gives   him   his 
ring,    244;   submission   of  the 
council,  246;  Bibles  published 
under  his  sanction,   247;  goes 
to  York  to  meet  the  King  of 
Scotland,    247;    the    interview 
prevented  by  Beatoun,  248;  re- 
ceives   disclosures    respecting 
the  queen,  249;  investigations 
by  the  lords,  249;  sends  Cran- 
mer to  her,  250;  sends  her  to 
Sion  House,  252 ;  orders  prose- 
cutions,   253;   the   queen   exe- 
cuted, 254;  letters  to  Cranmer, 
^GO;    marries   Catherine    Parr, 
262;    receives    list    of   charges 
against  Cranmer,  263;  has  in- 
terview with  him,  264;  nomi- 
nates a  commission,    264;   his 
pretexts  for  war  with  France, 


267;   private    occasions   of  of- 
fence, 267;  alliance  with  Charles 
v.,  its  conditions,  268;  invades 
France,    268;   takes  Boulogne, 
269;  prorogues  Parliament,  272; 
his  last  speech,  272,  273;  pro- 
scribes Enghsh  New  Testament 
and  many  religious  books,  279; 
overlooks  the  Queen's  evangel- 
ical zeal,  285,  286;  his  ill-health, 
286;  oflended  with  the  queen, 
287;   signs   bill  of  indictment 
against  her,   290;  informs  his 
physician,  291 ;  \isits  the  queen, 
293;   visited  by   her,    293   sq.; 
prevents  her  arrest,  296;  erects 
new  Court  of  Augmentations, 
297;  chooses  Cranmer  as  guar- 
dian of  his  son  and  the  realm, 
298;  his  fears  of  conflict  after 
his  death,  299;  receives  a  warn- 
ing of  ambition  of  Surrey,  300; 
orders  investigation,  300;  sends 
Norfolk  and  Surrey  to  the  Tow- 
er, 301;  illness,  304,  306;  inter- 
view  with   Cranmer,    307;   his 
death,  307;  his  epoch,  308;  his 
will,  308;  his  character,  309,  310 
Benry  (V  Alhret,  King  of  Navarre, 
his  character,   i.    345;   escapes 
from  prison,  345;  courts  Mar- 
garet of  Angoult3me,  346,  356; 
their     marriage,     378  ;     visits 
Beam,  413;  at  St.  Germain,  ii. 
30;  at  Roussel's  preaching  in 
the  Louvre,  114;  complains  to 
the  king  of  agitation  in  Paris, 
124;  warns  the  king  at  Meaux, 
126;  strikes  Margaret,  iii,  28 
Henry,  duke  of  Orleans,  his  mar- 
riage with   Catherine  de'   Me- 
dici proposed  by  Francis  L,  id. 
149;  solemnized  at  Marseilles, 
195;  his  character  and  position, 
iv.  355 
Henry   of  Nassau,    governor   of 
Flanders,  his  reply  to  the  Do- 
minicans of  Dort,  vii.  486 
Heiiry,  a  monk  of  Tournay,  mar- 
tyrdom of,  vii.  522 
Hepburn,  John,  competitor  for  see 
of  St.  Andrews,  vi.  10;  storms 
the  castle,  10 
Hepburn,    Patrick,    prior    of  St. 
Andrews,  one  of  the  judges  of 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


421 


Pahick  Hamilton,  vi.  61;  de- 
nounces Alesius,  75;  assails 
and  imprisons  Alesius,  76,  77; 
ordered  to  release  him,  casts 
him  into  a  fouler  dungeon,  77; 
compelled  by  the  king  to  liber- 
ate hirn,  78;  again  imprisons 
him,  78;  appoints  John  Hay 
keeper  of  the  prison,  79;  pur- 
sues Alesius,  82;  misses  him 
at  Dundee,  83;  demands  tithe 
of  fish  of  Da\'id  Straiton,  i)4; 
proceeds  against  him  for  here- 
sy, 94 

Beretics,  L'Etoile's  view  on  treat- 
ment of,  ii.  4;  in  England, 
withdrawn  from  episcopal  ju- 
risdiction, viii.  191 

Herman,  fanatic,  at  Groningen, 
vii.  542;  his  pretensions,  543; 
imprisoned,  544 

Herman  of  Lie'ge,  goes  to  Gene- 
va, vi.  299  [SpirUHals] 

Hermanstadt,  Transylvania,  evan- 
gelists at,  vii.  350;  expelled, 
350;  persecution  at,  Lutheran 
books  burnt,  353;  disturbances 
by  the  monks,  369;  the  monks 
banished,  370; 

Hertford,  Edward  Seymour,  Earl 
of,  commands  English  army  in 
Scotland,  vi.  184;  pillages  and 
burns  Leith  and  Edinburgh, 
184;  viii.  141 

Heicet,  Andi-ew,  burnt  with  Fryth, 
iv.  162 

Hildebrand  and  Calvin,  vi.  255 

HUderley,  made  bishop  of  Roches- 
ter, v.  130 

Hilles,  Richard,  account  of,  viii, 
258;  suspected  by  Gardiner, 
goes  to  Strasburg,  259 

History,  various  kinds  of,  iii.  198; 
vi.  1,  2 

Hoen,  Cornelius,  vii.  501 ;  ar- 
rested and  imprisoned,  501  ; 
sent  to  the  Hague,  502 

III  )f  man,  Melchior,  vii.  541;  viii. 
332 

Hohenlohe,  Count  of,  [S'igifimund.} 

Hollard,  Christopher,  iii.  204  ; 
protests  against  the  friar's  ser- 
mon at  Orbe,  207;  assaulted  by 
the  women,  and  miijrisoned, 
207;  liberated,  209;  iconoclast, 


228;  procures  arrest  of  priests, 
230 

Hoi  stein,  duchy  of,  the  Reforma- 
tion establislied  in,  vii.  225 

Holyrood  Palace,  pillaged  and 
burnt  by  the  English,  vi.  184 

Ilonter,  John,  his  labors  in  Tran- 
sylvania, vii.  395 

Hosius,  Cardinal,  sends  Jesuits 
to  Sweden,  vii.  333;  his  instruc- 
tions, 334;  writes  to  the  king 
and  queen,  335 

Howard  Family,  The,  divisions 
in,  viii.  302 

Howard,  Catherine,  passion  of 
Henry  VIIL  for  her,  viii.  221; 
account  of  her,  234;  married  to 
Henry,  235;  accompanies  hira 
to  Scotland,  248;  disclosures 
about  her  made  by  Lascelles, 
248  sqq. ;  examined,  denies  the 
charges,  250;  makes  confession 
to  Cranmer,  250;  her  delirum, 
another  interview  with  Cran- 
mer, 250,  252  ;  sent  to  Siou 
House,  252;  many  prosecutions 
ordered  by  the  king,  253 ;  con- 
demned and  executed,  25i;  ef- 
fects of  the  disclosures,  255 

Howard,  Harry,  at  a  tournament, 
viii.  221 

— ,  Lord  William,  his  embassies 
to  Scotland,  vi.  1.01 ;  sent  to  the 
Tower,  viii.  253 

Hubherdln,  preaches  against  the 
reformers,  iv,  97;  his  mounte- 
bank tricks,  98 

Hugonin,  of  Arnex,  iii.  213;  pleads 
for  friar  Juliani,  214;  converted, 
226;  imprisoned,  231 

'Huguenots,'  origin  of  the  tcnn, 
i.  88;  its  first  meaning  politi- 
cal, 89;  meetings  of,  at  (,!(  nc- 
va,  135;  a  war-cry,  142;  rapid 
growth  of  the  party,  148,  IHl; 
excluded  from  the  councils, 
200  ;  recover  iheir  liburtic  s, 
207 ;  unsuccessfully  attempt 
conciliation,  208;  thi-  foundirs 
of  modi-ru  liberty.  254;  sup- 
port appeal  to  the  pope  against 
duke  of  Savoy,  268;  })er.st;cu- 
tion  of,  by  the  duke.  2(18  stiq. ; 
exodus,  270;  the  fugitives  at- 
tacked by  troops  of  the  duke, 


422 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


protected  by  Friburgers,  272; 
arrival  at   Friburg,    273;   their 
wives  and  cliiidreu  join  them, 
283;  justification  of  the  fugi- 
tives, 293  sqq. ;  election  of  Hu- 
guenot Syndics,   301  sqq.;  re- 
sent tyranny  of  the  prince  bish- 
op, ii.  318;  invite  Bonivard  to 
put  himself  at  their  head,  353; 
resolve  to  eat   meat  in  Lent, 
355;  claim  right  of  free  inquirj^ 
388;   their   bold   front   against 
Savoy  and  other  powers,  392; 
complaint  of  the  fiscal  against 
them,  397;  sentenced,  397;  their 
negative  Protestantism,  399;  in- 
tercourse with  Swiss  Evangeli- 
cals, 399;  imprisoned  by  allies 
of  the  bishop,  416;  assailed  by 
Friburgers,    444;    discuss    en- 
croachments of  the  clargy,  4G2; 
[Lutherans']  massacre  of;  iii.  3; 
leaders  visited   by  Farel,  277, 
278;  visit  him,  280;  attend  dis- 
putation between  Froment  and 
PeUier,  331,  332;  advocate  re- 
ligious  reformation,    348  ;    de- 
mand the  Scriptures,  349;  arms 
of  the  fiesh,  409;  fight  in  the 
Molard,  411  sqq.\  proscription, 
438 ;  prepare  resistance  to  bish- 
op's removal  of  prisoners,  iv. 
187;  armed  attendance  on  Fa- 
rel's    preaching,     211 ;    assas- 
sinations,  232,    233;   consulta- 
tion,  235;  search  the  bishop's 
palace,    236;  Huguenot  sj^ndi- 
cate,   242;   demand   a   church, 
250  ;  occupy  grand  auditory  at 
Ptive,   252;   discoveries  among 
the   rehcs,    v.    287   sqq.;   their 
heroism  contributes  to  triumph 
of  the  Reformation,  vi.  22G;  di- 
vision among  them,  279,   335; 
resist  faith  by  compulsion,  ancl 
influence    of    foreigners,    336, 
337 ;    refuse    to    swear   to    the 
Confession,  338;  decree  of  ban- 
ishment against  them,  339;  the 
decree  a  dead  letttr,  339;  their 
opposition  to  the  rule  of  Cal- 
vin, 358 
Eugues,  Besan9on,  i.  36,  37;  op- 
poses surrender  of  culverins  to 
Duke  of  fclavoy,  48,  50,  67,  87; 


HUN 

leader  of  the   Huguenots,   89; 
syndic,  111,   134,  137,  138;  en- 
voy to  Friburg,  140;  his  speech 
to  Genevese  assembl}',  147;  pro- 
poses Swiss  alhauce,  148;  en- 
voy to  Friburg,   156,  160,  161, 
164,  180,  182,  200,  205;  his  in- 
terview  with  La  Baume,   212; 
becomes  his  adviser,   212;  his 
promise  to  the  duke,  256;  his 
qualifications    for    leadership, 
262 ;    elected    syndic,    refuses 
the  office,  263;  resists  claims  of 
the  duke,  267;  treacherous  visit 
of  Vuillet  to,  271;  missing  at 
Friburg,  273;  escapes  by  night, 
274;  at  Friburg.  274;  his  speech 
before  the  senate,  275;  detects 
the    duke's    stratagem    in    the 
safe-conduct,    281,    300,    302; 
speech  on  return  of  the  exiles, 
305;  proposes  S\Wss  alliance  at 
general  council,  306,  307;  his 
conservatism,  309,  310;  elected 
captain-general,   ii.  306;  influ- 
enced by  Ab  Hofeu,  316;  the 
bishop's  gift  to  him,  320;  bish- 
op's envoy  to  Berne,  321;  frus- 
trates the  duke's  plot  against 
Geneva,  324;  sets  a  watch,  327, 
333;  assists  flight  of  the  bishop, 
340;  escapes  seizure  by  Savoy- 
ards, 341;  rejilies  to  menaces 
of  the  bishop,  364;  mission  to 
Berne  and  Friburg,  368,   402; 
hostile   to  Bonivard,   404;   his 
resignation,    450;    his    death, 
451;  a  martyr  of  hberty,   451; 
the  bishop's  letter  to,  iii.   268 
sqq. ;  date  of  death,  273 
Eugues,  Denis,  i.  292 
Eugues,  Guillaume,  sjTidic  of  Ge- 
neva, ii.  468;  iii.  282,  286,  291 
Hungary,  invaded  by  Turks,   ii. 
107;  King  John  supports  duke 
Christopher    of    Wiirtemberg, 
218 ;    evds    of    submission    to 
Rome,   vii.    342;   revolts,    342; 
fitness   of  the   people   for  the 
Reformation,  343;  kept  back  by 
persecution,  343;  early  jmrtial 
enlightenmeut.    343;   marriage 
of  Louis  XL,  344;  beginning  of 
the  Reform  at  ion,  345;  Luther  s 
writings  introduced,  346;  and 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


423 


condemnecl,  3i6;  first  evangel- 
ical preachers,  346;  eagerness 
of  students  to  go  to  Witten- 
berg, 317;  persecution  sanc- 
tioned by  the  king,  34.8;  intol- 
erance of  the  priesthood,  348; 
edict  for  burning  of  heretics, 
355 ;  invasion  of,  by  Sultan  Sol- 
yman,  356;  unprepared,  357; 
rout  of  Mohacz,  360,  361;  per- 
secution breaks  out,  364,  365; 
emigration  of  Christians,  366; 
conversion  of  magnates,  368; 
persecution  slackened,  369; 
again  invaded  by  Solyman, 
370  ;  influence  of  Confession 
of  Augsburg,  371;  Devay  and 
other  reformers,  372  sqq. ;  the 
first  printing  press  in,  381 ;  Con- 
ference of  Schiissburg,  384,  385; 
progress  of  Keformation,  388; 
adoption  of  Zwinglian  views, 
389 ;  agreement  between  the 
two  kings,  390;  death  of  Za- 
polya,  his  son  proclaimed  king, 
391;  invasion  by  Turks  in  his 
support,  391 ;  disorder  and  dis- 
tress, 392:  progress  of  Refor- 
mation, 393,  394;  persecution 
instigated,  399;  the  Pope  and 
Mohammed  in,  406  sqq. ;  effects 
of  Council  of  Trent  in,  408;  con- 
ference of  Erdoed,  409;  con- 
ference of  Eperies,  410;  prog- 
ress of  the  Gospel,  415 

Hanqoford,  Walter,  Lord,  exe- 
cuted, viii.  224 

Hunter,  James,  Protestant  of 
Perth,  vi.  180;  condemned  to 
death  by  Cardinal  Beatoun, 
181;  hung,    181 

Ilurdleij,  Earl  of,  defeats  the  Eng- 
lish at  Halidon,  vi.  138;  in  com- 
mand of  army  at  Edinburgh, 
141 ;  a  mutiny,  141 ;  takes  part 
in  conference  against  the  re- 
gent, 169 

JIus,  John,  ii.  102;  vi.  5;  his  fol- 
lowers in  Bohemia  divided,  vii. 
417,  421 

Iluiton,  English  envov  at  Brus- 
sels, viii.  142,  151,  174 

I  BACH,  preaches  at  Frankfort, 
viii.  318 


H)ra}um  Pasha,  takes  Peter wara- 
din,  vii.  356 

Iceland,  vii.  225;  its  bishops,  225; 
resists  imposition  of  new  con- 
stitution of  the  church,  229; 
gradual  extinction  of  lloman 
services,  230.    [Aresen,  Johan.] 

Icelandic  New  Tesiament,  vii.  228 

hnage-hreakers,  imprisoned,  iv. 
309;  at  Geneva,  v.  285-292  sqq. ; 
at  Lausanne,  vi.  231,  266,  267 

IndwidualUy  and  Community,  iv. 
372,  373;  vi.  277 

Innocent  VIII.,  Pope,  i.  45 

Inquisition,  The,  introduced  in 
the  Netherlands,  vii.  491;  in 
Spain,  Torquemada,  viii.  2;  de- 
stroys Spanish  Bible,  42;  at 
Paris,  prohibits  Regnault  from 
printing  Bibles  and  seizes  those 
printed,  178 

Irenaeus,  i.  9 

Isabella,  Queen  of  Spain,  her  se- 
verity towards  her  daughter 
Joanna,  viii.  128;  sends  con- 
fessors to  her,  128;  her  dis- 
tress, 129;  her  plan  of  exclud- 
ing her  from  the  throne,  130; 
her  death,  131 

Isabella,  sister  of  Charles  V. ,  mar- 
ries Christian  II.  of  Denmark, 
vii.  127;  adheres  to  evangehcal 
faith,  139;  her  death,  139 

Islamism,  action  of,  in  Hungary, 
contrasted  with  that  of  Roman 
church,  vii.  407  sqq. ;  414,  415, 
416 

Italian  League,  concluded  at  Bo- 
logna, ii.  162 

Italian  New  Testament,  by  Bruc- 
cioli,  iv.  410 

Italy,  beginning  of  Reformation 
in,  iv.  406;  spread  of  its  doc- 
trines by  students  and  soldiers, 
409 ;  enthusiasm  for  Lnther, 
409;  revival  of,  promoted  by 
two  groups  of  Cliristians,  476; 
wave  of  i-eformation  reaclies 
the  Vatican,  481;  two  camps, 
488 ;  Italian  Kymi)athy  with 
England  in  war  with  France, 
viii.  269,  270 

JAMi:S  I\\  of  Scotland,  exam- 
ines and  acquits  Campl)ell  of 


424 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


Cessnock  and  his  Mife,  vi.  8- 
killed  at  Flodden,  9 
James  V.  of  Scotland,  his  minor- 
ity, vi.  9;  his  defective  educa- 
tion and  devotion  to  pleasure, 
22;   declared  of  age,   23;   sub- 
mits  to   the   priests,    23;   sent 
by  them  on  pilgrimage  to  St. 
Duthac,  55;  comj^lains  to  Hen- 
ry Vlir.    of  his  treatment  by 
Angus,  72;  escapes  in  disguise 
to  Stirling  Castle,  73;  banishes 
Angus  and  assumes  to  govern, 
74;    his   character,    74;   places 
the  government  in  the  hands 
of  the  priests,  74;  orders  liber- 
ation of  Alesius  and  the  other 
canons,  77;  compels  Hepburn 
to    release    Alesius,    78 ;    con- 
cludes   alliance    with    Charles 
v.,  86;  receives  secret  embassy 
from  the  emperor,  86;  accepts 
order  of  the  Garter  from  Henry 
VIIL,  101;  rejects  proposal  of 
marriage   with   Mary   of  Eng- 
land,   101 ;  ^  gets    severe    laws 
passed  against  reading  the  Bi- 
ble, 102;  demands  reforms,  105; 
gives    up    proposed   interview 
with  Henry  VITI.,   106;  sends 
secret  mission  to  Kome,  106; 
quarrels  with  the  queen-moth- 
er, 106;  offers  aid  to  Francis 
I.,  107;  marries  Madeleine  of 
Valois,    107;    loses    his    wife, 
108;  marries  Mary  of  Lorraine, 
109;  under  Cardinal  Beatoun's 
iniiuence,     111  ;    prepares    for 
war  with  England,   114;  pres- 
ent at  the  burning  of  five  mar- 
t^'rs,     118  ;    corresponds    with 
Henry  VIIL,  125;  demands  re- 
form, and  threatens  the  bish- 
ops, 125;  again  takes  the  side 
of  the  priests,  128;  invests  Sir 
James  Hamilton  with  functions 
of  an  inquisitor,  128;  imprisons 
and    puts    him   to   death,    129 
birth  of  his  son,  129;  embarks 
on  a  voyage,  129;  rebukes  the 
cardinal  and  prelates,  130;  birth 
of  a  second  son,   130;  his  re- 
morse,  130,   131;  death  of  his 
sons,  132;  agrees  to  meet  Hen- 
ry VIIL  at  York,   134;  bnbed 


by  the  prelates,  abandons  the 
interview,  136;  threatened  with 
war  by  Henry,  137;  obtains  sub- 
sidies of  the  prelates,  137;  after 
Halidon  proposes  negotiation, 
139  ;    assembles    his    army    at 
Edinburgh,  140;  abandoned  by 
the  army,  141 ;  holds  a  council 
at  Holj^rood,   sanctions  a  pro- 
scription against  the  reforma- 
tion  party,    142;   flight  of  his 
army  at  Solway,   145;  his  dis- 
tress,   147;    returns    to    Edin- 
burgh, 147;  secretly  leaves  the 
city,   148;  birth  of  his  daugh- 
ter, Mary  Stuart,  149;  last  In- 
terview with  the  cardinal,  149; 
his  death,   150;  his  character, 
150 
Janin,  the  armorer,  iv.  202,  205; 
accompanies    Maisonneuve    to 
Lyons,  266;  arrested,  267;  con- 
versations with  the  prisoners, 
287  sq.;  dejection,  290;  his  lib- 
eration sought  by  Bernese,  322; 
liberated  by  order  of  Francis  I., 
328;  restored  to  Geneva,  329 
Janssen,  Thure,  grand  master  of 
the  Court  of  Sweden,  supports 
Christian  IL,   vii.   185;  put  to 
death  by  Christian,  186 
Jean  de  Courte-Caisse,  prince-bish- 
op of  Geneva,  i.  20 
Jean  de  Rochetaillee,  prince-bish- 
op of  Geneva,  i.  20 
Jeanne  d'Albret,  birth  of,  i.  413; 
edits  Mvels  of  her  mother,  ii.' 
171 
Jerome,  evangelical  preacher,   v. 
199;  preaches  at  Paul's  Cross, 
viii.   203;  reprimanded  by  the 
king,    204;    committed    to   the 
Tower,    204;   burnt  at   Smith- 
field,  227,  228 
Joachim,   prince  of  Anhalt,  viii. 
322;  supports  the  Reformation, 
325;  wavering,  encouraored  by 
Luther,  327 
Joanna,  Queen  of  Spain,  account 
of,  viii.  126  sqq.;  kept  in  cap- 
tivity,  127;  her  marriage  with 
Archduke  Philip,  128;  her  hos- 
tility to   Ron)e,    128;   birth  of 
her  son  (Charles  V.),  129;  ex- 
cluded from  the  throne,   130; 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


425 


reported  to  be  mad,  130;  goes 
with  Philip  to  Spain,  131;  her 
rights  sacrificed  by  agreement 
between  her  father  and  her 
husband,  132,  133;  death  of 
her  husband,  13-4;  placed  in 
confinement,  134 ;  her  hand 
sought  by  several  princes,  13-4; 
removed  to  Tordesillas,  13-4, 
135;  rumors,  135;  her  treat- 
ment, 135,  13G;  her  religious 
belief,  13G,  139;  her  death,  139 

Joenssun,  Thure,  marshal  of  Swe- 
den, vii.  2'<1;  his  pride  and 
vanity,  285;  agi-ees  with  Brask, 
285,  287,  288;  his  demands, 
291;  escapes  into  Norway,  297 

John,  the  Bastard  of  Savoy,  his 
birth  and  breeding,  i.  33;  his 
bargain  with  Duke  Charles  for 
bishopric  of  Geneva,  33,  34; 
sent  to  Eome,  34;  honorable 
reception  of,  by  Leo  X.,  35; 
nominated  bishop,  35;  exas- 
peration of  the  Genevese,  36, 
37;  accepted  by  the  majority, 
37;  enters  Geneva.  38;  pro- 
claimed sovereign,  39;  tampers 
with  Berthelier,  40;  feasts  the 
young  men,  41 ;  a  mere  servant 
of  the  duke,  53;  his  tyranny 
and  extortion,  53;  carries  off 
Claude  Vaudel,  55;  refuses  to 
release  him,  55;  flies  from  Ge- 
neva, 57;  pardons  a  robber,  61; 
reproved  by  the  duke,  62;  es- 
capes from  Geneva,  65;  joins 
in  the  duke's  plot  against  Lev- 
rier  and  Berthelier,  66;  visits 
the  duke  at  Lyons,  79;  tortures 
Pf'colat,  81  .s-^^. ;  demands  Ber- 
thelier, 83;  refuses  safe-conduct 
for  Berthelier,  87;  declares  he 
will  not  return  to  Geneva,  90; 
seizes  Pierre  d'Orsiercs,  90;  re- 
turns, 92;  liberates  d'Orsieres, 
92;  accused  by  the  syndics  be- 
fore the  duke,  93;  demands 
torture  for  Pecolat,  foik-d  by 
Levrier.  98;  inhibition  of  the 
metropolitan  served  on  him, 
102;  threatened  with  excom- 
munication, laughs  at  the  arch- 
bishop, 103;  exconunnnioation 
published  iu  Geneva,  104;  pk>ts 


with  the  duke.  111;  orders  ar- 
rest of  Bonivard,  117;  his  treat- 
ment of  the  bodies  of  Blanchet 
and  Navis,  123;  indignation  of 
Genevese,  126;  his  nply  to 
their  letter,  129 ;  Mameluke 
deputation  to,  132;  demands 
death  of  Berthelier  and  others, 
134;  his  sealed  letter  to  Gene- 
vese, 137;  rejected  by  the  Coun- 
cil and  the  people,  138,  182;  at 
'J'roches.  conspires  with  Mame- 
lukes, 184;  raises  troops,  186; 
enters  Geneva,  187;  his  mes- 
sage to  the  council,  187;  ar- 
rests Berthelier,  189;  refuses  a 
just  trial,  192;  puts  him  to 
death,  196;  revolutionizes  Ge- 
neva, 199;  retires  to  Pignerol, 
265;  forbidden  by  Leo  X.  to 
return  to  Geneva,  206;  appoints 
a  coadjutor,  212;  his  death-bed, 
212  sqq.,  285 

John  111.,  King  of  Sweden,  vii. 
322,  323,  324;  his  claims  and 
arrest,  327;  conferences  with 
Erick,  330;  succeeds  his  broth- 
er, 330 ;  cruel  treatment  of 
Erick,  331;  his  queen,  a  Koin- 
anist,  332;  won  over  to  the 
Catholic  side,  332;  publishes 
an  ordinance  in  favor  of  Rom- 
anism, 332;  Romanism  in  the 
ascendent,  333;  sends  embassy 
to  the  pope,  335;  persecutes 
the  Protestants,  336;  his  in- 
structions for  the  murder  of 
Erick,  336,  337;  his  report  to 
Duke  Charles,  337;  received 
into  Romish  communion,  338; 
claims  duchies  of  Bail  and 
Rossano,  339;  loses  his  wife 
and  marries  again,  339;  perse- 
cutes the  Catholics,  339;  his 
death,  340 

John  Louis,  bishop  of  Geneva,  i. 
21;  his  character,  23;  gives  pro- 
tection to  his  father,  Louis.  23 

John  of  Falkenberg.  nuirries  I^or- 
othea  of  Austria,  vii,  4(»4;  op- 
poses Alasco  in  Friesland,  461; 
attempts  to  get  him  banished, 
464 

John  of  Leyrlen  (John  Bockhold), 
iv.   374;  his  preaching  in  the 


426 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


JOH 

Netherlands,   vii.   542;   arrives 

H  l^'^^'^i^^'  ^"-   335;  account 
of  him,  335,  33G;  on  death  of 
Matthison  becomes  kiu<^    349- 
Ills    debauchery,    342;    under- 
takes  conquest   of  the  world, 
^43;  his  pomp,  344;  his  wives, 
344;  sends  out  his  apostles,  345- 
beheads  a  woman,  346;  excites 
revolt  in  the  Netherlands,  348- 
captured  by  troops  of  Philip  of 
Hesse,  350;  feigns  conversion, 
30U;  his  cruel  fate,  351 
John  of  Lucerne,  i.  116 
John  of  Molines,   at    Waldensian 

synod,  iii.  255;  refuses  to  sign 

the  new  confession,  259-  goes 

to  Bohemia,  260 
John,    prince    of   Anhalt,    signs 

Compromise  of  Augsburg,  viii. 

322;  supports  the  Beformation, 

32o 

John,   son  of  Christian  II.,   the 
hope  of  the  CathoHc  party  vii 
184;  his  death,  193 
Jomory,  archbishop  of  Cologne 
commands  ,  Hungarian     army 
against  Solyman,  vii.  360 
Jo/'is,  David,  account  of,  vii   469- 
his    conference    with    Alasco,' 
470;  at  Basel,  470;  viii.  353 
Jouberi,  William,  martyrdom  of 

1.  347,  348 
Joye  Amadeus  de,  i.  69;  carries 
off  the  image  of  St.  Babolin, 
201;  imprisoned,  202;  his  trial, 
202;  threatened  with  torture, 
^03;  permitted  to  escape,  203 
Joye,  George,  account  of,  v.  31- 
his  New  Testament,  32  ' 

Jubilee,  The,  ii.  460 
Julian  de'  Medici,  i.  34;  his  mar- 
JJ5^g|^with  PhiUberta  of  Savoy, 

Juliani,  Michael,  friar,  preaches 
against  reform  at  Orbe,  iii.  205 
206;  arrested,  209;  his  trial,  214'; 
liberated,  215 

Jdius  II.,  PoiDc,  i.  119;  iv.  131 

Justification,  ii.  268,  269 


KEMPIS,  Thomas  a,  vii.  482 
Kennedy,    imprisoned,    vi.    120  • 
tried  before  archbishop  of  Glas- 
gow, 121;  burnt,  123 


Killon  ^  monk,  his  tragedy  acted 
at  Stirling,  vi.  115;  arrested, 
116;  burnt,  118 

'Kinr/s  Book,'  The,  viii.  261 

Kingston,  lieutenant  of  the  Tower 
receives  Queen  Anne,  v.  140,' 
141,  163;  at  her  execution,  164 

Kirkcaldy,  James,  of  Grange  re- 
veals to  the  king  the  proj'ects 
of  Beatoun,  VI.  129;  withdraws 
irom  the  court,  168 

Kirkcaldy,  William,  takes  part  in 
conspiracy  against  Cardinal 
Beatoun,  vi.  210;  assists  at 
seizure  of  castle  of  St.  Andrews, 
^11;  obtains  conditional  prom- 
ise of  protection  fi'om  Henry 
vTII.,  215  ^ 

Kirwan,   preaches  against  Peto 
IV.  105  ' 

Kiss,    Stephen.     {Szegedin,    Ste- 
phen] 
Klaessen,  Wendelmutha,  account 
01,   vii.    520;   imprisoned,   520- 
her  tnal  and  martyrdom,  522 
Klein,  Catherine,  receives  Calvin 

at  Basel,  iii.  157 
Knevet,  Sir  Antony,  refuses  to  con- 
tinue torture  of  Anne  Askew 
viii.  281  ' 

Knevet,  Sir  Henry,  at  Ratisbon, 
investigates  rumor  about  Bish- 
op Gardiner,  viii.  159 
Kmpperdolling,  Bernard,  receives 
Bockhold   and    Matthissou    at 
Muuster,   viii.   336;  burgomas- 
ter, 338;  has  power  of  life  and 
death,  342,  344;  his  cruel  fate, 
3ol 
^noa-,  John,  i.  6;  his  birth  and 
boyhood,   vi.   14;  a  disciple  of 
Mayor,    18,    19;   hears  preach- 
ing of  Guillaume,    156;  a  fol- 
lower  of  Wishart,    192;   keeps 
Jjatch  over  Mm,  192;  parts  with 
him,  195 
Kunz,  pastor  at  Berne    ^•i    Jj^^s 
367,   869,   370;  hostile   to  C~l- 
vin,   371;   the  ape   of  Luther, 
3/2;  one  of  the  presidents   of 
synod  of  Lausanne,    374;   un- 
dertakes to  advise   the   Gen  >- 
yese   to   recall   the   reformers, 
426;  account  of  him,  426;  vis- 
ited by  Calvin  and  Farel,'427- 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


427 


his  wrath,  428,  429;  places  Cal- 
vin's articles  in  the  hauds  of 
Yandel,  435 

LA  BA  UME,  Pierre  de,  coadju- 
tor of  bishop  of  Geneva,  i.  212; 
at  death-bed  of  the  bishop,  213; 
his  character,  214;  appointed 
Bishop  of  Geneva,  215;  his  en- 
try into  the  city,  215  sq.,  235; 
his  worldly  policj''  and  vacilla- 
tion, 2G1;  receives  deputation 
respecting  Savoyard  oppres- 
sion, 2G2;  his  promises,  262; 
invited  by  Genevese  to  plead 
their  cause  at  Rome,  2G4;  as 
agent  of  Charles  V.  goes  to 
Milan,  265;  fugitives  from  Ge- 
neva repulsed  by  his  officers  at 
St.  Claude,  273;  his  anxiety,  284; 
called  to  Geneva,  296;  his  re- 
ception, 297;  won  over  by  Van- 
del,  298;  braves  and  fears  the 
duke,  299;  resists  election  of 
Huguenot  syndics,  300,  301 ;  at 
general  council,  308;  protests 
against  Swiss  alliance,  308 ; 
flight  from  Geneva,  311;  vacil- 
lation, ii.  309;  disposes  of  ben- 
efices vacant  by  sack  of  Rome, 
317;  his  alarm,  319;  sequestrates 
property  of  the  Mamelukes, 
320 ;  seeks  alliance  with  the 
Swiss,  320  ;  the  duke's  plot 
against  him,  322;  escapes,  324; 
in  concealment,  325;  attends 
a  general  council  and  is  made 
free  of  the  city,  328  ;  con- 
cedes civil  jurisdiction,  328; 
abduction  of  a  girl,  335;  com- 
pelled to  restore  her,  336;  his 
fears,  338,  339;  his  flight  by 
night,  340;  negotiation  with 
the  duke,  343;  tali.es  his  ease, 
343,  349;  reconciled  with  the 
duke,  362;  hateful  to  Geneva, 
363;  revokes  civil  jurisdiction, 
364;  his  menaces,  364;  anger  at 
reply  of  Geneva,  366;  insults 
the  messenger,  366;  prohibits 
reform,  389;  demands  release 
of  MandoUa,  411;  appeals  to 
Knights  of  the  Spoon,  412;  au- 
thorizes them  to  make  war  on 
Geneva,  413;  meets  the  duke 


at  Gex,  415;  the  attack  frus- 
trated, 422;  liberates  his  pris- 
oners, 429;  asks  intervention 
of  the  emperor,  429;  prepares 
another  attack,  431;  api)lies  to 
the  pope,  432  ;  iii.  268  ;  his 
letters  to  Besan9on  Hugues, 
268-272  ;  receives  deputation 
from  the  council,  324;  urged 
by  Fiiburgers  to  return  to  Ge- 
neva, 423;  commanded  to  do 
so  by  Clement  VII.,  424;  in- 
vited by  Genevese,  425;  hesi- 
tation, 426;  preparations  to  re- 
ceive him,  430;  his  entrance, 
433;  orders  a  procession,  433; 
at  a  general  council,  434;  his 
despotic  plans,  437;  proscribes 
Huguenots  and  Evangelicals, 
438,  439;  invites  the  proscribed 
to  his  palace,  440;  seizes  and 
imprisons  them,  441;  what  to 
do  with  them,  443;  a  strange 
request,  444;  refuses  a  lawful 
trial  to  the  accused,  448;  re- 
ceives deputation  of  elders, 
450;  will  not  yield,  451;  un- 
easiness, iv.  185;  resolves  to 
remove  Lutheran  prisoners, 
186 ;  compelled  to  surrender 
them,  189;  anxious  to  leave, 
190,  191;  visit  of  the  svndics 
to,  191  ;  his  flight,  192  ;  his 
name  a  byword,  194;  forbids 
preaching,  196,  198;  his  letters 
disregarded,  199;  a  proclama- 
tion, 213,  230;  meditates  a  w^p 
d'etat,  231 ;  his  palace  searched, 
236;  his  plot  discovered,  239; 
result  of  the  discovery,  242, 
297;  accuses  Maisonneuve  of 
relapsing,  298;  urges  his  pun- 
ishment, 299,  307;  forms  a  new 
plot,  308;  marches  for  Geneva, 
311;  retreats,  315;  cuts  ofi'su])- 
ply  of  food  from  the  city,  337; 
favors  brigandage,  337;  tmns- 
fers  see  to  Gex,  338;  excom- 
municates Genevese,  339;  for- 
bids the  faithful  to  attend  a 
disputation,  v.  257  ;  forbids 
speaking  or  trading  with  Gen- 
evese, 270;  created  cardinal,  vi. 
479 
La  Fonje,  Stephen  do,  his  inter- 


428 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


course  witli  Calvin,  ii.  90;  re- 
ceives him  at  Paris,  iii.  68;  his 
zeal,  76  ;  his  household,  89; 
burnt,  141;  iv.  259,  267 

*ia  Gaboriie,'  martyrdom  of,  iii. 
142 

Lamb,  Eobert,  Protestant  of 
Perth,  vi.  178;  seized  and  con- 
demned to  death  by  Cardinal 
Beatoun,  181;  hung,  181 

Lambert,  Denis,  vi.  271,  272 

Lambert  of  Avignon,  i.  339,  340; 
called  to  Marburg,  \i.  31;  in- 
tercourse with  Patrick  Hamil- 
ton, 31,  32,  34;  his  testimony 
to  Hamilton,  34 

Lambert,  Jean,  iv.  240,  241;  v. 
352;  imprisonment  at  Chillon, 
353;  burnt  at  Chambery,  vi. 
486 

Lambert,  Jean,  assists  Calvin 
in  preparing  constitution  of 
Church  of  Geneva,  vii.  56 

Lambert,  (John  Nicholson)  seized 
and  sent  to  London,  iv.  92 ;  his 
examination,  93  sq. ;  liberated, 
95;  settles  in  London,  account 
of  him,  viii,  163,  164;  his  in- 
terview with  Dr.  Taj' lor,  165; 
conference  with  Cranmer  and 
others,  165;  his  views  con- 
demned, 165;  appeals  to  the 
king,  165;  writes  his  Treatise 
on  the  Sacrament,  166;  his  trial 
before  the  king,  167  sqq. ;  con- 
demned, 172;  burnt,  172 

Lambert,  Savoyard  ami)assador  to 
Swiss  Diet,  i.  153;  again  sent, 
162 

Langerben,  Michael,  colleague  of 
Oiaf  Peterson  at  Stockholm, 
vii.  261 

Lannoy,  i.  325 

La  Barraz,  Michael  Mangerot, 
Baron  of,  ii.  412;  commissioned 
to  make  war  on  Geneva,  413; 
character  of,  416  ;  takes  the 
field,  416,  417;  at  battle  of 
Gingins,  v.  336  sq. ;  in  com- 
mand at  blockade  of  Geneva, 
358 

Lascelles,  John,  his  disclosures 
about  Qneen  Catherine  (How- 
ard), viii.  248  sqq.;  examined 
by  the  lords,  249 


Latimer,  Hugh,  his  sermon  before 
the  court,  iv.  37:  the  king  tries 
to  gain  him,  45;  strengthened 
by  the  Fathers,  46;  letters  to 
the  king,  47  sq. ;  his  oratory, 
49;  his  boldness,  50;  accused 
to  the  king,  51;  protected  by 
him,  77;  friendship  with  Bil- 
ney,  78;  tries  to  save  him,  80; 
laments  for  him,  83;  hated  by 
priests  and  courtiers,  95;  ser- 
mon in  the  city,  95;  quits  the 
court,  97  ;  summoned  before 
bishop  of  London,  98;  exam- 
ined, 99,  100;  maintains  free- 
dom of  preaching,  100;  appears 
before  Convocation,  101  ;  ex- 
communicated, 101;  will  not 
recant,  101;  absolved,  102;  vis- 
its Bainham  in  the  Tower,  109; 
the  popular  orator  of  Protes- 
tantism, V.  23  ;  chaplain  to 
Queen  Anne,  23;  his  view  of 
monasticism,  97;  the  queen's 
esteem  for,  121 ;  bishop  of  Wor- 
cester, 130  ;  preaches  before 
Convocation,  181  sqq. ;  on  the 
pilgrimage  of  grace,  206;  his 
letter  on  birth  of  Edward  VL, 
viii.  141;  opposes  the  Six  Arti- 
cles, and  resigns  his  see,  184; 
retires  to  the  countr}^  184  ; 
committed   to  the  Tower,   184 

Latomus,  takes  part  in  persecu- 
tion at  Louvain,  \\\.  556,  559 

Lander,  John,  official  accuser  un- 
der Cardinal  Beatoun,  vi.  116, 
121;  at  the  trial  of  Wishart,  199 
sqq. 

Tjanfen,  battle  of,  ii.  253 

Laurent,  Peter,  professor  at  Mal- 
moe,  vii.  169 

Laurent,  Philip,  ii.  8 

Lausanne,  Farel  and  Yiret  driven 
from,  iv.  256;  offers  troops  to 
Geneva,  317;  preaching  of  Yi- 
ret and  Fabri  at,  vi.  229,  230; 
image-breaking,  231;  a  dispu- 
tation appointed  bj'  Berne,  pro- 
hibited by  Charles  V.,  234;  its 
importance,  235;  the  Eomish 
and  Protestant  champions,  2'16; 
the  opening,  23<S;  manuscript 
Acts  of  the  Disputation,  238 
note ;    protest    of   the    canons 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


429 


against  the  discussion,  240; 
results  of  the  meeting,  2()0; 
moral  reform  at,  2G1 ;  treaty 
with  the  Bernese,  2G4;  synod 
of,  313;  another,  convoked  by 
Bernese,  373  ;  discussion  re- 
fused to  Genevese  deputies, 
374;  the  usages  of  Berne  ac- 
cepted, 374 

La  Val  d'Isere,  seignior  of,  i.  62; 
attempts  to  gain  Bonivard,  G3; 
vows  to  seize  Levrier,  04;  es- 
capes from  Geneva,  05 

£a  Vaux,  opposition  to  reforma- 
tion at,  vi.  207 

Lay  power,  growth  of,  i.  285;  as- 
sembly of  laity  and  clergy  dis- 
cussed, ii.  293 ;  laymen  and 
clergy,  311  sq. ;  encroachments 
of  clergy,  462;  triumph  of,  in 
England,  iv.  19;  one  of  the 
forces  of  Protestantism,  298 ;  in 
primitive  church,  v.  26,  27;  re- 
vival of,  in  England,  83 

Le  Clerq,  cure',  searches  for  Mar- 
garet's 'Mirror,'  ii.  172;  his 
act  disavowed  by  Sorbonne, 
181;  his  defence,  182;  impris- 
oned, 233 

Le  Comte,  John,  iii.  74,  92;  in- 
vited to  Switzerland  by  Farel, 
232 

Lecoq,  his  preaching  at  Paris,  ii. 
74;  before  Francis  I.  and  the 
court,  74;  a  secret  interview 
with  the  king,  75;  pronounced 
an  arch-heretic,  76;  examined 
by  doctors  of  the  Sorbonne,  76; 
retracts,  77 

Lee,  Edward,  ambassador  to 
Charles  V.  and  the  pope,  iv. 
22;  made  archbishop  of  York, 
72;  disowns  pi-imacy  of  the 
pope,  V.  20;  sent  to  Queen 
Catherine,  112;  encourages  the 
Catholic  revolt  in  Lincolnshire, 
204;  at  Pomfret  Castle,  209, 
213;  viii.  180 

Lefivre,  of  Etaples,  publishes  his 
New  Testament,  i.  225,  317; 
flies  from  persecution,  332,  335, 
367,  368;  at  Paris,  361,  3(;2; 
consoles  Margaret,  412;  ii.  9, 
57,  68;  his  Bible,  90;  at  N.^rac, 
iii.  21;  interview  with  Calvin, 


23,  24;  his  Mass  of  Seven  Pobif.% 
117;  his  New  Testament,  102; 
used  by  Oiivetau,  358;  allowed 
to  be  printed  at  Geneva,  358; 
invited  to  take  part  in  disputa- 
tion at  Geneva,  v.  258 ;  his 
Bible  compared  with  Olive'tan's, 
272 

Jjeighton,  Dr.,  v.  82;  commission- 
er for  visitation  of  monasteries, 
84;  his  proceedings,  85  sqq. 

Lelth,  the  English  fleet  at,  vi.  183; 
entered  by  the  army,  184;  pil- 
laged and  burnt,  184 

Le)inox,  John  Stuart,  Earl  of, 
marches  on  Edinburgh,  vi.  23; 
defeated  by  Angus  and  slain, 
24 

Lennox,  Earl  of,  siapporter  of  the 
French  party,  166;  at  confer- 
ence against  the  regent,  169; 
enters  service  of  Henry  VIII., 
176;  marries  Lady  Margaret 
Douglas,  176 

Leo  X,  Pope,  i.  34;  brings  about 
marriage  of  Philiberta  of  Sa- 
voy with  his  brother  Julian,  34, 
35;  nominates  the  Bastard  of 
Savoy  bishop  of  Geneva,  36; 
false  steps,  36;  his  character, 
49,  50;  gives  Geneva  to  Savoy, 
50;  annuls  censures  of  arch- 
bishop of  Vienne  in  Pecolat's 
case,  106,  114,  118;  character- 
ized by  Bonivard,  119;  forbids 
the  Bastard  to  return  to  Gene- 
va, 200;  his  summons  to  syn- 
dics of  Geneva,  208,  211;  pro- 
hibits introduction  of  Luther's 
works  into  Spain,  viii.  4 

Lepelntre,  Claude,  accoi;nt  of,  viii. 
47;  his  martyrdom,  47,  48 

Le  Ficanl,  champion  of  the  Sor- 
bonne, ii.  121,  126;  arrested, 
127;  before  the  parliament,  129; 
banished,  130;  his  departure, 
133;  returns,  230;  with  Beda 
renews  persecution,  230;  im- 
prisoned, 233 

Leniia,  Peter  de,  abbot  of  Alcala, 
viii.  15;  imi)risoiu'd  by  the  In- 
quisition, 1(1;  submits,  16;  his 
exile  and  death,  10,  41,  12;  liis 
last  days,  attended  by  F.  do 
Euziuas,  45 


430 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


Le  Sage,  Charles,  iii.  46,  47,  53 

Lesley,  John,  conspires  against 
Cardinal  Beatoun,  vi.  206;  as- 
sists at  seizure  of  castle  of  St. 
Andrews,  211;  slaj^s  the  car- 
dinal, 212 

Lesley,  Norman,  qnari-els  with 
Cardinal  Beatoun,  vi.  209;  con- 
spires against  him,  209;  his 
plan,  210;  seizes  the  castle  of 
St.  Andrews,  211 

VEioUe,  Pierre  de,  teaches  at 
Orleans,  ii,  1;  his  influence,  3; 
his  view  on  treatment  of  here- 
tics, 4 

Leutschau,  Christian  courage  at, 
vii.  401 

Level,  Claudine,  iii.  320;  hears 
Froment,  321;  alone  with  the 
Bible,  322 ;  her  conversion,  323 ; 
dress  and  charities,  325;  her 
friends,  32G;  meetings,  327; 
threatened  by  Catholic  rioters, 
388;  advises  flight  of  her  hus- 
band, 441;  character  of,  442; 
iv.  195;  V.  S04,  305 

Level,  Aime,  iii.  320,  327;  Fro- 
ment concealed  in  his  house, 
351,  358;  proscribed  bj^  the 
bishop,  439;  escapes,  441;  his 
wanderings,  445;  pursued  and 
taken,  446;  liberated,  iv.  195; 
invites  Froment,  195,  235;  re- 
fuses to  honor  relics  and  is  im- 
prisoned, 258,  324;  elected  syn- 
dic, V.  394 

Levral,  Jean,  iv.  311,  312;  ar- 
rested, 316 

Levrier,  Aime',  i.  61,  62;  doomed 
to  destruction  by  duke  of  Sa- 
voy, 62;  the  scheme  proposed 
to  Bonivard,  63,  64;  warned  by 
Bonivard,  61;  the  attempt  frus- 
trated, 65;  foils  the  Bastard  in 
Pe'colat's  trial,  98;  his  proposal 
for  saving  Pecolat,  99,  104,  130, 
134,  138,  200;  proposes  depri- 
vation of  the  bishop,  206;  com- 
missioned to  go  to  liome,  206; 
proof  against  Savoyard  seduc- 
tions, 233;  his  character,  237; 
frustrates  the  duke's  attempt 
to  usurp  the  vidamy,  239;  his 
interview  with  Charles  at  Bon- 
ne,   240;    leads    opposition    to 


his  demand  of  sovereignty,  241; 
his  death  determined  on,  243; 
refuses  to  leave  Geneva,  244; 
before  the  duke,  244;  seized 
and  carried  oft'  by  Bellegarde 
to  Bonne,  247;  the  bishop's 
councillors  refuse  to  intervene. 
249;  the  duke's  plot,  250;  de- 
bate in  the  Council,  250;  tor- 
tured, 251;  his  calm  courage, 
252;  execution  by  night,  253 
sqq.;  consequences,  254,  282; 
his  memory  honored,  315 

Levrier,  Pierre,  i.  37,  74,  93,  94 

Libertines,  The,  ii.  91;  iii.  78; 
[Spirituals'] 

Liberty,  Modern,  three  sources  of, 
i.  8;  morality  necessary  to,  59; 
first  declaration  of  religious 
liberty,  iii.  429;  Eome  and  hb- 
erty  incompatible,  v.  61 

Libraries  of  convents  in  England, 
destroyed  or  carried  oft",  v.  99 

Lichtenberg,  astrologer,  ii.  249 

Liesveld,  publishes  a  Dutch  Bible, 
vii.  517 

Limburg,  a  family  of  martj^rs  at, 
vii.  536,  537 

Lincolnshire,  Catholic  revolt  in, 
V.  204  sqq. 

Linlithgow,  vi.  12,  46;  125 

Lippomano,  iv.  482 

Lisle,  Lord,  commander  of  Eng- 
lish fleet  sent  to  Leith,  vi.  183 

'Little  Geneva,'  ii.  55 

'Little  Germany,'  ii.  63 

Liltlejohn  Sniatlfoot,  abbot  of  Bon- 
mont's  fool,  i.  74,  75 

Lollards,  The,  ii.  102 

London,  persecution  by  Bonner 
at,  viii.  238  sqq. 

London,  Dr.,  commissioner  for 
visitation  of  monasteries,  v.  84; 
collects  information  for  accu- 
sation of  Cranmer,  viii,  242;  ar- 
rests evangelicals  at  Oxford, 
264;  at  Windsor,  270;  set  in 
the  pillory  and  imprisoned,  270 

Longland,  bishop  of  Lincoln, 
Chancellor  of  Oxford,  depiited 
to  obtain  opinion  of  the  uni- 
versity on  the  king's  divorce, 
iv.  b3 

Longneville,  John,  Count  of,  ii.  83 

Lorraine,    Cardinal    of,    i.    366; 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


431 


presides  at  discussion  with 
Lecoq,  ii.  76 

Losoiiczy,  Stej)hen,  account  of, 
vii.  411;  expels  Szegediu  aud 
other  pastors,  412 

Louis  II.  of  Huiit^ary,  marries 
Mary  sister  of  Charles  V.,  vii. 
344;  character  of,  344;  declares 
against  reformation,  318;  writes 
to  Elector  of  Saxony  against 
Luther,  349;  urged  by  the  pope 
proscribes  the  Ketormatiou, 
352;  issues  edict  for  burning  of 
heretics,  355;  summoned  by 
Solyman  to  pay  tribute,  357; 
j)repares  to  resist  invasion,  357; 
sets  out  to  meet  the  Turks,  358; 
his  army,  359 ;  defeat  and  death 
at  Mohacz,  3G1 

Louis  XL,  of  France,  i.  25 

Louis  Xy^L,  iii.  131 

Louis,  Duke  of  Savoy,  i.  22;  takes 
refuge  at  Geneva,  23 

Louisa  of  Savoy,  regent  of  France, 
persecutes  Lutherans,  i.  331; 
stops  proceedings  against  Ber- 
quin,  344,  365;  her  character 
and  influence  at  court,  409  ; 
takes  part  against  the  Reforma- 
tion, ii.  31,  33;  her  illness,  68; 
■will  die  governing,  69;  her 
death,  69,  418;  iii.  205 

Louvain,  vii.  435;  Luther's  writ- 
ings introduced,  484;  rage  of 
the  theologians,  484;  Erasmus 
assailed,  485;  appeal  of  the 
doctors  to  the  governess  Mar- 
garet, 486;  arrival  of  Alasco  at, 
548;  pestilence  at,  553;  perse- 
cution of  the  reformed  at,  554; 
night  arrests,  554,  555;  the 
examinations,  556  sqq. ;  the  tor- 
ture, 560;  martyrdom,  562  sqq. ; 
cowards,  568 

Louvre,  The,  opened  for  Luther- 
an preaching  by  Slargaret  of 
Navarre,  ii.  114  sqq. 

Loys,  Fernand  de,  represents 
Lausanne  at  the  disputation, 
vi.  236,  243,  264 

Luhech;  resolves  on  invasion  of 
Denmark,  vii.  207;  inldoihmy. 
Count  of]  besiegi.'d  by  Cliris- 
tianllL,  211;  with  otlu'r  Hanse 
Towns  allied  a^iainst  Denmark, 


308;  resistance  to  the  Reforma- 
tion at,  viii.  321;  church  organ- 
ized by  Pomeranus,  322 

Lucas,  elder  of  the  Hussites,  vii. 
418,  420 

Ludovico,  attendant  of  the  legate 
at  Ratisbon,  imprisoned  for  a 
calumny  against  Bishop  Gar- 
diner, viii.  159 

Liift,  Kans,  Marburg  printer,  pub- 
lishes writings  of  Tyudale,  vi. 
30;  his  illness  at  AVittenberg, 
36 

Lugrin,  Sieur  de,  at  castle  of  Gin- 
gins,  lies  in  wait  for  Swiss  aux- 
iliaries, V.  333;  battle  of  Giu- 
gins,  335  sq. 

Lulliti,  Jean,  i.  233;  insults  the 
servants  of  duke  of  Savoy,  233; 
resists  claims  of  the  duke,  2(J7, 
270,  276;  returns  to  Geneva,  290; 
rouses  the  citizens,  290-292; 
envoy  to  Switzerland,  ii.  381; 
again,  415;  assailed  by  Mame- 
lukes, iii.  449;  iv.  187,  188,  195; 
envoy  to  Berne,  309;  to  Lu- 
cerne, 343;  V.  315;  a  leader  of 
opposition,  vi.  340;  elected  syn- 
dic, 361;  one  of  the  delegates 
to  Berne,  512;  signs  a  treaty, 
513;  refuses  to  go  again,  514; 
arrested,  liberated  on  bail,  516; 
his  flight.  518;  sentenced  to 
death,  518 

Lullin,  Pierre,  v.  411,  412 

Lullin,  Sire  de,  governor  of  the 
Pays  de  Vaud,  v.  341 ;  at  Cop- 
pet,  arrests  Claude  Savoie,  341; 
his  schemes,  342;  meets  fugi- 
tives from  battle  of  Gingins, 
344 ;  invites  Maisonneuve  to 
treat  for  peace,  352;  inii)risons 
the  envoys  at  Chillon,  353;  pre- 
pares for  blockade  of  Geneva, 
358;  orders  seizure  of  Maison- 
neuve, 363 

Luud,  Archbishop  of,  arrested, 
vii.  217 

Luther,  i.  3,  103,  118,  120,  183, 
201,  209;  his  influence  at  Cie- 
neva,  210,  216,  235,  237:  his 
starting-point,  319,  332  ;  his 
writings  introduced  at  Stras- 
burg.  33'.»:  proliibitd  in  Fniiu-e, 
312,  352,  374.  '6^^^,  388.  430;  ii. 


432 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


LUT 

72,  94;  opposes  war,  96;  and 
diplomacy,  98,99;  prevails,  101; 
opposes  alliance  of  Francis  I. 
and  landgrave  of  Hesse,  222 
sqq. ;  aversion  of  Chelins  to, 
261,  263,  408,  436;  iii.  25,  4^; 
a  letter  on  the  evil  times,  147; 
organ  of  a  new  creation,  171; 
agreement  of  Luther  and  Cal- 
vin, 368;  condemns  divorce  of 
Henry  VIIL,  iv.  42;  Lambert's 
esteem  for,  93;  on  use  of  im- 
ages, 102;  conference  with  Me- 
lanchthon,  iv.  383;  writes  to  the 
elector,  384 ;  has  interview  with 
him,  384,  386;  opposes  journey 
of  Melanchthon  to  France,  387, 
389;  writes  to  Jonas,  389,  390, 
410,  414,  454,  483;  v.  80;  his 
view  of  Henry  YHL,  108;  takes 
part  in  discussion  with  Eng- 
lish divines  at  Wittenberg,  116; 
refuses  concession,  117,  183, 
292;  his  writings  read  in  the 
schools  of  Paris,  vi.  17;  and 
proscribed'in  Scotland,  21;  ru- 
mor of  his  death  in  Germany, 
35;  his  illness,  36;  receives  sick 
persons  into  his  house,  37;  on 
marriage,  46;  approves  the  con- 
fession of  Basel,  325;  greets  Cal- 
vin, 462;  again,  496;  difference 
between  wives  of  Luther  and 
Calvin,  510;  an  originator  of 
Keformation,  vii,  114;  invited 
by  Christian  IL,  133;  his  letter 
to  King  Frederick  on  behalf  of 
Christian  IL,  192,  221,  235;  his 
letter  to  Gustavus  Vasa,  318; 
his  writings  introduced  in  Hun- 
gary and  condemned,  345 ;  his 
letter  to  the  Queen  of  Hungary, 
362;  receives  emigrants  from 
Hungary,  366;  visited  by  De- 
vay,  367;  his  reply  to  Hunga- 
rian pastors  about  Devay,  396; 
condemns  the  United  Brethren, 
418;  receives  deputation  from 
them,  419;  addresses  to  them 
his  Worship  of  the  Sacramod, 
420;  writes  to  the  Calixtines, 
421;  receives  deputation  from 
Dantzic,  427;  his  advice  to 
them,  428;  ordinance  against 
him  published  at  I'horn,  430; 


his  message  to  Christians  of 
Livonia,  432,  484,  485,  486, 
488,  494 ;  interview  with  a 
Dutch  illumine,  505;  writes  to 
Antwerp  Christians,  505,  506; 
read  in  Spain,  viii.  3,  53;  con- 
fers with  Melanchthon  and  oth- 
ers on  the  Six,  Articles,  188, 
189;  his  works  read  by  Bugen- 
hagen,  316;  sale  of  his  hymns  at 
Magdeburg,  318;  and  at  Bruns- 
wick, 319,  320 ;  his  sermons 
burnt  at  Liibeck,  321;  inter- 
course with  prince  of  Anhalt, 
322;  his  letter  to  the  princes, 
326;  to  Duke  George,  326;  to 
Joachim,  327;  intercourse  with 
the  duke  of  Pomerania,  328; 
his  last  visit  to  Eisleben,  in- 
tercourse with  the  Counts  of 
Mansfeld,  354,  355;  iUness  and 
death,  355-358 

Lutherans,  in  France,  persecuted, 
i.  332;  martj-red,  333  sqq.;  ex- 
tirpation of,  demanded  by  cler- 
gy, and  refused  by  Francis  L, 
411 ;  denounced  bj^  Duprat,  414; 
private  meetings  stopped,  pas- 
tors seized,  ii.  229,  230;  burn- 
ing of,  decreed,  231 ;  seizure  of 
three  hundred,  232;  at  Geneva, 
385 ;  post  up  a  General  Pardon, 
463;  increase  of,  467;  call  them- 
selves Evangelicals,  467;  edict 
for  extirpation  of,  by  Francis 
L,  iii.  140;  at  Geneva,  agita- 
tion against,  367;  the  doctors 
condemn  divorce  of  Henry 
VIIL,  iv.  42 

Lutry,  Canon,  locks  up  the  bel- 
fry, i.  307;  meeting  of  canons 
at  his  house,  311;  flight,  311; 
his  house  entered,  312 

Lutry,  in  the  Pays  de  Vaud,  ref- 
ormation at,  vi'.  267,  268 

Lyndsay,  Sir  David,  xi.  126,  127, 
133;  withdraws  from  the  court, 
168 

Lyons,  persecution  at,  i.  10;  Ge- 
neva fairs  transferred  to,  26; 
visited  by  Francis  L,  79;  dis- 
tribution of  New  Testaments 
from,  225;  preaching  of  De  la 
Croix  at,  ii.  236  sqq.  240;  church 
of,  iv.  268;  inquisitional  court 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


433 


at,  2G8;  meeting  of  prelates  at, 
vi.  479,  480 
Lyra,  Nicholas,  iii.  332 

MACHIAVELLI,  i.  199;  ii.  146, 
148,  157,  227 

Macliopolis,  Stephen,  preaches  at 
Anuonay,  i.  430 

Macrin,  i.  363 

Madeleine  of  Valois.  [James  V. 
of  Scotland] 

Madrid,  Treaty  of,  i.  337,  412; 
vii.  520 

Magdeburg,  beginning  of  Refor- 
mation at,  \'iii.  318 

Magnus,  papal  legate  in  Sweden, 
vii.  257;  his  policy,  257;  his 
advice  to  the  king,  261;  made 
primate,  262 ;  becomes  tolerant, 
262;  his  embarrassment,  263; 
cites  the  reformers  before  the 
chapter  of  Upsala,  263;  declares 
them  excommunicated,  264 ; 
changes  his  policy,  his  osten- 
tation, 270,  271 ;  entertains  the 
king,  272;  demands  the  trial  of 
Olaf,  273;  cited  before  the  king, 
279;  goes  to  Rome,  280 

Maid  of  Kent,  the,  accoiint  of,  v. 
7  S(/g. ;  appears  before  Henry 
VIIL,  11;  her  threats,  11;  a 
conspiracy,  13;  arrested,  15; 
makes  confession,  15;  execu- 
ted, 17 

Maison-Keuve,  Baudichon  de  la, 
Syndic  of  Geneva,  i.  142,  205; 
welcomes  the  New  Testament, 
226,  256;  imprisoned  at  Lyons, 
ii.  237;  deputy  to  Berne,  307; 
influenced  by  Ab  Hofen,  316, 
332,  333  ;  organizes  'funeral 
procession  of  the  papacy, '  347, 
462;  posts  up  a  General  Par- 
don, 463,  467;  visits  Farel,  iii. 
277,  314;  a  zealous  Protestant, 
354 ;  with  Salomon  goes  to 
Berne,  363,  365;  his  friends  as- 
semble to  defend  him,  371 ;  his 
daughter  Micah,  381;  gathering 
of  Lutherans  in  his  house,  385; 
his  courage,  386;  a  prayer,  3H6; 
proposal  to  burn  his  house, 
389;  goes  to  Bei-ne  to  oppose 
Du  Crest,  403,  421 ;  escapes 
from     proscription,     441  ;     at 

VOL.     VIII.— 19 


Berne,  443,  448;  iv.  187;  his 
Lutheranism,  187,  188;  heads 
the  Huguenots  and  compels 
the  bishop  to  surrender  his 
prisoners,  189  ;  his  success, 
192  ;  impetuosity,  196 ;  has 
preaching  in  his  house,  197; 
rescues  Froment  in  the  cathe- 
dral, 205;  secures  his  escape 
from  Geneva,  206;  complains 
at  Berne,  206,  207;  his  charac- 
ter, 209,  210;  demands  arrest 
of  Furbity,  210  ;  his  house 
threatened  by  Catholics,  211; 
keeps  order  at  Farel' s  preach- 
ing, 212;  watches  over  him  dur- 
ing the  tournament,  226,  236, 
241,  246  ;  a  baptism  in  his 
house,  248,  249;  takes  posses- 
sion of  the  Grand  Auditory  at 
Rive  for  Farel's  sermon,  252; 
at  Frankfort,  256;  at  Lyons, 
261;  sells  a  reliquarj',  261;  his 
bold  speaking,  262,  263  ;  de- 
fends Renier,  264 ;  hostility  to, 
aroused,  265;  again  at  Lyons, 
266;  an-ested,  267;  summoned 
before  inquisitional  court,  268; 
his  trial,  269  sq. ;  agitation  in 
Geneva,  271;  his  brother's  ef- 
forts, 271  sq. ;  again  examined, 
273,  274;  answer  of  the  court  to 
Bernese  demand,  275 ;  examined 
by  inquisitors,  273,  289,  290; 
false  witness,  292;  enquiry  con- 
tinued, 293;  placed  in  solitary 
confinement,  293  ;  challenges 
the  judges,  294;  harshly  treat- 
ed, 296;  confronted  with  Cour- 
telier,  297;  the  bishop's  accusa- 
tion, 298;  chooses  to  be  tried 
in  France,  299;  intervention  of 
Genevese  magistrates,  299;  final 
summons  of  the  court,  300;  pro- 
nounced heretical,  300;  the  sen- 
tence, 301;  hislil)erati()n  st»u.L,'ht 
by  Bernese,  322;  liherati-d  by 
oi-der  of  Francis  I.,  328;  re- 
stored to  Geneva,  329;  leader 
in  campaign  against  idols,  v. 
289,  301;  nanu'd  oaptain-gon- 
eral,  318;  leads  troops  to  uid 
of  Wildermuth,  316;  nivited  by 
de  Lullin  to  treat  for  peace, 
351;  sends  envoys  to  Coppct, 


434 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


352;  returns  to  Geneva,  354; 
discovers  treachery  of  his 
trumpeter,  356;  pleads  cause 
of  Geneva  in  Switzerland,  362 

Malbuisson,  Jacques,  iv.  312 

3falbuisson,  Jean  de,  i.  219 

Malbuisson,  Pierre  de,  i.  269;  iii. 
374;  takes  part  in  consultation 
for  peace,  395;  iv.  200,  208,  255 

3fahnoe,  the  Reformation  at,  vii. 
157  sqq. ;  school  of  theology- 
founded   at,   169 

Malvenda,  Peter,  viii.  102;  his  in- 
terviews with  Juan  Diaz  at  Rat- 
isbon,  103,  104,  105;  writes  to 
De  Soto,  105;  interview  with 
Alonzo  Diaz,  108 

^Mamelukes,'  a  party  name  at  Ge- 
neva, i,  89  ;  organization  of, 
149,  150;  go  out  to  duke  of 
Savoy,  167 ;  plot  with  him, 
168;  draw  up  proscription  list, 
177;  haggle  with  the  headsman, 
177;  renounce  alliance  wdth  Fri- 
burg,  179;  conspire  with  the 
bishop  at  Troches,  184;  come 
into  power,  200;  vote  for  with- 
drawal of  appeal  to  the  pope, 
268 ;  draw  up  proscription  lists, 
268;  consent  to  withdraw  ap- 
peal, 278;  fawn  on  the  duke, 
279,  280;  accept  his  sovereignty 
at  'council  of  halberds,'  287; 
oppose  justification  of  fugi- 
tives, 295;  dismissed  from  of- 
fice, 301 ;  conspiracy,  311 ;  flight, 
312,  313;  their  property  seques- 
trated by  the  bishop,  ii.  320; 
fugitives  condemned  to  death, 
355;  join  in  attack  on  Geneva, 
355;  their  plots  against  Luther- 
ans, iii.  368  sqq. ;  arms  of  the 
flesh,  405;  a  council  at  the  ej^is- 
copal  vicar's,  409;  fight  in  the 
Molard,  415  sqq. ;  invite  the 
bishop  to  return,  426;  exiles 
forbidden  to  enter  Geneva,  431; 
support  absolute  power  of  the 
bisliop,  435;  demand  justice  for 
Wernli's  death,  448;  their  fa- 
naticism, 448;  their  triumph, 
461 ;  alarmed  at  success  of  Lu- 
therans, iv.  196;  flight  of,  318; 
brigandage,  319 

Mandolla,    procurator-fiscal,     ii. 


409;  flies  from  Geneva,  410; 
imprisoned,  410  ;  his  release 
demanded  by  the  bishop,  411; 
released,  429 

Mannock,  viii.  248,  249 

Manrique,  Don  Alfonso  de,  arch- 
bishop of  Seville,  procures  ac- 
quittal of  D'Avila,  viii.  17;  his 
banishment  and  death,   18,  19 

Marbeck,  examined  by  Bishop 
Gardiner,  viii.  265;  vindicated 
by  Cranmer  and  acquitted,  266 

Marburg,  publication  of  Tyndale's 
writings  at,  vi.  30;  foundation 
of  a  university,  31;  its  inaugu- 
ration, 32 ;  its  principles,  32,  33 

Marcii,  burnt  at  Toulouse,  ii.  82 

Mar  court,  Antoine,  pastor  at  Ge- 
neva, vi.  449,  450;  with  Morand 
at  Berne,  452;  leaves  Geneva, 
vii.  2 

Marcus  AureUus,  i.  9 

Mareraies,  Countess  of,  account 
of,  V.  425 

Marennes,  Count  of,  v.  425.  428 

Margaret  of  Angouleme  (of  Ya- 
lois).  Queen  of  Navarre,  char- 
acter and  i:)Osition  of,  i.  322; 
compared  wdth  Calvin,  322, 
323;  her  desire  for  reformation, 
326  ;  journey  to  Spain,  326  ; 
nurses  her  brother,  Francis  I., 
328;  at  Toledo,  329;  fruitless 
appeals  to  Charles  V.,  329;  be- 
fore the  council,  330  sq. ;  ad- 
miration of  Spaniards  for  her, 
330 ;  her  acquirements  and 
courage,  331 ;  procures  release 
of  Berquin,  332;  pleads  for  the 
exiles,  335;  escapes  arrest  by 
flight  from  Spain,  336,  337;  her 
influence  over  Francis  L,  338; 
corresponds  with  Count  Sigis- 
mund,  340;  her  scheme  of  ref- 
ormation, 341;  invites  Count 
Sigismund  to  France,  341;  in- 
tercedes for  Berquin,  343  sqq. ; 
courted  by  Henry  d'Albret, 
346;  her  first  marriage,  346, 
347,  352,  353  sqq. ;  her  religious 
poems,  355;  mamage  schemes, 
356;  obtains  release  of  the  pris- 
oners, 358;  i:)leads  for  Tous- 
saint,  359  ;  receives  refugees 
from  Strasburg,  361,  362;  goes 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


435 


to  Paris,  3G4;  receives  Tons- 
saint,  304;  her  hopes,  365,  308, 
371 ;  as  a  missionary,  372  sqq, ; 
gets  Berqnin  liberated,  377  ; 
her  marriage,  378  ;  i^revents 
persecution  of  Lutherans,  411; 
at  Fontainebleau,  413;  birth  of 
her  daughter,  413;  returns  to 
Paris,  414;  at  Fontainebleau, 
418;  her  Marguerites,  421  sqq.; 
her  university  of  Bourges,  ii. 
23;  her  sorrows  at  court,  31; 
intercedes  for  Berquin,  34,  37, 
40,  42;  her  Martyr's  hymn,  40, 
61;  appeals  to  Bucer,  02;  birth 
and  death  of  her  son,  04;  at 
wedding  of  Francis  I.  and  Elea- 
nor, 05;  her  hymn  'The  foun- 
tain,' 07;  attends  her  mother's 
death-bed,  08  sqq. ;  jjrotects 
Lefevre,  08;  her  dream  of  refor- 
mation, 09,  71 ;  revises  her  pray- 
er-book, 73;  invites  Calvin  into 
her  service,  93;  projects  scheme 
of  evangelical  preaching,  113; 
opens  a  hall  in  the  Louvre 
for  Koussel,  114;  her  zeal,  114; 
her  plan  of  reformation,  117; 
defamed,  120,  122;  fury  of  the 
Sorbonne  against  her,  105;  en- 
emies at  court,  100;  her  Mir- 
ror of  the  Sinful  Soul,  100  sqq. ; 
her  tales  of  the  monks,  170 
sqq. ;  seizure  of  the  Mirror  bj' 
the  Sorbonne,  172;  violence  of 
the  monks,  172;  corresponds 
with  Montmorency,  173;  her 
book  prohibited,  173;  satirized 
in  the  priests'  comedy,  174; 
interview  with  Calvin,  205;  re- 
tires to  Beam,  213;  pleads  for 
Lutherans,  234;  returns  to  Pa- 
ris, 238;  her  ambition,  238, 
247;  visit  of  Baduel  to,  258 
sqq. ;  at  Ne'rac,  iii.  20  sqq. ;  in- 
terested in  Calvin,  25;  at  Pan, 
26;  secret  observance  of  the 
Lord's  JSupper,  27;  her  mys- 
tery, The  ]\'aticit>j,  represented, 
29  sqq. ;  her  alarm  about  the 
placards,  114;  intervenes  for 
lioussel,  115;  leaves  Paris,  115; 
recalled,  110;  her  scheme  of 
compromise,  110;  procures  lib- 
eration of  her  preachers,  124; 


sends  Baduol  to  Melanchthon, 
iv.  308;  V.  119,  120;  procures  a 
bishopric  for  lioussel,  438 

Margaret  of  Austria,  Governess  of 
the  Netherlands,  vii.  480;  her 
reply  to  doctors  of  Louvain, 
480;  carries  out  edict  of  perse- 
cution, 488;  jDresent  at  suppres- 
sion of  Augustinian  convent, 
499,  518;  her  views  of  reform, 
518;  her  death,  529 

Margaret,  widow  of  James  TV.  of 
Scotland,  regent  for  her  son, 
vi.  9;  marries  Angus,  15;  ap- 
peals to  Heniy  VIII.  for  aid 
against  Albany,  20;  desires  a 
divorce,  22  ;  conspires  with 
Beatoun  against  Angus,  23  ; 
flies  from  Stirling,  24;  returns 
to  Holyrood,  27;  quarrels  with 
James  V.,  100;  her  death,  137 

Margaret,  Countess  of  Salisbury, 
joins  conspiracy  against  Henry 
VIII.,  V.  14;  arrested,  viii.  152 

Marut,  Clement,  arrested,  i.  332; 
liberated,  358;  escapes  to  Italy, 
iii.  122;  writes  to  Francis  I., 
140;  iv.  370;  at  Ferrara,  v.  420, 
428;  ordered  to  leave  Ferrara, 
443 

Marquina,  delegate  to  conference 
of  Katisbon,  his  interview  with 
De  Soto,  viii.  100;  returns  to 
Home,  100;  reports  heresy  of 
Juan  Diaz  to  Aionzo,  106 

Marriage  of  priests  discussed,  ii. 
293 

Marseilles,  meeting  of  Clement 
VII.  and  Francis  L  at,  ii.  192; 
iv.  107 

MartinV.,  Pope,  i.  19;  twice  nom- 
inates a  prince-bishop  of  Ge- 
neva, 20 

Martin  of  Kalmance,  vii.  307;  um- 
pire with  Dr.  Adrian  at  confer- 
ence ol  Schiissburg,  384;  thtir 
embarrassment,  385  ;  goes  to 
Wittenberg,  393;  colleague  of 
Devay  at  Debreczin,  398;  his 
characteristics,  398;  assassina- 
ted by  a  priest,  398 

Marty,  Councillor  of  Friburg,  re- 
ceives Berthelier,  i.  85;  at  Ge- 
neva, 130;  again  sent  to  Ge- 
neva, 170;  his  interview  with 


436 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


duke  Charles,  170;  his  advice 
to  the  Council,  171,  172;  remon- 
strates with  the  duke,  178,  181 

Marhfr,  Peter,  (  Vermigli),  iv.  427; 
parentage  and  early  life  of,  433; 
disinherited,  enters  a  monas- 
tery, 433;  character,  433,  434; 
begins  to  preach,  434;  studies 
Hebrew,  435;  called  to  Naples, 
435,  461 ;  search  after  truth, 
461;  his  preaching,  462;  his 
audience,  463 

Martyr,  Peter,  of  Anghiera,  iv. 
455;  viii.  2,  3 

Martyrs,  youthful,  1.  347  sqq. ;  ii. 
45;  a  hymn,  46;  at  Paris,  iii. 
118  sqq.;  136,  141,  182;  effects 
of  deaths  of,  iv.  Ill;  Koman  as 
well  as  Protestant,  v.  52;  mul- 
titude of,  in  the  16th  century, 
viii.  124;  heroes  of  the  con- 
science, 125 

Mary,  Princess,  of  England,  re- 
fuses to  renounce  her  title,  v. 
Ill ;  Cranmer's  intercession  for 
her,  111;  separated  from  her 
mother.  Ill;  Anne  Boleyn  asks 
pardon  of  her,  162 ;  restored  to 
favor,  178 

Mary,  queen  of  Scots,  her  birth, 
vi.  149;  marriage  of,  to  Edward 
of  England  projected  by  Henry 
VIII.,  157;  the  treaty  concluded, 
165;  failure  of  the  scheme,  171; 
her  coronation,  175 

Mary,  Regent  of  the  Netherlands, 
iv.  163;  V.  221;  her  marriage 
with  Louis  II.  of  Hungary,  vii. 
344;  her  character,  344,  345; 
her  coronation,  348;  her  dis- 
tress after  Mohacz,  362;  con- 
soled by  Luther,  362 ;  appointed 
Governess  of  the  Netherlands, 
364,  529;  the  pope's  complaint 
of  her  to  the  emperor,  529;  dif- 
ficulty of  her  position  at  Brus- 
sels, 530;  inconsistencies,  530; 
appoints  Peter  Alexander  her 
chaplain,  viii.  86;  favors  mar- 
riage of  Henry  VIII.  with  duch- 
ess of  Milan,  174 

Mary  of  Lorraine,  marries  James 
V.  of  Scotland,  vi.  109;  left  a 
widow,  150;  resists  scheme  for 
marriage  of  her  daughter  Mary 


with  Edward  of  England,  158; 
present  at  submission  of  Arran 
to  the  jjope,  173;  induces  Both- 
well  to  give  up  Wishart  to  the 
regent,  197 

Mass,  The,  views  of  Bucer  and 
Melanchthon,  ii.  269;  mass- 
mongers,  290,  291;  conversa- 
tion on,  iii.  48;  Calvin  exposes 
it,  53;  the  placards  against,  94 
sqq. ;  Lefevre's  Mass  of  Seven 
Points,  117;  opinion  of  Francis 
I.  on,  iv.  400;  suppressed  at 
Geneva,  v.  295,  297;  Calvin  on 
its  evil  influences,  432,  433; 
differences  about,  at  Ferrara, 
435 

Masson,  Peter,  Waldensian,  sent 
to  Basel,  iii.  247;  conference 
with  (Ecolampadius,  247;  exe- 
cuted at  Dijon,  250;  efiect  of 
his  martj'rdom,  252 

Master,  pi-iest  of  Kent,  instigates 
imposture  of  Maid  of  Kent,  v. 
8;  before  Star  Chamber,  con- 
fesses conspiracy,  15 

Materialism,  iii.  11,  12 

Mathurin,  Friar,  appears  before 
parliament  of  Paris,  ii.  129; 
banished,  130;  his  departure, 
133 

Maithison,  John,  vii.  541;  viii. 
335  ;  instigates  expulsion  of 
evangelicals  from  Munster,  339; 
exercises  chief  authority,  340; 
killed  at  siege  of  Munster,  341 

Maurienne,  bishop  of,  i.  78;  sent 
by  duke  of  Savoy  to  bribe  Gen- 
evese  patriots,  152,  158,  161, 
212,  228;  deputy  to  the  duke 
about  seizure  of  Levrier,  249; 
again,  250;  attends  'council  of 
halberds,'  286 

Maximus,  a  Greek  monk,  revises 
Slave  version  of  the  Bible,  vii. 
432  ;  confined  in  a  convent, 
433 

Maxwell,  Lord,  vi.  144,  145;  sur- 
renders to  the  Enghsh,  146; 
set  at  liberty  and  sent  with 
others  to  arrange  marriasje  of 
Prince  Edward  with  Mary, 
queen  of  Scots,  157;  proposes 
a  law  giving  freedom  to  read 
the  Bible,  102 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


437 


Mayence,  Albert,  archbishop  of, 
iv.  386 

Mayor,  John,  teaches  philosoiDhy 
at  Paris,  vi.  17;  teaches  at  Glas- 
gow, 18;  his  doctrines,  18,  19; 
his  De  Jure  Begni,  19;  removes 
to  St.  Andrews,  19 

Meaux,  ii.  57 

Mecklenhnrg,  Albert,  duke  of, 
besieged  in  Copenhagen,  vii. 
215;  submits  to  Christian  III., 
215 

Medici,  Giangiacomo,  account  of, 
V.  370;  takes  command  of  Sa- 
voyard troops  against  Geneva, 
371;  his  flight  before  the  Ber- 
nese, 381 ;  letters  to  him  seized 
by  the  Bernese,  384 

Medici,  Lorenzo  de',  i.  50 

Medici,  Lorenzo  IL,  de',  ii.  142 

Medici,  Cardinal  de,  iv.  173 

Meijander,  at  disputation  of  Lau- 
sanne, vi.  246;  presides  at  syn- 
od of  Lausanne,  314;  his  influ- 
ence at  Berne,  324;  head  of 
delegates  to  Basel,  325;  op- 
poses Kunz  and  Meyer,  326; 
opposes  Bucer  and  Capito  at 
synod  of  Berne,  329;  his  cate- 
chism revised  by  Bucer,  366; 
retires  to  Zurich,  367 

Mekins,  accused  by  Bonner,  tried 
and  burnt,  viii.  238,  239 

Mdanchihon,  ii.  72,  73;  sent  with 
Luther  to  Philip  of  Hesse,  222 
sqq. ;  Du  Bellay's  estimate  of 
him,  246;  opposes  Philip,  249, 
252,  257;  introduces  Baduel  to 
Margaret  of  Navan-e,  258;  anxie- 
ties, 260;  mission  of  Chelius  to, 
261  sqq. ;  his  desire  for  union, 
261  ;  sketches  plan  of  new 
church,  262;  his  proposals  ex- 
amined before  Francis  I.,  205 
sqq.;  284;  iii.  84,  145,  147;  iv. 
349,  352;  his  conciliatory  cha- 
racter, 357;  invited  to  France, 
357;  resolves  to  go,  3(>1;  letter 
to  bishop  of  Paris,  361 ;  letter 
to  Sturm,  362;  receives  envoy 
of  Francis  I.,  375;  his  perplex- 
ity, 375,  377  sqq. ;  decision, 
376;  his  character,  377;  applies 
to  the  elector,  380;  opposed  by 
the  courtiers,  refused  permis- 


sion by  the  elector  to  go  to 
France,  382;  confers  with  Lu- 
ther, 383;  objections  of  Ger- 
mans to  his  going  to  France, 
385,  386;  his  grief,  388;  letter 
to  du  Bellay,  389  ;  letter  to 
Francis  I.,  391;  to  du  Bellay, 
392;  to  Sturm,  393;  goes  to 
Smalcalde,  395;  at  conference 
with  du  Bellay,  398;  draws  up 
answer  to  him,  404;  his  Coirv- 
monplaces  circulated  in  Italy, 
408,  411 ;  his  letter  to  Campeg- 
gio,  411;  laments  More,  v.  75; 
coiTesponds  with  Hemy  YIIL, 
106  ;  horror  at  execution  of 
More  and  Fisher,  107;  declines 
invitation  to  England,  107 ; 
takes  part  in  discussion  with 
English  divines  at  Wittenberg, 
116;  appointed  joint-envoy  to 
Henry  VIII. ,  118;  the  embassy 
given  up,  170;  interview  \Wth 
Calvin  at  Frankfort,  \i.  474 
sqq.;  his  dream,  478;  friend- 
ship with  Calvin,  vii.  15  sqq.; 
236,  379,  380;  writes  to  Count 
Nadasdy,  380;  appeals  to  ]\Iar- 
grave  of  Brandenburg  in  behalf 
of  Hungarian  exiles,  392;  cor- 
responds with  Alasco,  449;  his 
works  read  by  the  Enzinas, 
viii.  41 ;  intercourse  with  Fran- 
cis de  Enzinas,  93,  94;  writes 
to  Henry  VIII.,  157;  his  view 
of  the  office  of  kings  in  relation 
to  the  church,  157  ;  confers 
with  Luther  and  others  on  the 
Six  Articles,  188,  189;  writes  to 
Henry  VIII.,  189;  compared 
with  Pomei'anus,  317,  320 

MplriUe,  James,  conspires  against 
Cardinal  B(^atoun,  vi.  212,  213 

Mendicants,  The,  ii.  121;  excite 
sedition  at  Paris,  122 

Mendoza,  Don  Francisco  de,  bisli- 
op  of  Jaen,  his  interviews  with 
Enzinas,  viii.  69 ;  entertains 
Charles  V.,  69,  70;  presents 
Enzinas  to  him,  71 

Menno,  his  conference  with  Alas- 
co, vii.  468 

3ferlin,  grand  penitentiary,  ii.  42, 
44 

Meyer,  Sebastian,  pastor  at  Berne, 


438 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


vi.  326;  his  doctrine  of  the  sac- 
rament, 326,  367,  369,  37(3 

Michael  d'Aranda,  made  bishop, 
i.  359;  at  Strasburg,  362,  380; 
ii.  236 

Ulchelsen,  private  secretary  to 
Christian  II.,  vii.  145;  com- 
pletes and  publishes  Danish 
New  Testament,  146;  his  pref- 
ace, 146,  157 

Michod,  Jean,  at  disputation  of 
Lausanne,  vi.  236,  244 

Middle  Ages,  The,  i.  318 

3Iilan,  duchy  of,  offered  by  Charles 
V.  to  Francis  I.,  v.  113 

Milon,  Bartholomew,  paralytic, 
conversion  of,  iii.  69  sqq. ;  im- 
prisoned, 11] ;  martyrdom,  119 

Mirabeau,  Farel  and,  i.  375 

Modena,  spread  of  Lutheranism 
at,  iv.  428 

Mohacz,  battle  of,  vii.  360,  361; 
its  effect  on  Europe,  361 

Moine,  Thomas,  head  of  lay  oppo- 
sition to  reform  at  Geneva,  iii. 
330,  363,  365,  366,  367,  368, 
396;  iv.  312; 

Molard,  Claude  du,  syndic  of  Ge- 
neva, ii.  468 

MoUerus,  Henry,  of  Zutphen,  vii. 
494;  at  Wittenberg,  494;  his 
theses,  495,  496;  preaches  at 
Antwerp,  496 ;  prior  of  the  Au- 
gustines,  496  ;  arrested,  497  ; 
rescued,  497;  his  wanderings, 
498;  preaches  at  Bremen,  498; 
in  Holstein,  499;  murdered,  499 

Mulllo,  John,  teaches  at  Bologna 
from  the  New  Testament,  iv. 
453;  expelled  from  the  univer- 
sity, 453 

Monachism,  ii.  170;  iv.  401;  v.  58 

Monasteries,  in  England,  state  of, 
V.  80,  suppression  of,  urged  by 
Cromwell,  81;  middle  course 
proposed  and  adopted,  82 ;  the 
system  rotten,  83;  the  commis- 
sioners for  visitation,  84;  Can- 
terbury, 85;  Langton  Abbey, 
86;  Fountains,  88;  Mavden- 
Bradley,  88;  Bristol,  88;  fraud 
at  Hales,  88;  fraud  at  Boxley, 
89;  discoveries  in,  89,  Norton 
Abbey,  91;  Woolstrop  Abbey, 
91;  the  nunneries,  91;  permis- 


sion to  leave,  given  to  young 
monks  and  nuns,  93;  lleport 
of  Commissioners,  93;  delibera- 
tions of  council  on,  94;  debate 
in  parliament,  96;  the  smaller, 
secularized,  96;  bill  for  sup- 
pression of,  96;  petitions  of 
nobles  for  gifts  of,  98,  99;  hb- 
raries  destroyed,  or  carried  off, 
99 ;  suppression  of,  carried  out, 
100;  closing  scenes  and  suffer- 
ings, 100,  101;  gain  to  learn- 
ing, 102;  cro-^Ta  revenues  in- 
creased, 103;  the  process  com- 
pleted, 105;  popular  discontent 
and  agitation  about,  202-204; 
restoration  of  monks  to  their 
convents  in  Yorkshire,  206,  207 

Monnthon,  Genevese  delegate  to 
Berne,  vi.  512;  signs  a  treaty, 
513;  again  sent,  514;  arrested, 
liberated  on  bail,  516;  flight 
from  Geneva,  518;  sentenced 
to  death,  518 

Montague,  Lord,  iv,  70;  charged 
vdih.  treason  and  executed,  viii. 
152 

Montaigne,  ii.  297 

Montbd  de  Verey,  Sieur  de,  com- 
mands French  auxiliaries  sent 
to  Geneva,  v.  359;  defeated  by 
de  la  Sarraz  in  the  mountains, 
reaches  Geneva,  364;  proposes 
French  protection,  365 

Montheliard,  pledged  to  France 
by  Ulrich,  ii.  226 

Montchenu,  Seigneur  de,  invites 
Genevese  to  become  subjects 
of  the  king  of  France,  vi.  362; 
at  Annecy,  485 

Montheron,  Abbot  of,  betrays 
Bonivard  to  duke  of  Savoy,  i, 
184;  receives  prioiy  of  St.  Vic- 
tor, 186;  his  death  at  Kome,  211 

Moniius,  ii,  42,  44 

Montluc,  John  de,  at  Paris,  ii.  115, 
116;  iii.  180 

Montmorency,  warns  INIargaret  of 
Angouleme  of  intention  of 
Charles  V.  to  arrest  her,  i.  330; 
sets  Berquin  free,  377:  sup- 
ports petition  against  him,  ii. 
33,  68;  hostile  to  Margaret.  166; 
corresponds  with  her,  173;  in- 
trigues  against   her,    173 ;   si- 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


439 


lenced,  177;  iii.  107;  treachery 
towards  Mai-garet,  115;  opposes 
union  of  Catholics  and  refor- 
mers, iv.  370 

Montrotier,  Sieur  de,  commands 
Savoyard  army,  i.  162,  167,  174, 
176 

Monti/on,  syndic  of  Geneva,  i.  Ill, 
132;  pronounces  acquittal  of 
Berthelier,  144,  148,  150,  168; 
syndic,  200;  again,  263;  at 
'council  of  halberds,'  288,  290, 
293;  at  election  of  syndics,  300 

*3Iorality,'  a,  performed  at  Gene- 
va, i.  305 

Morand,  Jean,  pastor  at  Geneva, 
vi.  419;  with  Marcourt,  vindi- 
cates himself  at  Berne,  452;  re- 
signs and  leaves  Geneva,  vii.  2 

Moravia,  the  Keformation  in,  vii. 
417 

More,  Sir  Thomas,  ii.  299;  ap- 
pointed chancellor,  iv.  5;  opens 
the  parliament,  9,  55,  59;  pre- 
sents decisions  of  universities 
on  the  king's  divorce. to  parlia- 
ment, 67,  75;  orders  arrest  of 
Bilney,  79;  a  persecutor,  85; 
his  fanaticism,  90;  resigns  the 
seals,  91;  arrests  and  tortures 
Bainham,  106;  tries  to  bend 
him,  106;  proposes  to  answer 
Fryth,  141;  threatens  Tyudale, 
143 ;  answers  Fryth,  orders 
search  for  him,  144;  hatred  of 
the  Reformation,  145;  his  book 
against  Fryth,  146 ;  doubts  about 
the  Maid  of  Kent,  v.  10;  at- 
tempts to  win  him  over,  12; 
his  name  struck  out  of  indict- 
ment, 16;  fears,  45;  refuses  to 
take  the  oath  of  supremacy,  46; 
attainted,  46 ;  visited  in  the 
Tower,  46,  47;  harsh  treatment, 
52;  sees  Carthusians  led  to  ex- 
ecution, 62;  visited  by  Crom- 
well, 64;  summoned  before  the 
King's  Bench,  68;  condemned 
to  death,  69;  the  parting  with 
his  daughter,  69  s<}. ;  his  last 
days,  71;  execution,  73,  74; 
characterized,  74;  laments  for 
him,  75 

Morel,  George,  Waldcnsiaii,  sent 
to  Basel,   iii.   247;  couloreuce 


with  fficolampadius,  247;  im- 
i:>risoned  at  Dijon,  escapes,  250 

Mou'hts,  Bortrand  des,  iii.  78 

Mounijoij,  Lord,  roj'al  commis- 
sioner sent  to  Queen  Catherine, 
V.  18 

Mnllinen,  Gaspard  de,  head  of 
Swiss  embassy  to  Geneva,  i. 
280 ;  receives  from  Duke  Charles 
safe-condiTct  for  exiles,  281 

Manster,  Westphalia,  viii.  333  ; 
preaching  of  llottraann  at,  333; 
the  priests  deprived,  and  ar- 
rested, 333;  arrival  of  fanatics 
from  the  Netherlands,  334 ; 
Bockhold  and  Matthison,  335; 
Knipperdolling,  336;  spread  of 
their  views,  337;  the  town  seized 
by  the  Visionaries,  337;  they 
establish  themselves  in  power, 
338;  expulsion  of  evangelicals, 
339;  the  new  kingdom  set  up, 
340;  image-breaking,  340;  com- 
munism, 341;  investment  of, 
by  the  bishop,  341;  Tausend- 
bchar,  343;  a  festival,  345;  in- 
vested by  Philip  of  Hesse,  347; 
famine,  347,  348  ;  captured, 
349.  ISpiriiualists,  John  of 
Leyden} 

Myconius,  Oswald,  meets  Calvin 
at  Basel,  iii.  165;  account  of, 
166;  his  conucil  sermon,  167; 
president  of  the  church,  167; 
sympathy  with  Calvin,  167;  vi, 
323;  takes  part  in  synod  of 
Berne,  327 

Mycoiiius,  Frederick,  one  of  the 
German  envoys  to  England, 
viii.  153;  preaches  at  Zwickau, 
317 

^Mystery,'  performed  at  Geneva, 
i.  222;  another,  'Monde  Malade,' 
by  the  Huguoiots,  228;  at  Pau, 
The  yaticity,  iii.  29  sqq. 

XADASD  Y,  Count,  promotes  the 
lleformation,  vii.  378;  receives 
Devay  into  his  house  at  Sarvar, 
378;  sets  uj)  the  tirst  printing 
])ress  in  Hungary,  381 

y<'(ifi(e!i,  Francis,  IJcrnese  deputy 
to  Geneva,  ii.  415;  ambassador 
to  the  Pays  do  Vaud,  v.  310;  at 
Conlurcnce  of  Coppot,  340,  313, 


440 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


345,  348;  seized  by  Savoyards 
and  released,  350;  at  Geneva, 
355;  head  of  deputation  to  duke 
of  Savoy,  3G1;  commander  of 
expedition  against  Savoy,  373; 
meets  the  Savoyards  at  Morges, 
378,  379;  his  victorious  march, 
380-384;  enters  Geneva,  387; 
his  interview  with  the  council, 
390;  his  march  for  Chambery, 
395;  reduces  Vaud,  398 

I^avarre,  King  of.  IHenry  d' Al- 
hreq 

Navarre,  Queen  of.  {Margaret  of 
Angoiderne'] 

Mvis,  Andrew,  i.  42,  69,  73,  74, 
76;  imprisoned  at  Turin,  115; 
his  examination,  116;  removed 
to  Pignerol,  116;  his  torture 
and  confession,  116,  117;  sen- 
tenced to  death,  122;  beheaded, 
123;  treatment  of  his  remains, 
123,  124;  agitation  in  Geneva, 
125,  131,  183 

Navis,  Pierre,  i.  42,  73,  112;  his 
character,  113;  demands  arrest 
of  Berthelier,  113;  his  accusa- 
tions, 113;  grief  over  death  of 
his  son,  125,  131 

I^emours,  Philip,  «luke  of,  takes 
part  in  attack  on  Geneva,  ii. 
416,  431 

Nergaz,  Michael,  ryndic  of  Gene- 
va, i.  128,  136,  137,  138,  150, 
168,  267;  attempts  to  break  off 
alliance  of  Geneva  with  the 
Swiss,  314 

Netherlands,  the  contest  against 
Philip  II. ,  i.  5 ;  home  of  a  free 
people,  vii.  480;  industry  and 
commerce,  480,  481;  suzerainty 
of  Austria,  481  ;  Charles  V., 
481;  Catholicism,  in,  482;  fore- 
runners of  the  Reformation, 
482;  intercourse  with  foreign- 
ers, 484;  voices  in  praise  of 
Luther,  487;  edict  of  persecu- 
tion, 488;  a  Christian  triumvi- 
rate, 500,  501;  illuminism,  505; 
unknown  enlighteners,  506  ; 
persecution  by  Charles  V.,  508; 
persecution  authorizedbvClem- 
ent  VIL,  509;  a  new  edict,  519; 
a  new  placard  demands  delivery 
of  Lutheran  books,  on  pain  of 


death,  524;  martyrs,  525-528; 
Mary  queen  of  Hungary  re- 
gent, 529;  increase  of  evangel- 
icals, 531;  the  Bible  eagerly 
read,  534;  a  new  edict  of  per- 
secution, 534,  535;  night  ar- 
rests, 535;  martyrs,  537,  538; 
lasting  effects  of  these  persecu- 
tions, 538 ;  the  Enthusiasts, 
538,  539;  their  influence  and 
pretensions,  540;  arms  found 
in  their  possession,  541 ;  origin 
of  the  Eeformation  in,  544  sqg. ; 
its  progress,  545;  general  per- 
secution, 552;  viii.  85;  troubles 
caused  by  the  Spiritualists,  348, 
349 

Neuchdtel,  iii.  305,  307;  evangeli- 
cal faith  established  in,  307; 
offers  troops  to  Geneva,  iv.  317; 
gives  help  to  Geneva,  v.  323; 
the  men  forbidden  to  go  by  De 
Prangins,  323;  the  muster,  324; 
again  forbidden,  325;  part  re- 
turn, 326;  the  volunteers  be- 
trayed, 330;  battle  of  Gingins, 
333;  auxiliaries  entrapped,  349; 
troubles  in  the  church,  vii.  49 

Nevil,  Sir  Edward,  charged  with 
treason  and  execitted,  viii.  152 

Nicholson,  John,     [Lambert] 

Nicolai,  Lawrence,  Jesuit,  sent  to 
Sweden,  vii.  333 

Nidau,  the  heroine  of,  v.  321 

'Nils  Sture,'  pretender  to  Swedish 
crown,  vii.  278;  detected,  es- 
capes to  Norway,  279 

Noir Cannes,  envoy  of  Charles  V., 
ii.  70 

Norfolk,  Duke  of.  President  of 
the  Council,  iv.  5,  38;  conveys 
to  Pole  the  king's  offers  of  Eng- 
lish sees,  70,  90;  recalled  from 
Italy,  138,  176;  v.  49;  hostility 
to  Queen  Anne,  127;  member 
of  commission  of  inquiry  into 
her  conduct,  135;  informs  her 
of  charges  against  her,  139  ; 
conducts  her  to  the  Tower, 
140;  sent  to  examine  her,  149; 
on  commission  for  trial  of 
Weston,  Norris,  etc.,  154;  pre- 
sides at  trial  of  Queen  Anne, 
155  ;  pronounces  sentence  of 
death,    157;    sent  to  Princess 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


441 


Mary,  178;  commands  against 
insurgents  in  the  North,  208; 
his  proclamation  to  them,  211; 
sent  to  Berwick  to  watch  Scot- 
land, vi.  114;  his  reports,  114, 
115;  enters  Scotland  and  re- 
tires, 140 ;  presents  the  Six 
Articles  to  the  house  of  peers, 
viii,  181;  quarrels  with  Crom- 
well, 186;  envoy  to  France,  200; 
accuses  Cromwell  of  treason, 
209;  in  favor  with  the  king, 
210 ;  examines  Cromwell  in 
the  Tower,  217,  218;  sent  with 
Cranmer  to  examine  the  queen 
as  to  charges  against  her,  250; 
retires  to  Kenninghall,  253; 
writes  to  the  king,  253;  one  of 
the  presidents  at  burning  of 
Anne  Askew,  283;  chief  of  the 
Catholic  party,  299;  his  pro- 
posals to  the  Seymours,  299; 
charges  against  him  and  his 
son  investigated,  300;  commit- 
ted to  the  Tower,  301 ;  the  king's 
delegates  at  Kenninghall,  301 
sqq. ;    depositions    taken,    303, 

304  ;  declared  guilty  of  high 
treason,    304;    in    the    Tower, 

305  ;  his  letter  to  the  king, 
305;  his  confession,  305;  bill 
of  attainder  passed,  306 

INorfolk,  Duchess-dowager  of,  sent 
to  the  Tower,  viii.  253;  par- 
doned, 254 

Norman,  George,  governor  to  sons 
of  Gustavus  Vasa,  vii.  318,  319; 
the  high  position  assigned  to 
him,  319 

Iforris,  Henry,  charge  against 
him,  V.  133;  at  Tournament  at 
Greenwich,  138;  arrest  of,  139; 
examined,  148;  indicted,  154; 
tried  and  sentenced  to  death, 
154;  beheaded,  159 

Is'orthumberland,  Duke  of,  denies 
pre-contract  of  man-iage  be- 
tween Anne  Boleyn  and  him- 
self, V.  153;  one  of  her  judges, 
156;  refuses  to  join  rilgriniage 
of  Grace,  207;  his  conference 
with  Both  well  as  to  interven- 
tion of  Henry  VIII.  in  Scot- 
land, vi.  86 

Noricay,  receives  Christian  II.  as 
VOL.  vm. — 19* 


king,  vii.  186;  Danish  fleet  sent 
against,  186;  loses  its  independ- 
ence, 224;  state  of  the  church 
in,  224;  constitution  of  the  Dan- 
ish church  ini[)()sed  in,  224 

Soiliiii,  i.  317;  ii.  47 

yariiberg,  Peace  of,  ii.  101;  iv. 
115;  viii.  331 

Niirnherg,  the  Gospel  at,  iv.  114, 
188 

Xyon,  conference  of  Knights  of 
the  Spoon  at,  ii.  374 

OCCIIiyO,  Bernardino,  iv.  427; 
early  life  and  character  of,  428, 
429;  joins  the  Capuchins,  429; 
conflicts,  430;  his  preaching, 
431  sq.;  at  Naples,  467;  for- 
bidden to  preach,  473 

Odensee,  Diet  of,  vii.  162  sqq. 

Odin,  vii.  120 

(Ecolampadius,  i.  365,  367;  iii. 
84;  Waldensian  deputation  to, 
247;  condemns  divorce  of  Hen- 
ry VIII.,  iv.  42 

Oldenburg,  Count  of,  at  the  head 
of  the  Lubeckers  in  Denmark, 
vii.  207,  208;  enters  Copenha- 
gen, 208  ;  conquers  Zealand, 
208;  gets  Christian  II.  recog- 
nized as  king,  208.  209;  his 
demands  on  Copenhagen,  212; 
submits  to  Christian  HI.,  215 

Olivetan,  Pierre  Kobert,  his  cliar- 
acter  and  scholarship,  i.  388; 
intercourse  with  Calvin,  389, 
398;  tutor  at  Geneva,  ii.  455; 
his  missionary  zeal,  456  .sv/r/. ; 
a  pioneer,  459;  his  dis!ij)pear- 
ance,  460;  speaks  against  the  ju- 
bilee, 461;  forbidden  to  ])riiuh, 
466,  4(57;  iii.  275;  consulted  by 
Farel,  275,  276;  summoned  be- 
fore cpiseopid  couneil,  285  ; 
as.saulted  bef»»re  the  couneil, 
291  ;  banished,  293  ;  escajx'.s, 
296,  297;  promises  tt)  translate 
the  Bible.  300.  301;  journey  to 
th6  Pays  de  \'aud.  :{01  .s'/*/. ;  as- 
si.sted  liy  Waldenses,  3(il;  his 
work,  356;  questions  of  trans- 
lation, .'{58;  is  refused  permis- 
sion to  print  his  Bible,  358; 
contnidicts  Dominican  i>reach- 
er,  uud  is  banished  from  Gene- 


442 


GENERAL    INDEX, 


va,  3G3;  completes  his  French 
Bible,  V.  272;  his  translation 
compared  with  Leffevre's,  272; 
his  death,  vi.  463 

Opposition,  uses  of,  iii.  195 

Oratory  of  Divine  Love,  founded 
at  Rome,  iv.  481,  482 

Oi^be,  in  the  Jura,  iii.  203;  sale  of 
jDardons  at,  204;  history  of,  205; 
commission  of  Bernese  and  Fri- 
burgers  appointed  to  arrange 
differences,  212  iFarel};  evan- 
gelical worship  established,  231 ; 
tumult  at,  243 

Ordinances,  Ecclesiastical,  The, 
of  Geneva,  projected  by  Cal- 
vin, vii.  60;  submitted  to  the 
councils,  61;  Calvin's  conces- 
sions, 62;  adopted,  62,  63;  their 
aiai,  63  sqq.;  view  of  the  min- 
istry, 66,  67;  of  schools  and 
charities,  68,  69;  of  election  of 
pastors,  70,  71 ;  of  teachers,  71 ; 
of  elders,  72,  73;  the  Consis- 
tory, 72,  73;  preaching  declared 
the  chief  duty  of  the  pastors,  73; 
public  prayers,  75;  functions 
of  the  elders,  75;  severity  of 
discipline,  75,  76;  subjects  be- 
fore the  Consistory,  99  sqq. 

Orebro,  Synod  of,  vii.  299;  au- 
thority of  Scripture  recognized, 
300;  regulations  for  preaching 
and  schools,  300;  reduction  of 
Saints'  Days,  301;  compromise 
as  to  riles  and  ceremonies,  302; 
'Form  of  Keformation '  signed, 
302 

Orleans,  ii.  1 ;  students  at  univer- 
sity of,  3;  democratic  spirit,  3; 
early  heretics  at,  12;  conversion 
of  wife  of  the  provost,  272  sqq. ; 
the  provost  and  the  monks,  273; 
apparition  in  the  convent,  275; 
inquest  on  the  spirit,  277;  ap- 
peal of  the  provost  to  the  king, 
278;  commission  appointed,  ar- 
rest of  the  monks,  278;  confes- 
sion of  the  novice,  280;  the 
monks  condemned,  281 ;  Uni- 
versity of,  declares  for  divorce 
of  Henry  VIII.,  iv.  40 

Orsieres,  Pierre  do,  i.  90;  head  of 
deputation  to  John  the  Bastard, 
90;  imprisoned  by  him,  90 


Orsieres,  Hugonin  d',  i.  90 

Osiander,  intercourse  of,  with 
Cranmer,  iv.  114;  at  Nurnberg, 
188 

Ousberghen,  Jan  van,  pastor  at 
Louvain,  vii.  549,  551,  553 

Ousberghen,  Justus  van,  vii,  569, 
570;  arrested,  570;  his  trial, 
571;  imprisoned,  572;  before 
the  Judges,  573;  his  martyr- 
dom, 574 

Oxford,  University  of,  appealed 
to  by  Henry  VIII.  on  his  di- 
vorce, iv.  33;  opposition,  34; 
disputations,  34;  voting,  and 
the  sentence,  36;' disowns  pa- 
pal supremacy,  v.  25;  state  and 
visitation  of,  84 

Oxford,  Society  of  friends  of  the 
Gosj)elat,  viii.  264;  fourteen  ar- 
rested by  Dr.  London,  prose- 
cution of  Testwood,  Filmer, 
and  Pierson,  264;  their  martyr- 
dom, 266.     \_Marbeck'\ 

PADERBORN,,  the  arrest  and 
threatened  execution  of  Ev- 
angelicals at,  by  Elector  of 
Cologne,  viii.  330;  appeal  of 
women,  and  pardon  of  the 
prisoners,  330 

Padua,  University  of,  declares 
for  divorce  of  Henry  VIII.,  iv. 
41 

Paleario,  Aonio,  lectures  at  Si- 
enna, iv.  435;  his  birth  and  ed- 
ucation, 435:  quits  Rome,  goes 
to  Sienna,  436;  his  poem  on 
immortality,  437;  conversion, 
437;  his  marriage,  and  fam- 
ily, 438;  love  of  nature,  438; 
friendship  with  Bellantes,  439; 
hated  by  the  monks,  440;  a 
plot  against  him,  440 ;  cate- 
chized by  monks,  441;  goes  to 
Rome,  441 ;  returns  to  his  fam- 
ily, 443,  accused  of  heresy,  443; 
a  deputation  to  the  archbishop 
against  him,  443,  444;  trial  be- 
fore the  senate,  446;  his  de- 
fence, 447  sq. ;  acquitted,  451 ; 
476 

Falladius,  bishop  of  Zealand,  vii. 
222,  224 

Pallavicini,  Battista,  iv.  41 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


443 


Panter,  Master  David,  arrives  in 
Scotland,  with  abbot  of  Pais- 
ley, vi.  167 

Pantheism,  of  the  Spirituals,  iii. 
79  sqq. 

PapacAj,  The,  in  danger,  ii.  294. 

Papists  and  Protestants,  three  of 
each  sent  to  the  stake  together, 
viii.  227  S(jq. 

Paradis,  Paul,  accused  by  Beda, 
ii.  230 

Pardon,  GeneraJ,  A,  posted  up  in 
Geneva,  ii.  4G3 

Paris,  decree  of  the  parliament 
against  Lutherans,  i.  331;  mar- 
tyrs at,  347  sqq.;  synod.  415; 
image  of  the  Virgin  miTtilated, 
423  sqq. ;  the  new  learning  at, 
ii.  50;  secret  meetings  of  evan- 
gelicals, 55;  university  of,  59; 
carnival,  112;  agitation  caused 
hy  Lutheran  preaching.  119; 
reforming  itself,  134;  satires  of 
the  students,  135  ;  suspense, 
130;  flight  of  evangelicals  from, 
213  ;  Lutheran  preaching  at, 
227;  prohibited.  228;  private 
meetings,  228,  229;  the  placards 
posted  up,  iii.  97;  the  parlia- 
ment convoked.  108;  arrests, 
110;  martyrs,  118;  fugitives, 
121;  Procession  of  Eelics,  127: 
martyrs,  137,  141;  Terror,  143; 
persecution  of  Lutherans,  iv. 
258;  martyrs  at,  viii.  40,  47 

Parker,  Matthew,  account  of,  v. 
122;  named  almoner  to  Queen 
Anne,  123;  his  subsequent  his- 
tory, 123,  124;  Princess  Eliza- 
beth commended  to  his  care, 
133 

Parr.  Catherine,  Queen  of  Henry 
VIII.,  viii.  262;  favors  the  Ref- 
oi-matiou,  262  ;  accusations 
against  her,  284;  her  zeal,  285, 
280;  atteulions  to  the  king,  286; 
her  frit'uds  examiiicd  by  Gar- 
diner and  Wriotlieslcy,  289  ; 
distress  on  discovery  f>f  the 
plot,  291;  visited  by  Henry, 
l93;  visits  him,  293;  her  decla- 
ration. 293  sqq. ;  her  arrest  pre- 
vented, 296 

Parlridqe,  Nicholas.  [Students, 
English] 


Pascual,  Matthew,  takes  part  in 
disputation  at  Alcala,  viii.  14; 
imprisoned  by  the  Inquisition, 
15 

Pax,  iii.  26 

Paul  III.,  Pope,  iii.  156;  account 
of,  iv.  354;  promises  a  council, 
intends  reform,  354,  366,  485; 
creates  cardinals,  487;  attempts 
at  reform,  489;  persecutes  the 
reformers,  490;  v.  3,  48;  with- 
draws decree  of  Clement  VII. 
against  Henry  VIII.,  58;  crea- 
tion of  cardinals,  64;  indignant 
at  execution  of  Fislitn*,  76;  his 
bull  against  Henry,  76;  receives 
news  of  divorce  of  Queen  Anne, 
161;  desires  alliance  of  Eng- 
land, 172,  173;  supports  Duke 
of  Savoy  against  Geneva,  302, 
314;  proposes  to  Duke  of  Fer- 
rara  expulsion  of  the  French, 
442;  proposes  alliance  between 
the  emperor  and  the  kings  of 
France  and  Scotland  for  inva- 
sion of  England,  vi.  109;  sends 
Cardinal  Farnese  to  diet  of  K:it- 
isbon,  vii.  27;  his  manifesto 
characterized,  36 ;  fears  and 
hopes  for  England,  viii.  147; 
invites  Pole  to  Home,  148;  cre- 
ates him  cardinal  with  others, 
149;  sends  him  as  legate  to 
France,  149;  willing  to  sanction 
marriage  of  lleiiry  VIII.  with 
duchess  of  Milan,  175;  juib- 
lishes  the  bull  against  Henrj', 
175;  forms  alliance  with  tlie 
emperor  and  the  king  of  France, 
181:  his  irritation  against  Hen- 
ry VIII.  255;  subsidizes  Fran- 
cis L,  269 

Paulet,  William,  on  cominissiou 
of  inquiry  about  Anno  Boleyn, 
V.  136 

Paulsen,  Oegmund,  bishop  of 
Skalliolt,  vii.  2J':  his  .juarrel 
with  the  bishop  of  Holuni.  22(;; 
victor  in  Kingk;  coml)at,  22(i ; 
sends  Einar.sen  to  ('openha;,M'n, 
228;  resigns  the  see  to  Kinar- 
sen,  228;  licensed  of  murder, 
his  death.  229 

Pai-r,  Master,  directs  execution 
of  LJuiuham,   iv.    109;   bis   do- 


444 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


PA.V 

spair,  110;  he  hangs  himself, 
111 

Pavia,  introduction  of  works  of 
reformers  at,  iv.  408 

Pavia,  battle  of,  i.  276,  323 ;  news  of 
in  Spain,  324;  effect  of,  in  Eu- 
rope, 325,  328,  345,  346;  iv.  321 

Payerne,  diet  of,  ii.  432;  meeting 
of  evangelicals  at,  470;  their 
letter  to  Geneva,  470 

Pays  de  Vaud,  The,  iii.  198;  con- 
quest of,  by  Bernese,  spread  of 
the  Keformation  in,  vi,  228;  a 
disputation  appointed,  232 ;  the 
project  opposed  by  Friburg, 
233;  and  by  Charles  V.,  233 
ILaiisanne]  ;  image  -  worship 
suppressed,  263;  Bernese  or- 
dinances, 263;  edict  of  refor- 
mation, 272;  the  pastors  for- 
bidden to  admit  Calvin  and 
Farel  to  their  colloquies,  372 

Pecolat,  Jean,  i.  72;  his  character 
and  position,  77,  78;  his  saying 
about  the  bishop,  78;  accused 
of  attempt  lo  poison  the  Bas- 
tard, 79;  stratagem  for  his  ar- 
rest, 79 ;  seized  and  imprisoned, 
80;  put  to  the  torture,  81,  82; 
report  of  his  death,  82,  87,  89, 
90,  92,  93;  his  trial,  94;  new 
examination,  95  ;  threatened 
with  the  torture,  95;  declared 
innocent,  95;  handed  over  to 
the  priests,  96;  again  threat- 
ened with  torture,  96;  the  de- 
mon in  his  beard,  97;  tries  to 
cut  out  his  tongue,  97;  Boni- 
vard's  intervention,  99;  appeal 
on  his  behalf  to  archbishop  of 
Yienne,  99;  removed  to  Peney, 
102;  his  release  demanded  by 
the  archbishop,  103,  104;  hber- 
ated,  106,  1U7;  the  order  coun- 
termanded, 106;  his  triumphal 
return  .  to  Geneva,  107  ;  his 
dumbness,  108 ;  his  deposi- 
tions produced  at  Berthelier's 
trial,  112,  161,  205,  214,  267, 
271,  276;  becomes  a  bishoper, 
ii.  333;  a  fray,  337;  proscribed 
by  the  bishop,  iii.  440 

Pecolat,  Stephen,  i.  99,  103 

PeUican,  Conrad,  vii.  439;  teaches 
Alasco,  439 


Pellicier,  ii.  65 

Pelliez,  Claude,  preaches  against 
Froment  at  Geneva,  iii.  330, 
331 

Pempflinger,  Mark,  Count,  pro- 
tects evangelists  in  Transylva- 
nia, vii.  350;  commanded  by 
the  king  to  extu'pate  heresy, 
355;  resolves  to  appeal  to  the 
king,  359;  saves  evangeUcals 
from  the  monks,  361 

Peney,  Castle  of,  its  brigands,  v. 
238,  239;  Genevese  attack  on, 
repulsed,  241;  burnt,  393 

Pennet,  Claude,  iv.  232;  assassi- 
nates Berger,  233;  in  hiding, 
235 ;  seized,  238 ;  his  execution, 
241 

Pennei,  Pierre,  iv.  202;  gives  evi- 
dence against  Maisonneuve, 
270 

Pennet,  the  jailer,  iv.  232;  assas- 
sinates N.  Porral,  233;  in  hid- 
ing, 241 ;  escapes  to  Savoy,  241 

Perceval,  Claude,  iii.  78 

Perenyi,  Peter,  magnate  of  Hun- 
gary, becomes  a  Lutheran,  vii. 
368;  adopts  views  of  Zwing- 
lius,  389 

Perrin,  Ami,  iii.  277,  296,  314; 
supports  Froment,  319,  331, 
332;  receives  Froment,  348;  at- 
tacks agent  of  the  priests,  411; 
leads  Huguenots  m  the  fight  in 
the  Molard,  416;  proscribed  by 
the  bishop,  439;  seized  and  im- 
prisoned, 441,  457;  iv.  205,  235; 
V.  283;  takes  part  in  breaking 
images  in  the  cathedral,  285, 
287;  leader  in  campaign  against 
idols,  289;  complaint  against 
him  at  the  council,  vi.  344; 
commissioned  to  arrange  for 
return  of  Calvin,  vii.  3;  assists 
Calvin  in  preparing  constitu- 
tion of  a  church,  56 

Persecution,  impious,  iii.  1;  Eom- 
an,  3 

Pertemps,  Claude,  assists  Calvin 
in  drawing  up  constitution  of  a 
church,  vii.  56 

Perth,  account  of  evangelicals  at, 
vi.  177  sqq. ;  persecution  by 
Cardinal  Beatoun,  180;  agita- 
tion in  the  town,  181 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


445 


Pescara,  Marquis  of,  i.  324 

Feter  of  ISavoy,  his  early  life,  i. 
15;  created  Earl  of  Eichmoud 
by  Henry  III.  of  England,  IG; 
seizes  castle  of  Geneva,  16;  as- 
siames  protectorate  of  Geneva, 
16;  rejected,  17;  bis  death,   17 

Peler  of  Savoy,  bishop  of  Geneva, 
i.  21 

Petersen,  Geble,  bishop  of  Ber- 
gen, declares  for  the  Kelorina- 
tion,  vii.  224 

Peterson,  Lawrence,  his  birth  and 
character,  vii.  232  ;  chooses 
the  study  of  theologj',  233;  at 
Strengnaes,  237;  witnesses  the 
massacre  of  Stockholm,  239; 
narrowly  escapes,  239  ;  with 
Olaf  at  his  father's  funeral,  242 
sqq.  ;  before  Gustavus,  258 ; 
Professor  of  Theology  at  Upsa- 
la,  260;  cited  before  the  chap- 
ter, 263;  excommunicated,  264; 
his  character,  305;  elected  pri- 
mate, 306 ;  marries  the  king 
and  crowns  the  queen,  307; 
hated  by  the  canons  of  Upsala, 
307;  betrothed  to  a  kinswoman 
of  Gustavus,  307;  conspiracies 
of  the  canons  against  him,  307; 
devotion  to  his  work,  312  ; 
marries  Gustavus  to  a  second 
wife,  312;  assailed  by  Burrey, 
326;  opposes  Burrey's  views  on 
the  Supper,  327;  offers  no  op- 
position to  ordinance  re-estab- 
lishing Romanism,  333  ;  his 
death,  333 

Peterson,  Olaf,  his  birth  and  char- 
acter, vii.  232;  scenery  of  Ore- 
bro,  233;  chooses  the  study  of 
theology,  233  ;  sets  out  for 
Rome,  235  ;  hears  of  Luther 
and  goes  to  Wittenberg,  235; 
becomes  a  friend  of  Luther, 
235;  his  zeal  and  attainments, 
2;}6;  sails  for  Srockholm  and  is 
driven  to  Gothland.  236;  gets 
the  seller  of  indulgences  ex- 
pelled, '2:Hj;  reaches  liome,  set- 
tles at  Strengnaes,  237;  deacon, 
and  chancellor  of  the  bishop, 
237;  begins  the  Reformation  in 
Sweden,  237;  attractiveness  of 
his    teaching,    238  ;    witnesses 


the  massacre  of  Stockholm, 
239;  narrowly  escapes,  239;  his 
intiuence  over  Lawrence  An- 
derson, 240;  his  preaching  op- 
posed by  Dr.  Nils,  240;  visits 
Orebro  and  attends  his  father's 
funeral,  241,  242;  discussions 
with  his  mother,  242  ;  de- 
nounced wath  his  brother  by 
the  Carmelites,  243;  hostility  of 
Bishop  Brask,  244;  preaches  at 
Strengnaes,  256;  before  Gusta- 
vus, 258;  preacher  at  Stock- 
holm and  secretary  of  the 
town,  260:  his  character,  260; 
violently  assailed,  '.^Gl ;  cited  be- 
fore the  chapter  of  Upsala,  263; 
excommunicated,  264;  marries, 
267;  ex;ommuuicated  by  Brask, 
268;  translates  the  New  Testa- 
ment, 269;  trial  of,  demanded 
by  the  primate,  274;  public  dis- 
putation with  Peter  Galle,  274 
sqq.;  declared  victor,  276;  dis- 
cussion with  Galle  at  Weste- 
raas,  290;  deputy  with  Ander- 
son to  the  king,  291;  procluims 
Gustavus  king,  298;  assists  at 
synod  of  Orebro,  299;  insists 
on  recognition  of  authority  of 
the  Scriptures,  300;  his  conces- 
sions, 302;  superintendent  of 
schools  at  Stockholui,  304;  of- 
fends the  king,  309,  310;  com- 
pared with  Gustavus,  310;  his 
complaints,  3 10;  loses  the  king's 
friendshi]),  311;  rebukes  the 
king,  312  ;  his  proceedings 
about  the  mock -suns,  313  ; 
charges  against  him,  314,  315; 
condemned  to  death,  316;  ran- 
somed, 316  ;  preaches  again, 
317;  he  submits  to  the  king, 
317 

Petit,  Jacques,  deputy  of  the  Sor- 
bonne,  ii.  287 

Petit,  John,  iv.  18;  in  the  Tower, 
79;  visited  by  Fryth,  149 

Petit,  Pett-r,  vii.  12o 

Petit,  William,  bishoj)  of  Senlis, 
ii.  7'.];  translates  Margaret's  re- 
vised pmyer  book,  73 

Pell),  his  invo<-tive  against  Henry 
VIII. ,  iv.  104;  summoned  be- 
fore the  council,  105 


44G 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


Petre,  Dr.,  at  Convocation  of  cler- 
gy, V.  184 

Petrovich,  Count  Peter,  guardian 
of  John  Sigismund  Zapolya, 
vii.  390;  promotes  the  Refor- 
mation, 411 

Ph'tUbert,  the  Fair,  corrupts  the 
Genevese,  i.  58 

PhUiberta  of  Savoy,  i.  34;  her 
marriage  with  Julian  de'  Medi- 
ci, 49 

Philip,  Archduke  of  Austria,  viii. 
126,  127;  marries  Joanna  of 
Spain,  128;  protests  against  as- 
sumption of  government  of  Cas- 
tile by  Ferdinand,  131;  goes 
with  Joanna  to  Spain,  131  ; 
meets  Ferdinand,  132;  agree- 
ment with  him,  133;  his  death, 
134,  139 

Philip,  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  ii. 
71,  100,  101;  his  character,  221; 
supports  Christopher  of  Wiir- 
temberg,  subsidv  promised  by 
France,  221,  222;  Luther  and 
Melanchthon  ,sent  to  dissuade 
him,  222,  223;  meets  Francis 
L  at  Bar-le-Dac,  224;  explains 
to  him  affairs  of  Germany,  224; 
concludes  a  treaty,  22G  ;  his 
cautious  proceedings,  248;  op- 
position to  his  scheme,  249; 
marches  against  Austria,  252; 
defeats  imperial  arm.y,  253;  on 
Austrian  frontier,  253 ;  con- 
cludes peace,  255;  makes  treaty 
■with  Zurich  and  Basel,  420; 
takes  Munster,  iv.  374;  dele- 
gates of,  at  conference  with  du 
Bella3%  398;  receives  embassy 
from  Henry  VIII.,  v.  109;  alli- 
ance concluded,  110  ;  founds 
university  of  Marburg,  vi.  31; 
invests  Munster,  viii.  347;  takes 
it  and  puts  an  end  to  reign  of 
Spiritualists,  349,  350;  his  leni- 
ent measures,  351 

Philii),  Count  of  Genevois,  leads 
unsuccessful  attack  on  Geneva, 
i.  171;  enters  with  the  army, 
173  ;  named  governor,  175  ; 
disarms  the  people,  175,  176. 
[XtmoHTS,  Duke  of] 

Philip  (Lack-land)  of  Savoy,  i.  22; 
his  quarrel  with  his  mother,  23; 


captures  her  treasures,  24;  in- 
terview with  his  father  at  Ge- 
neva, 25;  his  marriages,  and 
accession  to  the  throne  of  Pied- 
mont, 48 

Philip,  Thomas,  imprisoned  for 
heres}^  iv.  179;  discharged  by 
parliament,  179 

Philip,  bishop  of  Utrecht,  vii. 
504,  510;  his  death,  514 

Philippe,  Jean,  Syndic  of  Gene- 
va, i.  219;  his  character,  227; 
provides  a  'mystery,'  227;  re- 
sists claims  of  duke  of  Savoy, 
267,  270;  elected  syndic,  300 
sqq.  302,  304;  appointed  com- 
mander of  auxiharies  for  Berne, 
ii.  442;  as  captain-general,  at- 
tempts to  stop  Catholic  insur- 
gents, and  is  struck  down,  iii. 
387;  wounds  Bellessert,  387, 
397;  assailed  by  Mamelukes, 
449  ;  iv.  186,  308 ;  his  feud 
with  Sept,  v,  317;  resigns,  318; 
refuses  to  go  to  preaching,  vi. 
225;  at  the  council,  345;  elect- 
ed syndic,  361;  attends  synod 
of  Lausanne,  373 ;  intrigues 
with  Cardinal  de  Tournon  at 
Lyons,  479 ;  named  Captain- 
general,  517 ;  his  character, 
519  ;  heads  a  riot,  521  ;  con- 
ceals himself,  522  ;  arrested, 
522;  his  trial,  523;  executed, 
523 

Philips,  Harry,  Gardiner's  agent 
in  plot  against  Tyndale,  v.  35 
sq. ;  consults  imperial  govern- 
ment, 37;  procures  arrest  of 
Tjmdale,  38  sqq. ;  denounces 
Poyutz,  220 

Picard,  Perot.     [  Wingle'\ 

Picardy,  Vaudoisin,  i.  349;  study 
of  the  Scriptures  in,  388 

Piedmont,  beginning  of  Reforma- 
tion in,  iv.  412 

Pieirefleur,  P.  de.,  iii.  205;  dep- 
uty to  Friburg,  212,  229;  pro- 
cures liberation  of  priests  at 
Orbe,  230 

Pilgrimage  of  Grace,  v.  206;  com- 
pared with  peasant  revolt  in 
Germany,  207;  supported  by 
the  nobles,  207;  the  kings  en- 
ergy, 208;  agitation  in  London, 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


447 


208;  siege  of  Skii^ton  Castle, 
209;  Lancaster  herald  seut  to 
the  rebels,  201)  ;  the  march 
southward,  210;  proclamation 
of  Norfolk,  211;  conditions  of 
peace,  212;  the  rebels  disperse, 
212 

'Placards,'  ii.  135,  136;  at  Paris, 
iii.  92;  Farel's,  95;  discussion 
about,  95,  96;  posted  up,  97; 
contents,  97  sqq. ;  character  of, 
102;  efifect  of,  104;  posted  on 
the  king's  door,  106;  efltects  of, 
iv.  350 

Plater,  Felix,  iii.  191 

Plater,  Thomas,  printer,  iii.  166, 
167;  prints  Calvin's  Institutes, 
191 ;  and  his  letter  to  the  kiue:, 
191 

Plato's  'Philetes,'  i.  303 

Pluralism,  and  nou- residence 
abolished  in  England,  iv.  18, 
19 

Poille,  arrested,  iii.  112;  martyr- 
dom, 120  sq. 

Pointet,  Master,  ii.  229;  his  mar- 
tyrdom, iii.  69 

Poitiers,  Calvin  at,  iii.  44  sqq. 

Poland,  beginning  of  Reforma- 
tion in,  vii.  421,  422;  project  of 
reform  presented  to  the  Diet, 
422;  state  of  the  country,  423; 
Luther's  works  known,  423  ; 
Dautzic,  424  .v(/r/. ;  Thorn,  429; 
Cracow,  430;  a  middle  party, 
430,  431;  progress  of  the  Ref- 
ormation, 431 

Pole,  Reginald,  account  of,  iv. 
09;  rejects  the  king's  offers  of 
promotion  and  condemns  the 
divorce,  70,  71;  permitted  to 
leave  England,  71;  his  influ- 
ence on  Flaminio,  481,  482 ; 
made  cardinal,  487;  v.  14;  la- 
ments More,  75,  174;  his  de- 
fence of  unity  of  the  church 
quoted,  174  .svy. ;  ordi-red  to 
return  to  England,  177,  191; 
takes  part  in  insurrection  of 
the  North,  212;  quotcul,  viii. 
148:  invited  by  Paul  III.,  goes 
to  Rome  and  is  made  cardiiiiil, 
149;  the  creation  criticised  in 
England,  14i);  nominated  car- 
diaal-legiite,   149;  his  mission, 


149;  declared  a  rebel  by  Hen- 
ry VIIL,  149;  expelled  from 
France,  150;  writes  to  Crom- 
well, 150;  his  courier  arrested 
by  order  of  the  emperor,  150; 
attempts  to  communicate  with 
English  ambassadors,  151;  de- 
mands audience  of  the  regent 
of  the  Netherlands,  151  ;  re- 
turns to  Rome.  152;  his  recep- 
tion, 152;  fatal  consequences 
of  his  mission,  152 

Polish  translation  of  New  Testa- 
ment by  Seclucyan,  vii.  424 

Pomerania,  beginning  of  Refor- 
mation in,  viii.  315;  struggles, 
328;  the  duke  at  Wittenberg, 
328;  his  sons,  328;  a  church 
organized  by  Pomeranus,  329 

Pomeranus  (Bugcnhagen)  ii.  99; 
account  of  him,  vii.  221;  in- 
vited to  Denmark  to  organize 
the  evangehcal  church,  221 ;  re- 
organizes the  university-,  221; 
crowns  the  kmg  and  "queen, 
222  ;  consecrates  evangelical 
bishops,  222;  invited  to  Dant- 
zic,  427;  viii.  188;  his  birth 
and  early  hfe,  315;  reads  Lu- 
ther's Babi/lonish  Oiptivity,  316; 
goes  to  Wittenberg,  316;  pro- 
fessor and  pastor,  317;  a  clnirch 
organizer,  317;  at  Brunswick, 
320;  at  Hamburg,  321 

Ponce  de  la  Fuente,  Constanline, 
account  of,  viii.  27,  28;  inter- 
view with  Egidius,  28;  union 
and  division  of  labor  with  him 
and  Vargas,  29;  his  freedom 
from  vanity,  30;  dedim-s  pro- 
motion, 30;  his  elocpience,  32, 
33  ;  appointed  chajjlain  to 
Charles  V.,  34  ;  accompanies 
Phihp  to  the  Netlierlands.  35 

Pontanas  {Jiruch-\  intervievv-  with 
Melanchthon,  iv.  382;  at  con- 
ference with  Du  Rtllay,  398 

Ponlltus  de  St.  G'eon/f,  'abbot  of 
Valence,  iii.  55;  invites  Cal- 
vin, 56;  becomes  a  Lutheran, 
57 

Pontverre,  lord  of.     [TVr/NVr] 

Pvite  of  littiii>;  TIh'.  his  pnttui- 
sions,  i.  39('>;  jicnalties  of  jmr- 
viuidre  imposed  on  recoguilion 


448 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


of  his  authority  in  England,  v. 
179 

Pope,  Sir  Thomas,  v.  72,  73 

Forral,  Ami,  syndic  of  Geneva,  i. 
93,  94,  256,  292,  29G;  ii.  333, 
468  ;  visits  Farel,  iii.  277  ; 
elected  syndic,  v.  394;  requires 
attendance  on  preaching,  vi. 
224 ;  attends  disputation  of 
Lausanne,  237;  with  Goulaz, 
charged  to  maintain  good  mor- 
als in  the  city,  289;  his  zeal 
ridiculed  by  the  youth,  290; 
persecuted,  469;  charges  De  la 
Mare  with  heresy,  vii.  3;  as- 
sists Calvin  in  preparing  con- 
stitution of  a  church,  56 ;  sick- 
ness and  death,  107-110 

Porral,  Nicholas,  assassinated  by 
Pennet,  iv.  232,  233 

Porter,  sent  to  Newgate  for  read- 
ing Bible,  dies  there,  viii.   241 

Portler,  episcopal  secretary,  iv. 
231,  235;  in  hiding,  237;  seized, 
238;  his  papers  discovered,  239; 
tried,  241,  242;  condemned  to 
death,  256 

Portugal,  i.  219;  'fashions  of,'  221 

Possevin,  Antoine,  Jesuit,  in  Swe- 
den, receives  John  III.  into  the 
Eomish  communion,  vii.  338; 
his  influence  over  Swedish 
church,  338 

Poyniz,  Thomas,  receives  Tyn- 
dale,  V.  29;  attempt  of  Gardi- 
ner's agent  to  gain  him,  37; 
friendship  with  Tyndale,  218; 
letter  to  his  brother  on  behalf 
of  Tyndale,  218  ;  applies  to 
Cromwell,  219;  denounced  by 
Philips,  220;  escapes  to  Eng- 
land, 220 

Prcemunire,  statute  of,  enforce- 
ment of,  against  the  clergy, 
threatened  by  Henry  VIIL,  iv. 
62;  averted,  66;  penalties  of, 
inflicted  for  recognition  of  pa- 
pal authority,  v.  179 

PrarjmatiG  Sanction,  ii.  245 

Prierias,  his  book  agaiust  Lu- 
ther, i.  120 

Priesthood,  foimal,  ii.  26 

Priests,  immorality  of,  i.  43;  com- 
plaints at  Geneva,  44,  45;  en- 
croachments of,    ii.    239,   397, 


398  ;  sentence  against,  398, 
399;  priests  and  pastors,  vi.  Iil8 

Primer,  The,  circulated  by  Cran- 
mer,  v.  130 

Prince-bishop  of  Geneva,  the  first, 
i.  13;  popular  election  of  the, 
14;  evils  of  temporal  power  of 
the  bishops,  309,  310;  church 
power  of,  questioned,  310;  con- 
cession of  civil  jurisdiction,  ii. 
328;  authority  of,  questioned, 
329;  faU  of,  iv.  193 

Printers  and  Booksellers,  flight  of, 
from  Paris,  iii.  123 

Printing,  abolition  of,  in  France, 
iii.  140 

Progress,  of  all  kinds,  produced 
by  the  Eeformation,   viii.  313 

Prophetess,  A,  i.  204 

Protestantism,  and  Freedom,  i. 
3 ;  two  kinds  of,  iii.  356 

Purgatory,  iv.  141,  400 

q  UIXTIN,  one  of  the  Spirituals, 
iii.  78;  encounters  Calvin,  78, 
79,  81 

RAMEL,  J.  L.,  syndic  of  Geneva, 
i.  Ill,  205,  271;  iii.  333 

Ramus,  Peter,  iii.  158,  179 

Rantznu,  John,  tutor  to  the  son 
of  Christian  II.,  accompanies 
him  to  Germany,  vii.  147;  won 
over  to  Lutheranism,  148  ; 
drives  the  Liibeckers  out  of 
Jutland,  212;  charged  to  ar- 
rest the  bishops,  217 

Rastell,  iv.  141;  Fryth's  regard 
for,  147 ;  his  conversion  by 
Fryth's  treatise,  148 

Ratisbon.  Conference  at,  iv.  371; 
viii.  55,  56,  102 

Raveleson,  James,  a  Protestant  of 
Perth,  vi.  178,  179;  seized  and 
condemned  to  death  hy  Cardi- 
nal Beatoun,  181;  hung,  181 

Reading  Abbey,  visited  by  Henry 
YIII.,  V.  78;  the  abbot  sent  to 
the  Tower,  79 

Reff,  Johan,  bishop  of  Opsloe, 
accepts  the  Eeformation,  vii. 
224 

Reformatio^!,  The,   spread  of,   in , 
Switzerland,  i.  310;  beginnings 
of,  at  Geneva,  310;  in  France, 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


449 


316,  317;  its  work,  318;  Calvin's 
idea,  319;  necessity  for  the  three 
principles  of  Luther,  Zwinglius 
and  Calvin,  320;  Margaret  of 
Angouleme's  plan,  341  ;  pre- 
pares for  unity,  357;  conversion 
its  fundamental  act,  iO'l;  op- 
posed  by  parliament  of  Paris 
and  by  the  Sorbonne,  403;  the 
dominant  force,  410;  contained 
germ  of  modern  libei-ties,  416; 
sources  of,  ii.  13,  15;  substitutes 
evangelical  for  Roman  church, 
26 ;  advances  in  France,  67 ; 
cross  currents  in  Germany,  96; 
auxiliaries  of,  135  ;  progress, 
138,  183,  184;  proposed  fusion 
with  Catholicism,  245;  begun 
in  Wiirtemberg,  255;  question 
between  Rome  and  the  Refor- 
mation, 297;  need  of,  299  sq.; 
brings  about  union  of  faith  and 
morality,  319;  beginning  of,  at 
Geneva,  negative,  387  ;  *  de 
Christo  meditari,'  437;  nature 
of,  453;  negative  Protestantism 
not  enough,  454;  general  awak- 
ening of  the  West,  iii.  7,  8;  in 
South  of  France,  19;  its  teach- 
ings, 49;  friendly  to  Science, 
61,  62;  a  creation,  171;  stagna- 
tion after  first  struggles,  197; 
importance  of,  198  ;  benefits 
women,  208;  the  scriptural,  iv. 
2  ;  internal  and  external,  2  ; 
character  of,  in  England,  2,  3; 
wrought  by  the  Scriptures  and 
evangelical  men,  92;  part  played 
by  England  and  by  Geneva  in, 
184;  evangelical  preaching  or- 
dered at  Geneva,  196;  begin- 
ning of,  in  Italy,  406;  in  Eng- 
land conduces  to  general  pros- 
perity, V.  103;  origin  of,  in 
England,  120;  protests  of,  283, 
298;  the  originators  of,  vii.  114, 
115;  Calvin  its  lawgiver,  115, 
116  ;  one  of  the  secondary 
epochs,  119;  the  revived  Gos- 
pel, 523;  its  method  and  re- 
sults, viii.  311.  312;  originated 
all  kinds  of  progress,  313,  314 
Jic(i)itult,  Francis,  i)rint(r,  viii. 
i77;  his  Bibles  seized  by  the 
Inquisition  and  himself  prohib- 


ited from  printing  more,  178; 
the  presses,  types,  ».\:c.,  st^ized 
bj'  Cromwell's  agents  and  tak- 
en to  London,  178 

Begnier  de  la  Planche,  Pierre,  in- 
vites Calvin,  iii.  48;  gained  to 
Protestantism,  49 

Rehihard,  Martin,  sent  to  Den- 
mark, vii.  130  ;  preaches  in 
German,  131 ;  burlesqued  at  in- 
stigation of  the  priests,  131, 
132  ;  deprived  of  inter]:)reter, 
leaves  ott"  preaching,  132;  his 
report  to  Luther,  133 

Relnhold,  Matthew,  envoy  to  Fran- 
cis I.,  ii.  71;  questioned  by 
courtiers,  71 

Relics,  ridiculed  by  Genevese,  ii. 
385 ;  procession  of,  at  Paris,  iii. 
126  sqq. 

Eemond,  Florimond  de,  on  Cal- 
vin, ii.  16,  27  note;  iii.  16 

Renaissance,  The,  i.  380,  383;  ii. 
299 

Renee  of  France,  duchess  of  Fer- 
rara,  iii.  193;  her  early  life,  iv. 
425;  marries  duke  of  Ferrara, 
426;  her  character  and  tastes, 
426 ;  the  scholars  gathered 
around  her,  427;  and  v.  420; 
expects  Calvin,  iv.  489  ;  re- 
ceives him  with  du  Tillet,  v. 
421;  dei^rived  by  the  duke  of 
her  French  friends,  442,  443; 
rescue  of  Calvin  ascribed  to  her, 
446 

Renier,  Stephen,  burnt,  i.  430; 
defence  of,  by  ^laisonneuve, 
iv.  264 

Rennsbarg,  Dominican,  opposes 
the  Reformation  at  Hamburg, 
viii.  320 

Resby,  John,  burnt  at  I'erth,  vi.  5 

Resisfftiu-e,  Right  of,  in  the  Mid- 
dle Ages,  ii.  3;}6 

Rera,  Francis,  vii.  389,  400 

Ri'vett,  William,  envoy  with  Carne 
to  the  l)ope,  v.  3,  4 

Revival,  religious,  (.'[ioelisof,  ii.  102 

RIkkUus,  John,  vii.  501,  510 

A'j.r/o,  Bartolonieo,  iv.  427 

Jlirh,  Ivirliard,  conducts  prose- 
cution of  Cromwell,  viii.  215; 
takt'H  part  in  torture  of  Auuo 
Askew.  281 


450 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


Richardet,  Claude,  i.  93,  94,  206; 
elected  syndic,  241 ;  calls  Bou- 
let  to  account  and  assaults  him, 
258;  commands  auxiliaries  for 
Friburg,  ii.  442;  refuses  to  go 
to  preaching,  vi.  224;  elected 
syndic,  361 ;  introduces  French 
agents  into  the  city,  363;  takes 
part  in  riot  under  Phihppe,  519; 
kiUed,  524 

Bicherme,  put  to  the  torture,  iv. 
324 

Bidlcide,  in  controversy,  iii.  406 

Billaert,  Matthew  van,  vii.  550 

Ritier,  Erasmus,  vi.  326,  327,  367; 
one  of  the  presidents  of  synod 
of  Lausanne,  374;  advocate  for 
Calvin  and  Farel  at  Geneva,  434 

Robert  de  la  Marche,  his  sons  at 
Paris,  i.  371;  invite  Farel,  372 

Rochford,  Lord,  envoy  to  Francis 
I.,'ii.  151.     [Wiltshire,  Earl  of] 

Rochford,  Lady,  plots  against 
Queen  Anne,  v.  126,  127,  134; 
viii.  253;  condemned  and  exe- 
cuted, 254     ' 

Rochford,  Lord,  charge  against 
him,  V.  134 ;  at  Greenwich 
tournament,  138;  arrest  of,  139; 
examined,  148;  condemned  to 
death,  159;  beheaded,  159 

Roennov,  Joachim,  chosen  bishop 
of  Roeskilde,  vii.  168;  investi- 
gates persecution  of  Lutheran 
preachers,  182;  threatened  by 
the  populace,  202 ;  saved  by 
Tausen,  203;  sanctions  evan- 
gelical preaching  at  Copenha- 
gen, 204;  his  futile  attempt  to 
persecute,  205;  takes  oath  of 
allegiance  to  Christian  II. ,  208 ; 
arrested,  217;  refuses  to  sub- 
mit, his  death,  221 

Rogers,  assists  Tyndale  in  trans- 
lation of  the  Bible,  v.  215;  gets 
the  Bible  printed,  215,  216 

Rogers,  John,  preacher,  his  im- 
prisonment and  death,  vi.  182 

Roniitin,  Mark,  iii.  204;  procures 
liberation  of  Hollard,  209;  as- 
saulted by  the  women.  210 

Rome,  ecclesiastical  corruption 
at,  i.  118;  causes  assigned,  119; 
sack  of.  ii.  319 

Rome,  Church  of,  a  persecuting 


EOX 

power,  iii.  3;  its  character  in 
the  16th  century,  vi.  42;  action 
of,  in  Hungary,  contrasted  with 
that  of  Islamism,  vii.  406  sqq., 
414-416 

Roovere,  Paul  van,  vii,  549;  ar- 
rested, 556;  recants  and  is  im- 
prisoned, 561 

Roper,  Margaret,  v.  16;  visits  her 
father  in  the  Tower,  46;  again, 
62;  after  his  sentence,  70,  71; 
last  offices,  72 

Roset,  Claude,  i.  271 ;  visits  Farel, 
iii.  277,  397 

Roset,  Michel,  i.  88,  210,  267 

RosseUi,  Lucio  Paolo,  writes  to 
Melanchthon,  iv.  411;  defends 
him,  412 

Rottmann,  Bernard,  preaches  at 
Munster,  viii.  333,  334;  mar- 
ries, 334;  joins  the  Spirituals, 
337;  killed  at  siege  of  Munster, 
349 

Rough,  John,  chaplain  to  Earl  of 
Arran,  vi.  156;  outcry  against 
him,  156;  dismissed,  168 

Roussel,  Gerard,  i.  332;  recalled 
to  France,  362;  at  Paris,  367; 
his  weakness,  370,  371;  inter- 
view with  sons  of  Eobert  de 
la  Marche,  371,  380,  412;  ii. 
56,  93;  declines  to  preach  in 
Paris,  113  ;  preaches  in  the 
Louvre,  115  sqq. ;  denounced 
by  the  Sorbonne,  120;  conlined 
to  his  house  by  the  king's  or- 
der, 124;  the  order  revoked, 
130;  his  timidity,  134,  138;  for- 
bidden to  preach,  228 ;  burning 
of,  demanded  by  Beda,  232;  re- 
fused by  the  king,  232;  debate 
with  Beda  in  the  prison,  232; 
set  free,  234 ;  appointed  to 
preach  at  Notre  Dame,  238  ; 
prevented  by  the  populace,  239; 
at  Nerac,  iii.  21;  compromise, 
22;  interview  with  Calvin,  23; 
celebrates  the  Lord's  Supper  at 
Pau,  27;  arrested,  113;  before 
the  king,  117;  sent  to  a  con- 
vent, 124;  made  bishop  of  Ole- 
rou,  V.  438 

Roxas,  Don  Domingo  de,  influ- 
enced by  Carranza's  teaching, 
viii.    114;   adopts  doctrines  of 


GENERAL    INDEX, 


451 


the  reformers,  114;  conversa- 
tions witli  Carriinza,  117 

Bozet,  Ciuude,  banished  from  Ge- 
neva, vi.  407;  snperseded  as  sec- 
retary to  the  Council,  438;  or- 
dered to  give  up  the  Confession 
of  Faith,  485;  assists  Calvin  in 
preparing  constitution  of  a 
church,  vii.  56 

Russel,  Jerome,  imprisoned,  vi. 
120;  tried  before  archbishop  of 
(ilasgow,  121;  burnt,  123 

Bussel,  Sir  John,  sent  against  in- 
surgents of  the  North,  v.  205 

Eussia,  movements  of  reform  in, 
vii.  432,  433 

Rythove,  Peter,  summoned  before 
the  judges,  escapes,  vii.  558 

SACRAMENTS,  The,  views  of 
Bucer,  ii.  269';  discussed  be- 
tween the  Sorbonne  and  the 
ministers,  291,  292 

Sadler,  Sir  Ralph,  ambassador  of 
Henry  VIII.  to  Scotland,  vi. 
124,  133;  charged  to  conclude 
marriage  treaty  between  Prince 
Edward  and  Queen  Mary,  164; 
his  report  of  Beatoun's  in- 
trigues, 170;  insulted  by  the 
Scots,  170;  complains  to  the 
regent,  171;  demands  the  hos- 
tages and  is  refused,  171;  his 
letter  to  the  regent,  174 

Sadolelo,  cardinal,  iv.  392,  432, 
437;  invites  Paleario  to  Rome, 
441;  defends  him  at  Sienna, 
445,  482;  made  cardinal,  487; 
account  of,  vi.  479;  at  meeting 
of  prelates  at  Lyons,  479;  his 
letter  to  Geneva,  480  aqq. ;  viii. 
149 

Sadolin,  of  Yiborg,  professes  Lu- 
theranism,  vii.  156;  tirst  pro- 
fessor in  the  Free  School,  156 

St.  Andreics,  competitors  for  the 
see  of,  vi.  10;  its  university,  19; 
seizure  of  the  castle  by  cons])ir- 
ators  against  Cardinal  Beatoun, 
211;  tlie  castle  unsuccessfully 
besieged  bj'  the  regent,  215 

St.  Anihonif,  founder  of  monasti- 
cism,  V.  97 

St.  Anihonij  of  Padua,  his  image 
broken,  iv.  280 


St.  Angnfii'tne,  Calvin's  resem- 
blance to,  ii.  26 

St.  Babolln,  image  of,  carried  off 
by  de  Joye,  i.  201 

St.  Bernard,  cited,  i.  43 

St.  Clair,  Sir  John,  commissioner 
for  suppression  of  lesser  mon- 
asteries, V.  100 

St.   Claire,  convent  of,  Orbe,  iii. 

,204 

St.  Claire,  convent  of,  Geneva, 
burnt,  ii.  425;  the  Friburgers 
billt^ed  in,  420  ;  processions 
and  vigils  of  the  nuns,  428; 
l^ilgrimage  to,  433  ;  another, 
434  sqq. ;  pride  of  the  nuns, 
435;  alarm  at  Farel's  teaching, 
iii.  280,  333;  sympathize  with 
attack  on  Lutherans,  380,  422; 
a  midnight  alarm,  iv.  319, 
320  ;  line  of  ramparts  carried 
through  the  garden,  335;  the 
nuns  invited  to  a  disputation, 
V.  258;  their  last  mass,  depart- 
ure of  father -confessor,  296; 
Farel  preaches  to  the  nuns, 
302;  departure  of  the  nuns,  300 

St.  Firmin,  martyr,  story  of,  ii.  6 

St.  George,  Brotherhood  of,  i.  135 

St.  James,  neitvaine  in  honor  of, 
at  Paris,  ii.  122 

St.  Jnllien,  army  of  Savoy  at,  i. 
162;  truce  of,  ii.  428 

St.  Theresa,  viii.  7;  her  friendship 
with  John  d'Avila,  7 

S/.  Thomas  of  Canterbury,  iv.  207 

St.  Victor,  Prioi-y  of,  Geneva,  i. 
46,  185;  re-storod  to  Bonivard, 
314;  ii.  400,  401;  annexed  to 
hospital  of  Geneva.  402  ;  or- 
dered to  be  demolished,  iv. 
332,  333 

Saints,  intercession  of,  ii.  289,  290 

Saleneure,  Sinurde,  i.  146;  Savoy- 
ard ambassador  to  the  Swiss 
diet,  153.  181,  291,  295,  297 

Salomon,  Claude,  iii.  277,  331 ; 
with  Maisonneuve  goes  to 
Berne,  364,  365;  with  Muisiui- 
neuve  at  Berne,  403;  iv.  195; 
his  gentleness,  196,  235 

Sampson.  Richard,  bishop  of  Chi- 
chesttT,  his  embarnissmcnt  ut 
Lambeth  conference,  viii.  154; 
opposes  prayers  in  the  vulgar 


452 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


SAN 

tongue,  161;  committed  to  the 
Tower,  162;  acknowledges  alli- 
ance with  Gardiner  and  others 
for  defence  of  the  old  religion, 
162;  on  the  Thames  with  Bish- 
op TonstaU,  162;  liberated,  162; 
at  Lambert's  trial,  167,  &c. 

Sancha  de  Carile,  viii.  8 

San  Romano,  Francis,  viii.  38;  at 
Antwerp,  49;  sent  to  Bremen, 
49;  hears  Spreng  preach,  49; 
his  visits  to  him,  and  conver- 
sion, 50;  his  resolve,  51;  writes 
to  Charles  V.,  51;  schemes  of 
his  friends  at  Antwerp,  52;  re- 
turns to  Antwerp  and  is  seized 
by  the  monks,  52;  his  books 
burnt,  53 ;  imprisoned,  54 ; 
counsel  of  Euzinas  to  him,  54; 
his  fervency,  54;  at  Eatisbon, 
has  audience  of  Charles  V. ,  55 ; 
again  imprisoned,  56;  harshly 
treated  and  removed,  56;  he- 
roic endurance,  57;  in  the  dun- 
geons of  the  Inquisition  at 
Valladolfd,  58,  121  ;  harsh 
treatment,  121  ;  condemned 
to  be  burnt,  122;  led  to  exe- 
cution, 122  ;  burnt,  123  ;  de- 
clared to  be  damned,  prayer 
for  him  prohibited,  124;  date 
of  his  martja-dom,  124  w. ;  re- 
sults of  his  death,  125 

Sarrasin,  iii.  59,  60 

Sartorlus,  John,  vii.  532;  his  con- 
version and  zeal,  532,  533;  as- 
sailed by  Crocus,  533  ;  his 
works,  533;  death,  534 

Saunier,  iii.  251  ;  accompanies 
Farel  to  the  Pays  de  Vaud, 
253;  reaches  Geneva,  274;  in- 
terviews with  Huguenots.  277 
sqq. ;  appears  before  the  town 
council,  282,  285,  286;  assault- 
ed before  episcopal  council,  291 ; 
banished,  293 ;  escapes  with  Fa- 
rel,  294;  named  directed  of  Col- 
lege at  Geneva,  v,  310;  his  suc- 
cess, vi.  296;  made  a  citizen, 
297;  banished,  467;  edict  of  ex- 
pulsion revoked,  vii.  43 

Sacoie,  Claude,  syndic  of  Geneva, 
ii.  468;  iii.  277,  333;  iv.  195; 
envoy  to  Lucerne,  343;  v.  315; 
at  Berne,  316;  asks  aid  of  Wil- 


dermuth,  321  ;  at  Neuchatel, 
322;  on  the  march,  328;  goes 
to  Coppet,  331;  seized  by  de 
Lullin,  341  ;  disappears,  345; 
strikes  a  new  coinage  for  Ge- 
neva, 360;  elected  syndic,  394; 
suspended  from  office  for  re- 
ceiving letter  from  a  French 
agent,  vi.  363;  imi^risoned,  470; 
escapes  to  Berne,  470  ;  re- 
nounces citizenship  of  Gene- 
va, 470 

Savoy,  the  House  of,  covets  Ge- 
neva, i.  14,  15;  importance  of 
struggle  with  Geneva,  15;  Peter 
of,  15,  16;  Amadeus  V.,  17,  18; 
Amadeus  VIIL,  18,  20;  Peter, 
John  Louis,  21;  Amadeus  IX., 
Phihp  Lackland,  22;  Charles 
III.,  29;  sides  with  the  empe- 
ror, 276;  loses  Geneva,  301,  302; 
its  rights  threatened  by  Swiss 
alliance  with  Geneva,  ii.  303; 
deputation  to  Berne,  307 

Saxony,  the  Reformation  in,  viii. 
318 

Saxony,  John,  Elector  of,  ii.  71; 
100  i  his  death,  101 ;  John  Fred- 
erick, Elector  of,  opposes  alli- 
ance of  Francis  I.  and  land- 
grave of  Hesse,  222  ;  rejects 
overtures  of  Henry  VIII.,  iv. 
165  ;  gives  audience  to  Me- 
lanchthon,  380  ;  refuses  him 
leave  to  go  to  France,  382;  his 
character,  383;  his  fear  of  Me- 
lanchthon's  concessions,  386; 
letter  to  him,  387  ;  letter  to 
Francis  I.,  390;  goes  to  Smal- 
calde,  394;  gives  audience  to 
du  Bellaj^  395;  receives  Barnes, 
envoy  of  Henry  VIIL,  v.  108; 
another  embassy,  109;  alliance 
with  Henry  concluded,  110;  re- 
ceives embassj'  fiom  him,  117, 
118 

Seala,  Julius  Caesar  della.  [Sca- 
I'Kjer] 

Sca'liger,  settles  at  Agen,  ii.  77 

Schiitishurfj,  Conference  of,  vii. 
384,  385,  394 

Schleswig,  duchy  of,  the  Refor- 
mation established  in,  vii.  224 

Schoener,  George,  envoy  to 
France,  iv.  322 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


453 


SCH 

SchoJasilcism,  fall  of,  at  Oxford, 
V.  84 

Schools,  evangelization  of,  iii.  60, 
61 

Schweinfurth  on  the  Maine,  Con- 
ference at,  ii.  97  sqq. 

Sclercx,     Catherine,     before    the 
Judges,  vii.  557 

Scotland,  the  Reformation  in,  i. 
5;  two  periods,  vi,  3;  impulses 
from  the  South,  4;  the  Culdees, 
4,  5;  the  Lollards,  5;  the  Huss- 
ites, 5;  struggle  between  the 
king  and  the  nobles,  6;  first 
glimmerings  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, 6;  Campbell  of  Cessnock, 
6,  7;  war  with  England,  Flod- 
den,  9;  conflicts  of  king,  priests 
and  nobles,  9;  election  of  a 
bishop,  10;  election  of  ^jriests, 
10;  Alesius,  11;  Patrick  Ham- 
ilton, 13;  beginning  of  the  Ref- 
ormation, 18;  the  writings  of 
Luther  prohibited  by  the  par- 
liament, and  ordered  to  be  con- 
fiscated, 21;  flight  of  Beatoun, 
24;  Tj^ndale's  New  Testament 
imported,  25 ;  preaching  of  Pa- 
trick Hamilton,  45s<7<7.  [Angus, 
Earl  of,  James  V.,  IJamUlon,  Pa- 
trick, Beatoun,  Primate];  the 
nobles  deprived  of  their  juris- 
diction, a  College  of  Justice  set 
up,  85;  their  project  of  a  union 
with  England,  86;  the  New  Tes- 
tament proscribed,  90  ;  skir- 
mishes on  the  Marches,  91  ; 
the  priests  attempt  to  make  a 
breach  between  James  V.  and 
Henry  VIIL,  100,  101;  progress 
of  the  Reformation,  132;  war 
with  England,  137  sqq. ;  battle 
of  Halidon,  138;  persecution 
stayed,  139;  a  proscription  list, 
142;  invasion  of  England,  144; 
an  English  envoy  murdered, 
148;  death  of  Janics  V.,  150; 
ambitious  attempt  of  Beatoun, 
153  ;  Regency  of  AiTan,  154; 
scheme  for  mai'riage  of  the 
queen  with  Edward  of  Eng- 
land, ai)proved  by  the  Coun- 
cil, 158;  meeting  of  lords  at 
Perth,  their  demands,  160;  the 
lords  cited  to  Edinburgh,  161; 


meeting  of  the  parliament,  the 
marriage  scheme  iipi)rovcd, 
161;  Act  passed  for  friHjdorn  to 
read  the  Bible,  163;  joy  of  tbo 
people,  163;  conclusion  of  the 
marriage  treaty  at  Greenwich, 
165;  the  hostages  refused,  171; 
troops  assembled  by  both  par- 
ties, 172;  war  declared  bv  Hen- 
ry VIIL,  175;  the  English  fleet 
at  Leith.  183;  Edinburgh  pil- 
laged and  burnt,  184;  murder 
of  the  Cardinal,  212;  why  the 
Gospel  triumphed,  215,  216;  re- 
sults of  the  Reformation,  217 

Scott,  Thomas,  of  Pittgoruo,  his 
crimes,  remorse,  and  death,  vi. 
130,  131 

Scripturists,  The,  iii.  93 

Scripures,  interpretation  of,  iv. 
223,  224 

Seaton,  Alexander,  Dominican, 
preaches  evangelical  doctrine, 
vi.  87;  condemned  by  Beatoun, 
89;  quits  Scotland,  89;  becomes 
chaplain  to  duke  of  Suffolk,  89 

Seaton,  condemned  to  bear  a  fag- 
got, at  Paul's  cross,  viii.  240 

Seclucyan,  John,  translates  New 
Testament  into  Polish,  vii.  424 

Senarclens,  Claude  de,  viii.  101; 
present  at  death  of  Juan  Diaz, 
111 

Seneca,  Calvin's  commentary  on, 
ii.  87;  cited,  89 

Senlis,  Bishop  of,  sent  to  Paris 
with  Duprat,  to  stop  intrigues 
of  the  Sorbonne,  ii.  126 

Sept,  Michel,  i.  267,  271,  276,  202; 
appointed  syndic  of  Geneva,  iv. 
242;  receives  warning  of  im- 
pending attack  on  Geneva,  312; 
his  feud  with  Philippe,  v.  317; 
suspended  from  office  for  re- 
ceiving letter  from  a  French 
agent,  vi.   3()3 

Serg'uie,  De,  Eril)urg  notary,  i. 
290;  at  council  ot'  Geneva,  293, 
294 

Servetus,  Michael,  Culvin's  ]>lea 
for,  i.  6;  account  of  him,  iii. 
81;  goes  to  Paris,  85;  invites 
Calvin  to  a  conference,  86;  does 
not  appear,  87;  result  of  his 
death,  197 


454 


GENERAL    INDEX, 


Seso,  Don  Carlos  de,  viii.  116;  his 
evaugelical  labors,  116  ;  mar- 
riage, 116 

Seville,  beginnings  of  reformation 
at,  viii.  21:  labors  of  Egidius, 
Ponce  de  la  Fuente  and  Vargas, 
29  sqq. ;  opposition  to  them, 
81 

Seymour,  Edward,  v,  132;  crea- 
ted Earl  of  Hertford,  viii.  11:2. 
IHertford] 

Seymour,  Jane,  attracts  notice  of 
Henry  VIII. ,  v.  126,  128,  179; 
birth  of  her  son  Edward,  viii. 
141 ;  her  death,  142 

Seymour,  Sir  Thomas,  v.  132;  viii. 
221,  299 

Seymours,  the,  friendly  to  the  Kef- 
ormation,  viii.  299;  proposals 
of  duke  of  Norfolk  for  alliance 
with,  299 

Seyssel,  Claude  de,  i.  49,  75;  his 
judgment  on  the  mock  auction, 
76;  made  archbishop  of  Turin, 
91 ;  attempts,to  withdraw  Peco- 
lat's  case  li-om  the  syndics,  93, 
111 

Sforza,  Bona,  queen  of  Poland, 
vii.  431 

Shaxton,  bishop  of  Salisbury,  v. 
130;  opposes  the  Six  Articles, 
viii.  183;  resigns  his  see,  184; 
imprisoned,  liberated,  271 

Shrewsbury,  Earl  of,  sent  against 
insurgents  of  the  North,  v.  205 

Siderander,  Peter,  account  of,  ii. 
132,  137;  watches  at  the  Sor- 
bonne,  139 

Sienna,  iv.  436 

Sigismund  /.,  kiug  of  Poland,  vii. 
422;  receives  Catholic  deputies 
from  Dantzic,  428;  summons 
leading  reformers,  goes  to  Dant- 
zic, 428;  his  severe  measures, 
529;  becomes  king  of  Sweden, 
persecutes  the  Protestants,  340; 
driven  away,  340 

Sigismund,  Count,  of  Hohenlohe, 
conversion  of,  i.  339;  endeavors 
to  propagate  Luther's  doctrines 
in  France,  339,  340;  his  Book 
of  the  Cross,  340;  writes  to  Mar- 
garet of  Angoulcme,  340,  354; 
leave  refused  for  him  to  go  into 
France,  354 


Simon,  TMichel,  preaches  at  Bour- 
ges,  ii.  29 

Sinapi,  Giovanni,  iv.  427;  at  Fer- 
rara,  v.  427 

Sinclair,  Oliver,  vi.  124, 142;  com- 
mander-in-chief at  Solway,  144; 
captured  by  the  English,  146 

Six  Articles,  The,  presented  to 
the  peers,  viii.  181;  passed,  183; 
characterized,  187 ;  commis- 
sioners appointed  to  carry  them 
out,  187;  five  hundred  victims, 
187;  indignation  in  Germany, 
188;  conference  of  Luther,  Me- 
lanchthon  and  others,  188;  the 
five  hundred  liberated,  191  ; 
promise  of  the  king  to  soften 
their  harshness,  201;  modified, 
261 

Sixteenih  Century,  characterized, 
i.  7,  316,  325,  410;  state  of  the 
papacy  in,  ii.  144;  first  politico- 
religious  war  of,  251,  252;  ex- 
citement and  suspense,  300  ; 
moral  revival,  iv.  229,  209;  per- 
secution in,  explained,  302  ; 
epoch  of  transformation,  346 
sqq. 

Sixtus  IV.,  decree  of,  respecting 
pi'inting,  ii.  173 

Slave  Version  of  the  Bible,  revised 
by  Maxim  us,  vii.  432 

Smalcald,  meeting  of  Protestants 
at,  ii.  96;  alliance  of,  97;  and 
viii.  328;  iv.  394;  mission  of  du 
Bellay  to,  394  sqq. ;  conference 
between  the  two  parties,  398 
sqq. 

Smeton,  Mark,  charge  against  him, 
V.  133 ;  interview  with  the  queen, 
137;  arrested,  137;  examined, 
148;  indicted,  153;  tried  and 
sentenced  to  death,  154 

Society  and  the  State,  i.  28 

Soleure,  i.  182;  friendly  to  Gene- 
va, 276;  sends  embassy  to  Ge- 
neva, 280;  ii.  390,  392;  mass 
restored,  444;  the  Eeformatiou 
crushed,  vi.  323 

SoUman,  Sultan,  invades  Hun- 
gary, ii.  107;  iv.  116,  117;  vii. 
356;  demands  tribute  of  Louis 
II.,  357;  battle  of  Mohacz,  360, 
361  ;  ravages  Hungary,  361  ; 
again  invades   Hungary-,    con- 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


455 


SOL 

firms  Zapolya  as  king,  371 ;  pro- 
hibits oppressiou  of  Protes- 
tants, 371 

Solway,  flight  of  the  Scots  at,  vi. 
145;  its  effect  on  the  nation, 
151 

Sorbonne,  The,  i.  331,  334,  343, 
346;  opposes  the  Reformation, 
403;  attacked  by  Berquin,  406; 
proscribes  Erasmus,  407,  414, 
415,  418,  429;  instigates  the 
people  against  Berqnm,  431, 
432;  ii.  32;  demands  trial  of 
Berquin,  33;  condemns  the  pro- 
fessors, 59;  Lecoq  examined  bj'- 
the  doctors,  77;  closes  pulpits 
of  Paris  against  Roussel,  114; 
agitation  caused  by  evangelical 
preachings,  119  ;  denounces 
Koussel,  120;  meets  with  re- 
pulses, 120;  scurrilous  attacks, 
120;  doctrines  of  Roussel,  123; 
complains  to  the  king,  124 ; 
sends  deputation  to  him,  126; 
threat  of  revolt,  127;  doctors 
summoned  before  Duprat,  128; 
alarmed  by  condemnation  of 
Beda,  130;  calls  for  the  stake, 
136;  placards,  136,  137,  141;  in- 
creasing alarm  at  progress  of 
Lutherans,  165;  furious  against 
Margaret  of  Navarre,  165;"  finds 
heresy  in  her  Jiirror,  167;  seizes 
all  the  copies,  172;  prohibits 
the  book,  173;  disavows  the 
priests'  comedy,  181  ;  apolo- 
gizes to  the  king,  182,  183 ; 
alarm  at  Cop's  inaugural  ad- 
dress, 201;  debates,  203,  228; 
stops  private  meetings  of  Lu- 
therans, and  seizes  preachers, 
229,  230;  imprisons  three  hun- 
dred Lutherans,  232,  271;  alarm 
of,  at  articles  of  reform,  285, 
286;  defends  the  old  doctrine, 
286;  conference  with  the  min- 
isters, 287  sqq. ;  growing  alarm, 
294;  schemes,  294,  295;  anger 
about  the  'placards,'  iii.  105; 
avenged  on  Margaret,  112;  pro- 
nounces against  divorce  of  Hen- 
ry VITL,  iv.  39;  declares  for  it. 
40;  protests  against  union  with 
Lutherans.  353;  refuses  con- 
ference  with    reformers,    369  ; 


opposes  concession  to  them, 
394 

Solo,  Pedro  de,  confessor  to 
Charles  v.,  viii.  64;  his  appear- 
ance, 64;  his  preaching,  65,  OG; 
instigates  persecution,  66;  ap- 
plies to  Granvella,  67;  exauiines 
New  Testament  of  Enzinas,  72; 
receives  Enzinas,  73;  a  sermon, 
74;  his  report  to  Granvella,  75; 
his  treachery,  75  sqq. ;  holds  a 
disputation  with  Alexander,  87; 
perplexed  about  case  of  Juan 
Diaz,  106 

Soubise,  John  of,  conversion  of, 
at  Farrara,  v.  428;  his  zeal,  429 

Southampioii,  Earl  of,  one  of  the 
escort  of  Anne  of  Cleves,  viii. 
194;  writes  to  Henry  VIII.,  195; 
lord  keeper,  presents  bill  of  at- 
tainder against  Cromwell,  218 

Spain,  ecclesiastical  state  of,  viii. 
1;  Torquemada  and  the  Inqui- 
sition, 2;  the  universities,  2; 
political  circumstances  favora- 
ble to  the  Reformation,  3;  rela- 
tion between  Spain  and  the 
Netherlands,  3;  introduction  of 
Luther's  works  and  i)artisans 
prohibited  by  Leo  X.  and  Adri- 
an VI.,  4;  preaching  of  John 
d'Avila,  5;  prejiaration  for  re- 
form, 8;  an  examination  before 
the  Inquisition,  9;  the  chief  re- 
former, 10  sqq.;  awakening  of 
curiosity,  20;  silent  progress  of 
the  Gospel,  112 

Spandeimiyer,  preaches  at  Mal- 
moe,  vii.  158  sqq. 

Spanish  V^ersion  of  the  Bible,  de- 
stroyed by  the  Inquisition,  viii. 
42;  of  the  New  Testament,  by 
Enzinas,  completed,  58 

Spirituals,  The,  iii.  77,  78;  their 
doctrines  opposed  by  Calvin, 
80,  81;  their  dupes, '82;  their 
cunning,  82;  at  Geneva,  vi.  299; 
their  pantheism,  31)0;  llfrnuiu 
and  Benoit  he.ird  l)i'fore  the 
Council,  301;  a  public  disputa- 
tion, 301;  they  refuse  to  re- 
tract, 302;  banished  from  Ge- 
neva, 302  ;  their  fanaticism, 
viii.  331,  332;  subjeeted  to  ]).r- 
seciition,     332  ;     ut     Munster, 


456 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


SPO 

334  [Munster,  John  of  Ley  den, 
Matthison,  Enipperdolling,  Rott- 
riianii];  cause  troubles  in  Hol- 
land, 348,  349;  their  proceed- 
ings not  connected  with  Prot- 
estantism, 351;  severity  of  the 
German  Diet,  352;  three  causes 
of  their  disorders,  352,  353 

Spoon,  order  of  the,  originated  by 
de  Ternier,  ii.  357;  the  'gen- 
tlemen '  assail  the  Genevese, 
357 ;  raid  on  the  meadows,  371 ; 
meeting  atNyon,  373;  death  of 
the  leader  Pontven-e,  379;  dis- 
orders and  violence  of,  379,  380; 
threaten  attack  on  Geneva,  383 ; 
respond  to  appeal  of  the  bish- 
op, 413;  commissioned  to  make 
w^ar  on  Geneva,  413;  led  by  La 
Sarraz,  take  the  field,  416 ; 
march  on  Geneva,  417;  retreat, 
422;  castles  assailed  by  Swiss 
troops,  423,  424 

Spre.ng,  Jacob,  account  of,  vii. 
483;  at  Wktenberg,  483;  his 
preaching  at  Antwerp,  488;  ar- 
rested and  condemned  to  be 
burnt,  recants,  489,  490  ; 
preaches  at  Bruges,  an-ested 
and  taken  to  Brussels.  490;  es- 
capes to  Bremen,  491  ;  his 
preaching  there,  viii.  49;  inter- 
views with  San  Eomano,  50,  51 

Siatilius,  bishop  of  Stuhlweissen- 
burg,  vii.  383,  386 

Stirke,  Hellen,  a  Protestant  of 
Perth,  \i.  178;  seized  and  con- 
demned to  death  by  Cardinal 
Beatoun,  181;  drowned,  182 

Sliding  Castle,  meeting  of  priestly 
party  in,  vi.  23 

Slockholm,  massacre  of  nobles 
and  prelates  by  Christian  II., 
at,  vii.  129,  130,  239;  blockaded 
by  the  Danes,  246 ;  fortified 
against  Gustavus,  255;  besieged 
by  him  for  two  years  and  taken, 
256;  iconoclasts  at,  265 

Siokesley,  ambassador  to  Charles 
V.  and  the  pope,  iv.  22;  calls  a 
meeting  of  priests  at  St.  Paul's, 
73 ;  a  clerical  riot,  73,  71 ;  com- 
plains of  Latimer  to  the  King, 
80;  condemns  Bayfield  to  be 
burnt,  84;  condemns  Tewkes- 


bury, 85 ;  examines  Latimer, 
99;  Bainham,  107;  oneof  Fryth's 
examiners,  151 ;  presides  at  his 
trial,  160;  sentences  him  to 
death,  161;  summoned  before 
parliament  to  answer  complaint 
of  Philips,  179;  opposes  trans- 
lation of  the  Bible,  v,  55,  57, 
181,  189;  opposes  admission  of 
Alesius  to  Convocation,  190; 
opposes  union  with  German 
Protestants,  viii.  154;  at  Lam- 
bert's trial,  170;  visits  Shaxton 
in  prison,  271 ;  examines  Anne 
Askew,  277,  278 

Straiton,  David,  vi.  94;  charged 
withheresj',  94;  his  conversion, 
95;  imprisoned,  96;  burnt,  97 

Strappado,  The,  at  Paris,  iii,  137 

Sti'asbwg,  introduction  of  Lu- 
ther's writings,  i.  339;  refugees 
at,  362  sqq. ;  learning  and  the- 
ology at,  iii.  150;  the  Antioeh 
of  the  Keformation,  vi.  456;  the 
plague  at,  vii.  23,  42,  45;  sends 
delegates  to  Katisbon,  viii.  102 

Sirengnaes,  Diet  of,  vii.  256;  of- 
fers throne  of  Sweden  to  Gus- 
tavus, 257 

Students,  English,  at  Zurich,  viii. 
143;  visit  Cahnn  at  Geneva, 
144;  theu'  letters  to  him,  145; 
and  to  Bullinger,  146;  present 
Bullinger's  works  to  Cranmer, 
Cromwell  and  the  king,  146 

Students,  satires  of  the,  ii.  135 

Sture  Family,  The,  in  Sweden, 
suspected  of  conspiracy  against 
King  Erick,  vii.  328;  several 
imprisoned,  328;  Nils  slain  by 
Erick,  328 

Sturm,  John,  at  Paris,  ii.  115,  116, 
120;  his  report  to  Germany, 
131;  as  lecturer,  132;  iii.  75; 
dejection,  144;  writes  to  Me- 
lanchthon,  145;  iv.  349,  350; 
account  of,  358,  359;  letter  to 
Biicer,  359;  presses  Melanch- 
thon  to  go  to  France,  359  ; 
WTites  to  him,  368;  at  confer- 
ence between  du  Bellay  and 
Germans  at  Smalcalde,  398  ; 
joint  envoy  to  Henry  VUL,  v. 
118 

Suabian  League,  The,  ii.  220 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


457 


Suffolk,  Dxike  of,  Vice-president 
of  the  Council,  iv.  5,  21;  one  of 
Fryth's  examiners,  151;  mem- 
ber of  commission  of  inquiry 
into  conduct  of  Queen  Anne,  v, 

.  135;  on  commission  for  trial  of 
NoiTis,  Weston,  &c.,  IBi;  at 
trial  of  the  queen,  155,  157; 
sent  against  insurgents  of  the 
JJorth,  208;  his  death,  viii.  271 

Supremacy,  EoyaJ,  in  England, 
demanded  by  Henry  Ylil.,  iv. 
61;  discussed  in  Convocation, 
62  sq. ;  compromise  agreed  to 
by  the  king,  G4;  Convocation 
silent,  65;  conceded  by  Convo- 
cation of  York,  65,  66;  dangers 
of,  66;  recognized  by  monks 
and  priests,  v.  20 ;  abolition 
of  j)apal  supremacy  by  Henry 
VIII.,  24;  protests  against,  43; 
mental  reservations,  43;  mean- 
ing of  title,  '  Supreme  head  of 
the  church,'  50,  51  ;  Carthu- 
sians refuse  to  acknowledge,  59 

Surrey,  Earl  of,  at  trial  of  Queen 
Anne,  v.  155;  viii.  300;  his  char- 
acter and  endowments,  300  ; 
committed  to  the  Tower,  301; 
family  quarrels,  302  ;  deposi- 
tions, 303,  304 ;  condemned 
and  executed,  304 

Sussex,  Earl  of,  commissioner  for 
sujipression  of  lesser  monas- 
teries, V.  100;  head  of  commis- 
sion sent  to  Queen  Catherine, 
112,  161 

Su:ede7i,  violates  the  union  of 
Calmar,  vii.  128  ;  laid  under 
interdict  by  the  pope,  128;  the 
revolt  suppressed  by  Christian 
II.,  128;  the  massacre  at  Stock- 
holm, 129,  130;  renewed  revolt 
of,  136;  sends  an  army  against 
the  Liibeckers,  213;  influences 
of  nature  and  of  race  on  the 
Reformation,  231,  232;  social 
life  in,  234;  the  Reformation  be- 
gun, 237;  massacres  by  Chris- 
tian II.,  250;  Gustavus  pro- 
claimed king,  257  ;  compact 
of  separation  from  Pniniark 
signed,  265  ;  tlie  pretender, 
'Nils  Sture,'  278;  Diet  ot  Wes- 
teraas,  281  sqq. ;  abdication  of 


GustavuR,  288;  his  return,  289; 
submission  of  tli«'  l)isbopH,  294; 
the  compact  of  Westeraas,  295; 
fall  of  Romanism,  296;  ecclesi- 
astical confusion,  298;  svnod 
of  Orebro,  299;  'Form  of 'Ref- 
ormation' signed,  302;  obsta- 
cles to  reformation,  302,  303; 
progress,  305;  the  throne  de- 
clared hereditary,  318;  form  of 
church  government,  320;  ac- 
cession of  Erick,  325;  of  John 
III.,  331;  Romanism  re-estab- 
lished, 333;  Jesuits  at  Stock- 
holm, 333  ;  Jesuits  expelled, 
339;  Sigismund  succeeds,  340; 
Charles,  340;  assembly  at  Up- 
sala,  340;  Protestantism  re-es- 
tablished, 341 

Swedish  Xew  Testament,  pub- 
lished, vii.  269 

Swiss,  The,  alliance  with  Gene- 
va, i.  148;  the  diet  declares  for 
duke  of  Savoy,  154;  interven- 
tion between  Geneva  and  Fri- 
burg,  182;  help  of,  sought  by 
Hugues,  275,  276;  protest  of 
Genevese  in  favor  of  alliance, 
294;  alliance  concluded,  304; 
opposition  to  it,  307;  voted  by 
general  council,  308;  embassy 
to  Geneva,  313;  alliance  sworn, 
313  ;  decline  to  join  Italian 
League,  ii.  187;  decline  to  take 
part  in  wresting  "Wiirtemberg 
from  Austria,  217;  the  liernese 
and  Friburgers  take  opposite 
sides  at  Geneva,  353;  send  em- 
bassy to  Geneva,  and  propose 
dissolution  of  alliance,  3',I0  sq. ; 
army  sent  to  Geneva,  423;  alli- 
ance maintained  by  diet  of  I'ay- 
erne,  432;  adhered  to  by  Ciene- 
va,  446;  cancelled  by  patricians, 
449  ;  niaintaini'd  by  citizens, 
450;  at  diet  of  Lucerne,  con- 
sent to  restoration  of  duke  and 
bishop  at  Geneva,  iv.  314;  re- 
quired by  the  duke  to  restore 
them,  V.  315.  [lierne,  Friburg, 
Znricfil 

Siritzcrlaiid,  evangelical  move- 
ment in,  iii.  94;  debates  aa 
to  uuiou  with  Lutherans,  vL 
324 


458 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


Sylvesfre,  Jolin,  vii.  381 ;  his  trans- 
lation of  New  Testament,  393 

ISzalkui,  Cardinal,  undertakes  to 
suppress  Lutheranism  in  Hun- 
gary, vii.  352 

Szantai,  Stephen,  preaches  in 
Hungary,  vii.  383;  conspiracy 
against  him,  383;  at  conference 
of  Schassburg,  385;  banished, 
387 

Szegedin,  Stephen,  vii.  401;  his 
labors,  402,  403;  his  writings, 
403;  view  of  the  Supper,  404; 
brutal  treatment  and  banish- 
ment of,  405;  removes  to  Te- 
meswar,  410;  banished,  412 

Szegedy,  Gregorj^  writes  against 
Devay,  vii.  379 

TAB  OBJ  TES,  The.  [  United 
Breihren'] 

Taccon,  Jean,  i.  37,  56 

Taccon,  Pierre,  i.  37 

Tandy,  Jean,  at  disputation  of 
Lausanne,  vij  251  sqq. 

Tast,  Hermann,  preaches  Luther- 
an doctrines  in  Schleswig,  vii. 
144,  145;  his  labors.  145;  chap- 
lain to  the  king,  156 

Tausen,  John,  Danish  reform"er, 
his  birth  and  early  hfe,  vii.  121, 
122;  enters  a  monastery,  123; 
receives  tidings  from  German}', 
123;  sets  out  for  Louvain,  124; 
reads  Leather's  writings,  124; 
goes  to  Wittenberg,  125 ;  returns 
to  his  convent,  125;  teaches  at 
university  of  Copenhagen,  but 
is  recalled,  136;  his  preaching 
in  the  convent,  150;  its  effects, 
150;  exiled  to  Viborg,  151;  his 
teaching  there,  152;  tried  and 
imprisoned,  154;  his  dungeon 
a  pulpit,  155  ;  liberated  and 
made  chaplain  to  the  king,  156; 
driven  from  the  convent,  166; 
his  preaching  prohibited,  166; 
disputes  with  the  monks,  167; 
his  first  publication,  168;  ap- 
pointed bj'  the  king  pastor  at 
Copenhagen,  109;  head  of  Prot- 
estant party  at  diet  of  Copen- 
hagen, presents  the  evangeli- 
cal confession,  174;  cited  by 
the  bishops,   200;   condemned 


to  death,  200;  the  sentence  com- 
muted to  banishment,    201;  a 
popular  rising  in  his  favor,  201; 
discharged,  202;  again  preaches 
at  Copenhagen,  201;  bishop  of 
Eibe,  223 
Taylor,  Dr.,  his  sermon  on  the 
real  presence,  viii.   164;  inter- 
view with  Lambert,  165 
Temporizers,  The,  iii.  93 
Termer,  Francis  de,  lord  of  Pont- 
verre,  i.  194 ;  hostile  to  alliance  of 
Swiss  and  Genevese,  ii.  303,  304; 
turns  highwayman,  304  sqq. ;  as- 
sembles a  body  of  knights,  355; 
hostility  to  Geneva,  356;  origi- 
nates order  of  the  Spoon,  357; 
reconciles    the    duke   and    the 
bishop,   361,   362;  his  raid  on 
meadows  of  Geneva,  372;  con- 
vokes Knights  of  the  Spoon  at 
Nyon,  373;  passes  through  Ge- 
neva,   373;   presides  at   Nyon, 
'down  with  Geneva,'  374,  375; 
again  passes  into  Geneva,  376; 
his  insolence,   376;  fight  with 
citizens,  377;  wounds  Bandi^re, 
379  ;   slain,    379  ;   his   funeral, 
380;  his  plot  discovered,  380 
Tewkesbury,    John,    tortured    by 
the  bishops,  iv.  84,  85;  arrest- 
ed and  again  put  on  the  rack, 
85;  his  martyrdom,  85 
Theology,  restoration  of,  iii.  170 
Thiene,  Gaetano  de,  iv.  482 
Thomas,  a  friar,  at  Geneva,  i.  57 
Thorn,  Diet  at,  ordinance  against 
Luther  published,  vii.  430;  dis- 
turbances, 430 
Tielmans,    Giles,    vii.    565   sqq. ; 
arrested,    569;   his  intercourse 
with  Ousberghen,  573;  put  to 
the  torture  and  burnt,  575;  con- 
soles Enzinas,  viii.  80 
Tifernns,  Michael,  appointed  tu- 
tor to  Christopher  of  Wiirtem- 
berg,  ii.    108;  aids  his  escape 
from  Charles  v.,  110 
Til  let,  Jean  de,  iii.  13,  14 
Tillef,  Louis  du,  his  character  and 
intercourse  with  Calvin,  ii.  91; 
receives  him,  iii.   6;  accompa- 
nies hiin  to  Poitiers,  44,  64,  91, 
150,  151,  154,  157;  his  doubts 
and  sufferings,  163,  192;  with 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


459 


Calvin  ari'ives  at  FeiTara,  v. 
421;  at  8trasburg,  455;  meets 
Calvin  at  Geneva,  457;  differ- 
ence with  Calvin,  vi.  35G;  quits 
Geneva,  357;  re-enters  Catholic 
church,  358 

Titian,  at  evangelical  meetings  at 
FeiTara,  v.  430;  paints  portrait 
of  Calvin,  431  and  note. 

Tobar,  Bernardin  de,  viii.  13;  ar- 
rested by  the  Inquisition,  14 

Tondi'hinder,  Claus,  preaches  at 
Malmoe,  vii.  157  sqq. ;  futile 
attempts  to  silence  him,  159; 
assists  in  publishing  Danish 
hymn-book,  IGO;  Professor  of 
Theology,  169 

Tonstal,  Cuthbert,  bishop  of  Dur- 
ham, opposes  royal  supremacy, 
iv.  G3;  communicates  Pole's 
book  to  the  king,  v.  174;  writes 
to  Pole,  177;  opposes  union 
with  German  Protestants,  viii. 
154;  at  Lambert's  trial,  170 

Tonsure,  The,  iii.  64 

Tordesillas,  Francis  de,  translates 
Latin  works  of  Carranza,  viii. 
119;  his  'notice  to  the  reader,' 
119 

Torgau,  meeting  of  Protestants 
at,  ii.  96 

Torquemada,  Inquisitor-general, 
viii.  2 

Toulouse,  superstition  at,  ii.  77; 
trial  of  Caturce,  80  sqq. ;  uni- 
versity of,  declares  for  divorce 
of  Henry  VIII.,  iv.  40 

Tour-Landry,  Chev.  de  la,  his 
works  on  education,  iv.  356, 
357 

Tournon,  Cardinal  de,  presides  at 
discussion  with  Lecoq,  ii.  76; 
ambassador  to  the  pope,  105; 
to  Conference  of  Bologna,  142; 
characterized,  147;  policy  of 
the  embassy,  147,  155;  iii.  107; 
instigates  persecution,  113;  iv. 
308,  370;  opposes  union  with 
Lutherans,  370,  371;  obtains 
absolution  from  the  pope  for 
Caroli,  vi.  322 ;  presides  at 
meeting  of  prelates  at  Lyons, 
479 

Toussaint,  Pierre,  imprisoned,  i. 
350;    liberated,    359;    goes    to 


Paris,  360;  at  court,  364;  his 
disgust.  367;  leaves  Paris,  368, 
377;  called  to  preach  at  Gene- 
va, ii.  439:  declines,  440;  in- 
vited into  Switzerland  by  Fa- 
rel,  iii.  232 

Trticy,  William,  his  remains  ex- 
humed and  burnt,  iv.  76 

Trdheron,  Bartholomew.  [Stu- 
dents,  E)«jl\sh'] 

Trajelta,  duchess  of.  {Gonzaga, 
Giulia  di] 

Transubstaniiation,  v.  283  ;  dis- 
cussed at  Lausanne,  vi.  245 

Transylvania.  \Uungary,  Uer- 
munstadt,  Ilonter,  John,  Leut- 
schau'] 

Trent,  Council  of,  arrangement 
for  a  lay  council,  ii.  157,  158; 
anathematizes  the  doctrines  of 
the  lleformation,  vii.  408;  its 
elfect  in  Hungary,  408 

Tricks  of  the  monks,  ii.  385  sq. 

Trinity,  The,  Servetus  and  Calvin 
on,  iii.  84  sqq. 

Trois-Moutiers,  Prior  of,  iii.  45, 
63 

Troll,  Gustavus,  archbishop  of 
Upsala,  imprisoned,  vii.  128; 
crowns  King  Frederick,  154; 
supports  Christian  II.,  185  ; 
commander  of  the  Liibeckers, 
213 

Turin,  introduction  of  reformed 
doctrines  at,  iv.  412 

Tyndale,  William,  iv.  2;  hin  Prac- 
tice of  Prelates  presented  to  the 
king,  £3;  sought  for  by  the 
king,  54;  meets  with  Vanghan, 
55;  his  warning  to  Henry,  56; 
distrusts  the  clergy,  56;  second 
meeting  with  Vanghan,  58;  a 
gulf  between  him  and  the  king, 
58;  friend  of  Lambert,  92;  his 
translation  of  New  Testament 
read  in  London,  105,  111;  as- 
sisted by  Fryth,  140;  htttr  to 
Fryth,  144; 'another,  151;  at 
Antwei-j),  v.  29;  his  laliors  and 
charities,  30;  his  New  Ti-sta- 
nient  in  diniand.  30;  his  ])ro- 
test  of  integrity  as  translator, 
31 ;  Gardiner's  plot  against  him, 
35;  beset  by  (iardiner's  agents, 
35;  treacherously  arrested,  40; 


460 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


imprisoned  at  Vilvorde,  40  ; 
presents  his  New  Testament  to 
Queen  Anne,  122,  197;  his  pe- 
culiar work  as  translator,  214, 
215;  assisted  by  Rogers,  215; 
his  joy  at  the  printing  of  his 
translation,  216 ;  intercourse 
with  the  jailor  and  his  family, 
217;  efforts  of  Poyntz  to  save 
him,  218;  of  Cromwell,  219;  his 
liberation  promised,  219;  con- 
flict with  Romish  doctors,  220; 
abandoned  by  Henry  VIIL, 
221;  before  the  court,  222;  un- 
dertakes his  own  defence,  222; 
condemned,  223  ;  degraded, 
224;  his  religious  courage,  224; 
his  martyrdom,  225,  226;  cir- 
culation of  his  New  Testament, 
226  ;  sale  of  his  Bible  au- 
thorized by  Henry  VIIL,  227; 
universally  read,  228;  Hacket 
ordered  to  burn  his  New  Testa- 
ments, vi.  25;  they  are  imported 
in  Scotland,  25;  publication  of 
his  writings  at  Marburg,  30; 
new  edition  of  his  Bible,  viii. 
177,  178;  his  Bible  suppressed, 
but  issued  without  his  name,  260 

ULRJCR,  duke  of  Wiirtemberg, 
ii.  100;  expelled  from  his  states, 
100;  his  cause  supported  by 
France  at  Augsburg,  219,  221, 
226;  restored,  253,  255;  pro- 
motes reformation,  255 

Urdformiiy,  in  church  government 
and  worship,  ii.  97 

Union  with  God,  three  acts  neces- 
sary to,  i.  319 

United  Brethren,  The,  in  Bohemia, 
vii.  417;  diflerences  about  the 
Supper,  418;  condemned  by 
Luther,  418;  send  a  deputation 
to  him,  419;  send  a  statement 
of  their  views,  420 

Unity,  ecclesiastical,  sought  by 
three  parties,  iv.  348  sq. ;  com- 
mon leature  of  the  three,  350, 
372;  Roman  and  Christian  con- 
trasted, viii.  312 

Universities,  decisions  of,  on  di- 
vorce of  Heury  Till,  presented 
to  parliament,  iv.  67;  visitation 
of  English,  V.  84 


Upsala,  assembly  of,  re-estab- 
lishes Protestantism  in  Swe- 
den, vii.  340 

Urbino,  Duke  of,  at  war  with  Leo 
X.,  i.  114;  duchy  of,  ii.  149 

Utenhov,  Nicholas,  vii.  547 

VALDEZ,  Alfonso  de,  birth  of, 
iv.  454;  sees  Luther's  works 
burnt,  455;  his  Dialogue,  on 
events  at  Rome,  455  sq. ;  at- 
tacked by  Castiglione,  457;  de- 
fended by  his  brother,  457;  at 
Augsburg,  458;  viii.  3 

Valdez,  Juan  de,  birth  of,  iv.  454; 
his  Dialogue  hetiiceen  Mercury 
and  Charon,  457;  Hundred  Con- 
siderations, 457  note;  in  Italy, 
459;  character  of,  459,  460;  at 
Chiaja,  460;  Considerations,  466 
sq. ;  conversation  with  Giulia 
di  Gonzaga,  469  sq. ;  his  Spir- 
iiual  Al)ecedary,  469  note 

Valerio,  Rodrigo  de,  Spanish  re- 
former, his  birth  and  early  life, 
viii.  10,  11;  his  renunciation  of 
the  world,  11;  studies  the  Bi- 
ble, 12;  begins  to  pro^Dagate 
evangelical  doctrines,  12;  his 
labors  at  Seville,  21;  his  influ- 
ence over  Egidius,  24;  preaches 
publicly,  25;  arrested  by  the 
Inquisition,  defended  by  Egi- 
dius and  liberated,  25,  26 ; 
teaches  the  Gospel  privately, 
36;  then  publicly,  and  is  im- 
prisoned for  life  by  the  Inqui- 
sition, 36,  37;  his  death,  37 

Valeton,  Peter,  iii.  73;  arrested, 
110;  his  books  seized,  111;  tor- 
tured, 137;  burnt,  138 

Valladolid,  beginnings  of  refor- 
mation at,  viii.  21,  112 

Vandel,  Claude,  and  his  sons,  i, 
54;  the  father  kidnapped  by 
the  Bastard  of  Savoy,  biT;  liber- 
ated by  episcopal  council,  57, 
87;  syndic.  111,  134,  148,  206 

Vandel,  Hugues,  ambassador  to 
the  Swiss,  ii.  400 

Vandel,  Pierre,  i.  292;  iii.  277; 
wounded  in  the  Cathedral.  372, 
385;  proscribed  by  the  bishojo, 
439 ;  seized  and  imprisoned, 
441,  457;  leader  in  campaign 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


461 


against  idols,  v.  289,  305;  vi. 
435;  account  ol"  Lira,  -435;  gets 
possession  of  Calvin's  articles, 
435  ;  reads  them  before  the 
council,  436 
Vandel,  Kobert,  i.  207,  292,  293; 
wins  over  the  bishop  of  Gene- 
va, 297,  298;  at  election  of  syn- 
dics, 300;  defends  the  Kefor- 
ination,  310;  bishop's  envoy  to 
Friburg  and  Basel,  ii.  320;  a 
fray,  337,  348,  369;  envoy  to 
Switzerland,  381;  again,  415; 
^again,  450;  visits  Farel,  iii.  277 

Vandel,  Thomas,  v.  235 

Van  der  Hulst,  Franz,  inquisitor 
in  the  Netherlands,  vii.  491, 
493;  takes  the  lead  in  persecu- 
tion of  Henry  of  Zutphen,  497 

Vargas,  viii.  27;  interview  with 
Egidius,  28;  shares  the  labors 
of  Egidius  and  Ponce  de  la 
Fuente,  29;  his  death,  35 

Vatable,  Francis,  ii.  51;  cited,  59; 
accused  by  Beda,  230 

Vaudois,  in  Picardy,  i.  349 

Vaughan,  Stephen,*  sent  by  Hen- 
ry Vni.  to  find  Tyndale,  iv. 
54;  meets  with  him  at  Antwerp, 
55;  their  conference,  56;  sec- 
ond meeting,  58;  searches  for 
John  Fryth,  59;  envoy  to  Elec- 
tor of  Saxony,  165 

Vax,  Antonia,  account  of,  v.  244; 
consents  to  take  part  in  plot 
against  reformers  at  Geneva, 
245;  poisons  Viret,  246;  her  re- 
morse, 247  ;  tried,  and  con- 
demned, 248;  executed,  249 

Vedastes,  John,  i.  361,  362 

Venice,  appearance  of  Protestant- 
ism at,  iv.  410 

Vergara,  John  de,  his  attain- 
ments, viii.  13;  corrects  the 
Vulgate  and  is  arrested  by 
the  Inquisition,  13,  14 

Vergara,  Francis  de,  viii.  13 

Vergerio,  legato,  ])apal  ambas- 
sador at  Snialralde,  iv.  399  ; 
interview  with  Luther,  v.  108 

Vernou,  Jean,  iii.  40;  sent  by  Cal- 
vin to  preach,  58,  61 

Veron,  Anthony,  iii.  46 

Veron,  Philip,  sent  by  Calvin  to 
preach,  iii.  58,  59,  61,  62 


VIB 

Vever/,  Reformation  at,  vi.  267 

Viborg,  vii.  151;  free  school  at, 
151;  Keformation  at,  155;  de- 
parture of  the  monks,  167; 
a  printing-press  established, 
168 

'Vidamy,'  The,  of  Geneva,  i.  18; 
attempt  of  duke  of  Savoy  to 
usurp,  238,  242 

Vieune,  Archbishop  of,  i.  99;  sum- 
mons bisliop  of  Geneva  to  hear 
judgment  in  Pe'colat's  case,  99, 
100;  threatens  the  bishop  with 
excommunicatifm,  103;  his  offi- 
cial posts  up  the  excommuni- 
cation in  Geneva,  104;  his  cen- 
sures annulled  by  the  pope,  106 

Vten7ie,  persecution  at,  i.  10 

Fif//i7/.<?  of  Zuychem,  vii.  476;  his 
admiration  for  Erasmus,  476; 
President  of  Council  of  Mech- 
lin, 477;  President  of  Privy 
Council,  477;  inward  conflict, 
477;  secret  report  about  him, 
478;  his  moderation,  479 

Vilvorde,  castle  of,  v.  40 

Viret,  Pierre,  early  hfe  of,  iii.  220; 
goes  to  University  of  Paris,  221 ; 
meets  with  Farel,  221;  refuses 
the  tonsure,  222 ;  his  struggles, 
222;  friendship  with  Farel,  224; 
preaches  at  Orbe,  225;  his  place 
among  the  reformers,  225;  im- 
prisoned at  Orbe,  239;  accom- 
panies Bernese  embassy  to 
Geneva,  iv.  215;  at  the  tour- 
nament, 217;  presides  at  a  re- 
formed baptism,  249;  takes  part 
in  first  evangelical  Pentecost, 
281  ;  summoned  before  the 
Council,  306;  poisoned  by  An- 
tonia Vax,  V.  246  ;  contends 
with  Caroli  at  the  disputation, 
269;  preaches  at  Lausanne,  vi. 
230;  takes  part  in  the  dis- 
putation, 241  sqq. :  condemns 
image-worship,  262  ;  second 
pastor,  with  Caroli,  265.  266; 
dispute  with  him,  305,  306;  in- 
tervention of  Calvin,  306,  307; 
at  synod  of  Lausanne.  313; 
pleads  for  recall  of  Calvin  and 
Farel  to  Geneva.  433.  443;  goes 
to  Geneva,  vii.  12;  Calvin's  col- 
league,   56;    assists    Calvin    in 


462 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


preparing  the  Ordinances,  60; 
returns  to  Lausanne,  110 

Virgin,  Image  of  the,  at  Paris,  mu- 
tilated, i.  423  sqq. ;  processions, 
425,  426;  miracles,  426,  427;  at 
Geneva,  broken,  iv.  186;  ap- 
pearance of  the  Virgin,  at  Ge- 
neva, 279 

Virves,  Alfonso,  chaplain  to 
Charles  V.,  viii.  18;  slandered 
by  the  monks,  18;  his  esteem 
for  the  reformers,  18;  impris- 
oned by  the  Inquisition,  18; 
intervention  of  Charles  V.,  19; 
condemned,  19;  his  retracta- 
tion, 19;  liberated  and  made  a 
bishop,  19;  his  Philippicoe  Dis- 
putationes,  19 

Viry,  Sire  de,  ii.  382;  withdraws 
from  attack  on  Geneva,  384 

Vore,  Barnabas,     [De  la  Fosse"] 

Voruz,  Sieur  de,  betrays  Boni- 
vard  to  duke  of  Savoy,  i.  185, 
186;  his  reward,  186 

Vuillei,  Messire,  governor  of  Gex, 
his  treacherous  visit  to  Hugues, 
i.  271;  his  prey  escapes  him, 
274;  orders  pursuit,  274 

WAJM,  Gervais,  envoy  of  Fran- 
cis I.  to  German  princes,  ii.  72 ; 
his  rashness  at  Wittenberg,  72 

Waldenses,  The,  ii.  102;  iii.  245, 
246;  send  a  deputy  to  Witten- 
berg, 246;  synod  at  Merindol, 
246;  deputation  (Morel  and 
Masson)  to  (Ecolampadius, 
247 ;  story  of  Peter  Waldo, 
248 ;  confessions  of  the  Barbes, 
249;  the  deputies  go  to  Stras- 
burg,  250;  are  imprisoned  at 
Dijon,  Masson  put  to  death, 
250;  synod  proposed,  Farel  in- 
vited, 251;  tell  their  story  at 
Granson,  251;  two  parties  at 
the  synod,  255;  synod  opened, 
255;  new  confession  signed, 
258 ;  old  mjinuscripts,  259  ; 
agree  to  French  translation  of 
the  Bible,  260;  contribute  to 
Ohvetan's,  304 

Wallachia,  the  waywode  has  au- 
dience of  Francis  I.,  ii.  248 

Wallop,  Sir  John,  ambassador  in 
France,  viii.  210,  211 


Waltham  Abbey,  the  monks  net- 
ted, V.  81,  82 

Warham,  William,  archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  iv.  13;  proposes  a 
compromise  on  supremacy,  64; 
orders  exhumation  and  burn- 
ing of  Tracy's  remains,  76;  ex- 
amines Lambert,  94,  presides 
at  examination  of  Latimer,  99; 
invites  him  to  visit  him,  100; 
excommunicates  him,  101;  his 
character,  protest  against  ref- 
ormation, 113;  death,  113,  116; 
his  belief  in  Maid  of  Kent,  v.  10 

Watteville,  J.  J.  de,  avoyer  of 
Berne,  i.  174;  deputy  to  Gene- 
va, ii.  445;  intervenes  at  Gran- 
son, iii.  241 ;  encounter  with  the 
sentinels,  241 ;  re%iews  the  Ber- 
nese army,  v.  375,  ambassador 
to  disputation  of  Lausanne,  vi. 
239 ;  presides  at  synod  of  Berne, 
328;  deputy  to  Geneva,  517 

Wernli,  Peter,  Canon  of  Geneva, 
iii.  363,  368,  396;  his  activity, 
406;  conducts  high  mass,  408; 
prepared  for  battle,  412;  his 
appeal,  415;  gives  the  signal 
for  battle,  416;  slain,  417;  his 
body  found,  419;  consequences 
of  his  death,  420;  the  funeral, 
421;  a  miracle,  422;  removal  of 
the  body  to  Friburg,  422,  425, 
447,  454;  iv.  194 

Wessel,  Johan,  vii.  482 

Westeraas,  Diet  of,  vii.  281;  the 
banquet,  282;  secret  meeting 
of  the  bishops,  283;  their  en- 
gagement, 284;  speech  of  the 
chancellor,  285;  speech  of  the 
king,  his  abdication,  287,  288; 
popular  agitation,  289;  discus- 
sion between  Olaf  and  Peter 
Galle,  290;  return  of  the  king, 
293;  Compact  of,  signed,  295 

Weston,  Sir  Francis,  charge 
against  him,  v.  134;  at  Green- 
wich tournament,  138;  arrest 
of,  139;  examined,  148;  indict- 
ed, 153;  tried  and  sentenced  to 
death,  154;  beheaded,  159 

Westphnlin,  conflicts  of  the  Ref- 
ormation in,  viii.  329 

Wickliffe,  John,  iv.  2;  known  in 
Poland,  \ii.  422 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


4G3 


WUdermuth,  Jucob,  account  of,  v. 
320;  undertakes  to  help  Gene- 
va, 321;  takes  command  of  aux- 
iliaries,   324  ;    dismisses    cow- 
ards, 326;   his  plan  of  march, 
327;    in    the    Jura,    329    sq.; 
guides   offered,   330;   the   men 
betrayed,   332;   defeats   Savoy- 
ards at  Gingins,  334  sq. ;  duped 
by   Savoyards   at    Coppet,    re- 
turns home,  350 
William  of  Orange,  i.  5 
William,  of  Zwoll,  preaches  and 
is  an-ested,   vii.  526;  bm-nt  at 
Mechlin,  527 
Wiltshire,  Earl  of,  ambassador  to 
Charles  V.  and  the  pope,  iv.  22, 
24;  audience  with  the  pope,  25; 
audience  with  Charles  V.,  26; 
reproved  by  Charles,  26;  con- 
ference with  De  Gramont,  27; 
presents  Cranmer's  book  to  the 
pope,  28;  retui-ns  to  England, 
28;   at   the   coronation   of  his 
daughter  Anne,    136 ;    one   of 
Fryth's  examiners,  151;  v.  126, 
136,  155 
Winding-sheet,  Holy,  Feast  of  the, 

iii.  407 
Windsor,  persecution  of  evangel- 
icals at,  viii.  265,  266 
Wingle,  Pierre  de,  printer,  v.  272, 

273 
Winsheim,  Dr. ,  professes  evangel- 
ical faith  in  Hungary,  vii.  346; 
banished,  becomes  professor  at 
Wittenberg,  354 
Wishart,  George,  account  of,  vi. 
185;  his  return  to  Scotland, 
185;  preaches  at  Dundee,  186; 
forbidden  to  preach,  186;  goes 
to  Ayr,  preaches  in  the  market- 
place, 187;  in  country  places, 
188;  returns  to  Dundee  on  out- 
break of  the  plague,  188;  at- 
tempt to  murder  him,  189 ; 
escapes  ambuscade  of  the  car- 
dinal, 190;  at  Invergowrie,  his 
night  of  prayer,  190;  at  Lcith, 
192;  prohibited  preaching  in 
Haddingtonshire,  194;  his  last 
sermon,  195;  dismisses  Knox, 
195;  arrested  by  Both  well,  196; 
imprisoned  at  Hailes,  197 ; 
given  up   to  the  regent,   and 


by  him  to  the  cardinal,  197; 
cited  before  the  cardinal,  198; 
his  trial,  198-203;  sentenced  to 
death,  203;  the  communion  re- 
fused him,  204;  prcpanitions 
for  his  execution,  205;  his  mar- 
tyrdom, 206,  207;  its  effects  in 
Scotland,  207,  208 
Wittenberg  and  Geneva,  i.  183,  191; 
first  echo  of  Wittenberg  at  Ge- 
neva, 209,  216,  305;  ii.  434,  437 
Wittenberg,  discussion  between 
English  and  German  divines 
at,  V.  116,  117;  the  plague  at, 
vi.  36,  37;  the  university  trans- 
ferred to  Jena,  37 
Wolfgang,  prince  of  Anhalt,  signs 
Confession  of  Augsburg,  viii. 
323  ^ 

Wolmar,  Michael,  ii.   9,   10,   11; 
called  to  Bourges,  23;  his  ap- 
peal to  Calvin,  25 
Wolsey,  Cardinal,  i.  356;  iv.  44, 

60,  61 
Women,  join   Catholic  bands  at 
Geneva,  iii.  383,  384;  weep  and 
pray,  391 
Wormorsen,    Francis,   Carmelite, 
preaches  at  Malmoe,  vii.  159; 
professor  there,  169;  his  apol- 
ogy for  the  evangelicals,   206; 
made  bishop  of  Lund,  222 
Worms,  Conference  of  theologians 
at,  vii.  8;  transfen-ed  to  liatis- 
bon,  18 
Wriothesley,   Chancellor  of  Eng- 
land, conducts  negotiation  for 
marriage  of  Henry  VIII.   with 
duchess  of  Milan,  viii.  174;  ar- 
rests Cromwell,  210;  takes  part 
in  examination  of  Anne  Askew, 
276;  tortures  her,  281;  presides 
at  her  burning,  283,  287,  289; 
with  Gardiner  intrigues  against 
the  queen,  289;  aids  in  draw- 
ing up  bill  of  indictment.  290; 
drops  it  in  the  imlacc.  291;  at- 
tempts to  arrest  the  queen,  296; 
in   disgrace,    297;   investigates 
charges  against  Norfolk  and  his 
son,  300,  301 
Wiirtembcrg,  duchy  of,  affairs  of, 
ii.  100  sqq.;  215.  216,  217,  220; 
treaty  between  Francis  I.  and 
Philip  of  Hesse  for  deliverance 


464 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


of,  226;  preparations  for  war, 
251;  restoration  of  Duke  Ulrich, 
253,  254;  opened  to  the  Befor- 
mation,  255 

Wyatt,  Sir  Thomas,  ambassador, 
quoted,  viii.  175  n. ;  his  inter- 
view with  Charles  V.,  199  sqq. 

Wynram,  Gilbert,  accompanies 
Patrick  Hamilton  to  the  Neth- 
erlands, vi.  29 

TOBKSniRE,  CathoHc  revolt  in, 
V.  206 

Tvonand,  iii.  298,  300 

Yverdun,  sends  a  procession  to 
Granson,  iii.  239;  taken  by  the 
Bernese,  vi.  229 ;  the  Refor- 
mation introduced  by  force, 
229 

ZAPOLTA,  bead  of  the  gran- 
dees of  Hungary,  vii,  357 ; 
crowned  King  of  Hungary,  3G4; 
opposed  by  Ferdinand  of  Aus- 
tria, 364;  publishes  edict  against 
the  Lutherans,  364;  supported 
by  Solyman,  370;  does  homage 
to  him,  371;  imprisons  Devay 
at  Buda,  377;  liberates  him, 
378;  concludes  agreement  with 
Ferdinand,  390;  marries  Isa- 
bella of  Poland,  390;  his  death, 
his  son  proclaimed  king,  391 

ZapoJya,    John    Sigismund,    pro- 


ZWT 

claimed  King  of  Hungary,  vii. 
391 ;  supported  by  Solyman,  391 

Zell,  Matthew,  his  preaching  at 
Strasburg,  i.  339,  361;  ii.  246; 
receives  Calvin,  iii.  150;  prose- 
cuted, 151 ;  his  wife  Catherine, 
15] ;  lodges  persecuted  Chris- 
tians, 151;  Catherine's  failings, 
152,  153 

Zoete,  Louis  de,  agent  of  the  In- 
quisition, meets  Enzinas  at 
Mechlin,  viii.  90 

Zurich,  i.  182,  277,  310:  ii.  390, 
392,  399,  400;  treaty  with  land- 
grave of  Hesse,  420,  442,  443; 
defeat  at  Cappel,  444;  synod  of 
reformed  churches  at,  vi.  420; 
articles  of  Calvin  and  Farel  ap- 
proved by  the  synod,  and  their 
recall  recommended,  425;  vii. 
43,  44;  English  students  at,  viii. 
143,  144 

Zwinglius,  i.  201,  277;  his  special 
work,  319,  352;  ii.  311,  313, 
314 ;  encourages  Ab  Hofen, 
314,  436,  438,  439,  443;  iii.  49, 
165;  condemns  divorce  of  Hen- 
ry VIII. ,  iv.  42 ;  his  works  read 
in  Italy,  408,  461 ;  a  man  of  ac- 
tion, \-ii.  114;  his  views  com- 
pared with  Calvin's,  117;  his 
doctrine  received  in  Hungary, 
389,  395 ;  intercourse  with  Alas- 
co,  435 ;  defended  by  Alasco,  436 


THE     END. 


530  BROADWAY,  NEW  YORK. 
November,  1877. 


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other  peculiarities  of  this  interesting  people  now  brought  with  unusual  prominence  before  the 
public. 

BRIGHTER  THAN  THE  SUN  ; 

Or,  Christ  the  Light  of  the  World.  A  life  "of  our  Lord,  by  J.  R.  Macditfp, 
D.D.,  with  IG  full  page  engravings,  by  Rowan.  Printed  on  superfine  paper, 
and  elegantly  bound,  in  black  and  gold 3.50 

THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH. 

A  new  volume  of  the  "Word  Series,"  by  the  author  of  the  "Wide,  Wide, 
World."      IGmo 

THE  HIDDEN  LIFE. 

Thoughts  on  Communion  with  God.  By  Rev.  Adolph  Saphir.  12mo....  1.50 
"  Mr.  Saphir's  unusually  able,  devout,  and  attractive  works  are  gradually  making  him  known 
to  a  wider  circle  than  can  directly  feel  the  influence  of  his  talent,  learning,  genius,  and  fervor 
in  his  pulpit  in  the  West  of  London,  In  Great  Britain,  and  by  Continental  scholars,  like  De- 
litzsch,  he  is  recognized  as  one  of  the  most  instructive  and  original  theological  and  religious 
writers  of  the  day." — Prificeton  Review. 

ABRAHAM  THE  FRIEND  OF  GOD. 


A  Study  from  Old  Testament  History.     By  J.  Oswald  Dykes,  D.D.12rao  1.50 

"  His  style  is  full  of  vigor.  Everywhere  appear  the  evidences  of  strength  and  culture.  Ha 
is  never  commonplace.  He  is  never  extravagant.  His  mental  self-poise  seems  equally  con- 
stant and  complete.  The  tone  of  his  intellect  is  very  high,  and  the  moral  elevation  of  his 
teaching  would  at  once  strike  any  susceptible  and  appreciative  reader.  He  is  never  one-sided 
or  extravagaat. 


Roherf  Carter  S  Brothers'  New  Books. 


BIBLE  ECHOES. 

By  the  Rev.  James  Wells.     Illustrated 

DR.  HODGE'S  COMMENTARY  ON  ROMANS. 

New  edition.     12mo 1.75 

THE  PERSON  OF  CHRIST. 

By  the  Rev.  A.  A.  Bonar.     (From  the  fifteenth  thousand  of  the  Scotch  edi- 
tion.)    18mo 0.50 

A  KNIGHT  OF  TO-DAY. 


By  L.  T,  Meade,  author  of  "Scamp  and  I."  

DAVIDS  LITTLE  LAD. 

By  the  same  author.      Illustrated 1.25 

FOR  HIS  SAKE. 

A  Tale  of  the  days  of  Queen  Mary.     By  Emily  Sarah  Holt 

THE  CHRISTIAN  S  HERITAGE  ; 

And  other  Sermons.    By  the  late  Melancthon  W.  Jacobus,  D.D.    A  Memorial 
Volume,  with  Portrait.     12mo  

FOOTSTEPS  OF  ST.  PETER. 


Being  the  Life  and  Times  of  the  Apostle.     By  J.  R.  Macduff,  D.D.     With  nu- 
merous illustrations 2.00 

"  As  a  poet  Dr.  Macduff  is  enabled  to  invest  his  subject  with  all  the  attractions  of  imagina- 
'ive  description.  As  a  Biblical  scholar  he  makes  every  page  sparkle  v^'ith  Scriptural  thought 
and  illustration.  As  a  traveler  in  the  regions  he  seeks  to  describe,  he  is  able  to  present  the 
very  scenery  and  society  in  which  the  great  Apostle  moved." — Scotsman. 

MOORE^S  FORGE. 

A  Tale.     By  the  author  of  "Win  and  Wear.'       IGmo 1.25 

A  fresh,  admirable  American  story. 

THE  HIGHLAND  SERIES. 

By  the  author  of  "  Win  and  Wear  Series."     6  vols.,  in  a  box 7.50 

COMPRISING 

Who  Won 1.25         Brentford  Parsoyiage 1.35 

Mabel  Hazard 1.25  Comfort  Strong 1.25 

Doors  Outward 1.25         Moore  s  Forge 1.25 

"  Who  the  author  may  be  we  do  not  know.  We  know  her  only  as  the  richly  gifted  writer  of 
several  most  excellent  pleasing  and  useful  volumes." — Christian  Advocate, 

A  PEEP  BEHIND  THE  SCENES, 

By  Mrs.  Walton,  author  of  "  Christie's  Old  Organ.'       IGmo.      5  illus...   1.25 


Rohcrf  Carter  cC'  Brofhcrs'  Kew   BooJcs. 


BLACKBERRY  JAM. 

A  Tale  by  Joaxna  H.   Mathews,  rxuthor  of  the  "  Bessie  Books,"  &c.     IGmo 
8  illustrations .,. 

Ky  the  same  author  : 

The  Bessie  Books.     6  vols 7.50         KUt!/ and  Lulu  Books.    6  vols..     GOO 

The  Floicerets.     6  vols 3.G0         Miss  Ashlon' s  Girls.     G  vols 7  50 

Little  Sunbeams.     G  vols G.OO         Little  Friends  at  Glenwood. 1.25 

Broken  Mallet i.^j 

By  her  Sister: 
Golden  Ladder  Series.     G  vols....  3.00         Dare  to  Do  Right  Series.    5  vols.  5.50 

Drayton  LLall  Series.     G  vols 4.5O         Lilies  and  Thistledown l.;:5 

Uncle  Joe's  Thanksgiving 1.25         Katy  and  Jim ijs 


NELLIES  SECRET. 

16mo 

HIS  GRANDCHILD. 


1.00 


A  Tale.     By  the  author  of  "  Nellie's  Secret."     16mo 1.00 

PINE  NEEDLES. 

By  the  author  of  the  "Wide,  Wide  World.'       12mo 1.50 

"We  recommend  this,  Miss  Warner's  last  work,  very  heartily.  It  is  an  excellent  book.  It 
can  be  read  on  the  Lord's  day,  fur  it  is  concerning  the  Lord's  people  and  His  work.  It  is  a 
book  that  will  bear  the  sev.re  test  of  being  read  aloud  to  the  family  circle.  It  is  admirably 
adapted  to  such  a  msg."— Chris iian  Intelligencer. 

PEEP  OF  DAY  LIBRARY. 

Containing  "Peep  of  Day,"  "Sequel  to  Peep  of  Day,"  "Line  upon  Line," 
"Precept  upon  Precept,"   "Kings  of  Israel,"    "Kings  of  Juduh."   "Captivity  of 

Judah,"    "Story  of  the  Apostles."     8  vols.     18mo.,  in  a  box 150 

Or,  separately  : 

Peep  of  Day.     ISmo 0.50  Captivity  of  Judah.      ISmo O.GO 

Line  vpon  Line.     ISmo 0.50         Story  of  the  Apostles.      ISmo O.GO 

Brecept  vpon  Precept.     ISmo 0.50  The  Kings  of  Israel- and  Judah. 

Sequel  to  Peep  of  Day.     ISmo...  O.GO  In  one  vol.      IGmo J.25 

"Anything  written  by  the  author  of  'Peep  of  Day'  will  find  readers  in  Christi.in  house- 
holds. Half  a  million  copies  of  that  charming  book  attest  the  author's  remarkable  &ucceu  in 
writing  for  children." — Observer. 

An  aggregate  of  1,500,000  volumes  of  the  different  works  by  this  author  have  been 
gold  in  England  ulone. 


Bohcrt   Carter  cf-  Brothers^  Xcw   Bool:. 


ELLAS  HALF  SOVEREIGN. 

16mo 

1  9S 

CHRISTIES  OLD  ORGAN. 

]8mo 

0.50 

A  capital  judge  of  books  says  of  "  Christie's  Old  Organ  :"  "  It  is  for  its  purpose  the  most 
admirable  book  I  have  ever  met.  It  is  perfect  in  its  adaptation  for  the  work  of  leading  t!ie 
lowly,  the  ignorant,  the  weak  and  depraved  to  Christ.  Nowhere  have  I  seen  the  story  of  the 
Cross  so  simply  and  yet  impressively  told." 

JACK  O'LANTERN. 


A  delightful  book  for  little  children.     8  illustrations.     16mo 1.25 

THE  GIANT  KILLER.  AND  SEQUEL. 

By  A.  L.  0.  E.     16mo.     Illustrated  edition 1.25 

"  A  religious  allegory.  Faith  is  a  Knight  in  panoply  who  goes  out  to  contend  with  Giants 
such  as  Sloth,  Selfishness,  Untruth,  Hate,  and  Pride.  The  book  is  a  description  of  the  battle 
that  all  must  fight,  and  is  deeply  instructive  and  entertaining." — Advertiser. 

NEW   BOOKS   BY  A.   L.    O.   E.  : 

Indian  Stories.     18mo 0.75 

Victory  Stories.     16mo 1.25 

The  A.  L.  0.  E.  Library.     55  vols 4O.OO 

Heroes  of  Israel.     5  vols 5.00 

THE  SEED  OF  THE  CHURCH. 

A  Tale  of  the  Days  of  Trajan.     By  H.  M.  Dickinson.     16mo 1.25 

LETTICE  EDEN. 

By  E.AiiLY  Sarah  Holt.     12mo 1.50 

LITTLE  AND  WISE. 

By  the  Rev.  Wm.  W.  Newton.     IGmo -- 1.25 

"  A  charming  volume.  .  .  .  The  stories  and  anecdotes,  so  plentifully  given,  really  illus- 
trate the  chapters  in  which  they  appear,  without  being  mere  gratuitous  sugar-plums  ;  and  the 
didactic  element  is  very  far  removed  from  dryness.  The  child  that  does  not  enjoy  the  book  is 
a  fit  subject  for  a  physician's  instant  attendance,  it  is  so  healthy  in  tone  and  so  agreeable  in 
manner.  Mr.  Nkwton  seems  likely  to  inherit  his  father's  mantle  vhen  that  most  eminent  of 
children's  preachers  shall  have  completed  his  •wor\i:'— Independent. 

RAYS  FROM  THE  SUN  OF  RIGHTEOUSNESS. 

By  Richard  Newton,  D.D.     IGmo 1.25 

By  the  same  author: 
The  Jewel  Case.     6  vols 7.50         The  Wonder  Case.     6  vols 7.50 


Rohcrt  Carter  cf-  Brothers'  Neiu  BooTcs.  5 

^ifc  "  ■■  — -—^■^———^-^— >————.— ————— .-.^^.__^_^___^_^^ 

SERVANTS  OF  CHRIST. 

18mo 0  50 

"Just  the  book  to  put  into  the  hands  of  young  Christians."— CAr/i//a«  InteUigeruer. 

A  HERO  IN  THE  BATTLE  OF  LIFE. 

By  the  author  of  the  "  Memorials  of  Captain  Vicars."     18mo 0.50 

"No  Christian  can  read  this  book  without  having  higher  conceptions  of  his  duty  to  his 
IjOrd." — Episcopal  Rtgisi0r. 

BERNARDINO  OCHINQ  OF  SIENA. 

By  Karl  Benrath.     8vo 2.50 

"  The  discovery  of  a  great  soul  is  greater  than  the  discovery  of  a  continent,  and  the  perusal 
of  the  story  of  Ochino  has  been  like  the  discovery  of  a  new  soul  and  a  truly  grand  one  to  us. 
It  presents  a  valuable  and  interesting  picture  of  religious  life  in  the  Sixteenth  Century."— 
Harper's  Magazing. 

SCAIVIP  AND  L 

12mo 1.25 

"  It  Is  touching  in  the  extreme,  and  often  literal  to  a  degree  which  would  do  credit  to  th« 
close  observation  of  Dickens  or  Farjeon."— C/ir/j</a«  Union. 

FIGHTING  THE  FOE. 

12mo 1.50 

"  A  capital  book  for  children  Is  'Fighting  the  Foe.'  It  contains  twenty-five  well-told  stories, 
strung  together  by  a  simple  chain.  The  stories  such  as  '  Giant  Gain  and  Dwarf  Grudge,'  might 
be  well  pondered  by  older  people  than  those  who  usually  attend  our  Sunday  Schools."— CArxj- 
tian  Intelligencer. 

OLIVER  OF  THE  MILL. 

By  the  author  of  "  Ministering  Cliildren."     12mo ^ 1.50 

"  Our  5'oung  readers  will  follow  with  pleasure  the  growth  of  Oliver  up  to  manhood  and  the 
manly,  Christian  development  of  his  character,  and  we  trust  the  many  thousands  to  whom 
♦Ministering  Children,'  and  its  '  Sequel'  have  been  pleasant  and  useful,  will  find  an  equal  sat- 
isfaction in  the  present  work." — Northern  Christian  Advocate. 

DR.  GUTHRIE'S  AUTOBIOGRAPHY  AND  MEIVIOIR. 

Kew  edition  in  one  volume.     12mo 2.00 

(The  fine  edition  in  two  vols,  reduced  to  $3.00.) 

DR.  GUTHRIE^S  LIFE  AND  WORKS. 

11  vols.,  12mo.,  uniform,  in  a  boi 15.00 


6  Uobert  Carter  &  Brothers'  N'eio  BooJcs. 

■    — — —  I  ■  ~»ii»^~^» 

FOURTH    EDITION    OF 

FORTY  YEARS  IN  THE  TURKISH  EMPIRE. 

Or,  Memoir  of  Dr.  Goodell.     By  Dr.  Pkime.     12mo 2.50 

FOUKTH   EDITION   OP 

ALL  ABOUT  JESUS. 

By  the  Rev.  Alex.  Dickson.     12mo 2.00 

NEW   AND   NEAT   EDITION    OF 

HUGH  MILLER^S  LIFE  AND  WORKS. 

12  vols.     12mo.,  uniform 18.00 

THE  TRUE  MAN. 

And  other  Practical  Sermons.     By  Rev.  Samuel  S.  Mitchell,  D.D 1.50 

GOLD  THREAD  AND  WEE  DAVIE. 

By  Norman  MACLEOD,  D.D.     New  edition.     16mo 0.75 

THE  MARINER^S  PROGRESS. 

By  Duncan  Macgregor.     IGmo 1.25 

THE  DEVELOPMENT  HYPOTHESIS, 

IS  IT  SUFFICIENT  ?     By  James  McCosh,  D.D.,  L.L.D,     12mo.,  limp...  0.50 

THE  JUDGMENT  OF  JERUSALEM. 

By  William  Patton,  D.D.     12mo 1.25 

MY  OLD  LETTERS. 

A  Poem.     By  IIoRATius  BoNAR,  D.D.     12mo 2.00 

HOLIDAY  HOUSE. 

By  Catherine  Sinclair.     New  edition,  illustrated.     16mo 1.25 

PRAYING  AND  WORKING. 

By  Stevenson.     New  edition.     16mo 1.00 

THE  BLESSED  HOPE  ; 

Or,  The  Glorious  Coming  of  the  Lord.     By  Willis  Lord,  D.D 1.25 


IMPORTANT  BIBLE  HELPS. 


*HENRY'S    COMMENTARY. 

REDUCED  IN  PEICE ! 

5  vols.,  quarto,  sheep 20.00 

9  vols.,  8vo.,  cloth 20.00 

"  It  has  now  lasted  more  than  one  hundred  years,  and  is  at  this  moment  more  popular  than 
ever,  and  it  bids  fair  to  be  the  Comment  for  all  coming  time."— Z>/-.  Jatnes  Hamilton. 

"  First  among  the  mighty  for  general  usefulness  we  are  bound  to  mention  the  man  whose 
name  is  a  household  word,  Matthew  Henky.  He  is  most  pious  and  pithy,  sound  and  sensU 
ble,  suggestive  and  sober,  terse  and  trustworthy.  You  will  find  him  to  be  glittering  with  me- 
taphors, rich  in  analogies,  overflowing  with  illustrations,  superabundant  in  reflections.  Every 
minister  ought  to  read  Matthew  Hknky  entirely  and  carefully  through  once  at  least.  Begin 
at  the  beginning,  and  resolve  that  you  will  traverse  the  goodly  land  from  Dan  to  Beersheba.  I 
venture  to  say  that  no  better  investment  can  be  made  by  any  minister,  than  that  peerless  ex- 
position."— Sptirgeon. 

"  Taken  as  a  whole,  this  Commentary  may  be  said  to  combine  more  excellence  than  any 
work  of  the  kind  that  was  ever  written  in  any  language."— Z>r.  Archibald  Alexander. 

^POOL'S  ANNOTATIONS  ON  THE  BIBLE. 


3  vols.,  8vo.,  sheep 15.00 

"  You  meet  with  no  ostentation  of  learning  in  Matthew  Pool,  and  that  for  the  simple  re«- 
that  he  was  so  profoundly  learned  as  to  give  results  without  a  display  of  his  intellectual 
crozV^xy  "Spurgeoti, 

KITTO'S  BIBLE  ILLUSTRATION?. 

4  vols.,  thick  12mo 7.00 

In  8  vols.,  very  neat 10.00 

•*  They  are  not  exactly  commentaries,  but  what  marvellous  expositions  you  have  there  I  You 
have  reading  more  interesting  than  any  novel  that  was  ever  written,  and  as  instructive  as  the 
heaviest  theology.  The  matter  is  quite  attractive  and  fascinating,  and  yet  so  weighty,  that  the 
man  who  shall  study  those  four  volumes  thoioughly,  will  not  fail  to  read  his  Bible  intelligently 
and  with  growing  interest."— i"/«r^,?^«. 

SYNOPTICAL  LECTURES  ON  THE  BOOKS  OF  THE  BIBLE. 

By  Donald  Fuaser.     3  vols G.OO 

"  Dr.  Fraser  has  observed,  like  many  others  of  us,  the  mischief  which  results  from  cutting 
the  Bible  into  fragments,  and  using  it  piecemeal.  In  these  volumes  he  discourses  of  the  Biblo 
at  large,  indicates  the  scope  of  each  book,  and  furnishes  a  brief  digest  of  its  contents.  The 
design  was  in  itself  most  laudable,  and  it  has  been  well  carried  out." — Spurgeon. 

*HORNPS  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  STUDY  OF  THE  BIBLE. 

Royal  Svo.     2vols.ini.     Sheep r..00 

"  It  is  a  work  of  gigantic  labor.  The  results  of  the  research  and  erudition  of  BiMical  schol< 
ars  of  all  countries  and  in  all  times,  are  faithfully  garnered."— A''.  Y.  Evangelist, 


Important  BihU  Helps. 


PR,  BONAR^S  BIBLE  THOUGHTS  AND  THEMES. 

Genesis.     12mo 2.00         Acts,  ka.     12mo 2.00 

01(1  Testament.     12mo 2.00         Lesser  Epistles.     12nio 2.00 

Gospels.     12mo 2.00    .    Revelation.      12mo 2.00 

"With  no  attempt  at  exposition,  except  what  is  found  in  comparing  Scripture  with  Scrip)- 
ture,  and  drawing  illustrations  and  means  of  impressing  rich  gospel  truth  from  almost  every 
source,  the  author  proceeds  with  theme  upon  theme,  giving  floods  of  edifying  and  comforting 
light  from  beginning  to  end.  It  is  a  good  book  for  the  private  Christian  to  have  on  his  table 
for  frequent  use,  and  ministers  will  often  find  in  it  that  which  will  be  suggestive  and  useful."— 
Christian  Instructor. 

DR.  HANNA'S  LIFE  OF  CHRIST. 

3  vols.     12mo 4  50 

"  We  can  heartily  commend  the  '  Life  of  our  Lord,'  by  Dr.  Hanna."— C^w^V  Quarterly. 

"  Besides  the  beauty  of  the  style  and  the  careful  scholarship  which  mark  these  volumes,  we 
cannot  too  warmly  commend  them  for  their  deep  piety  and  hearty  enforcement  of  the  doctrines 
of  Christianity." — IST.  Y.  Observer. 

RYLE'S  NOTES  ON  THE  GOSPELS. 


7  vols.,  12mo 10.50 

"It  is  the  kernels  without  the  shells,  expressed  in  language  adapted  to  the  quick  comprehen- 
sion of  all  readers." — Christian  Union. 

"  These  volumes  are  never  taken  down  by  us  without  an  increased  respect  for  his  wonderful 
power  in  seizing  the  /racticanmport  and  bearing  of  a  series  of  verses.  No  commentator,  an- 
cient or  modern,  living  or  dead,  that  we  have  ever  come  in  contact  with,  equals  him  in  this 
respect." — Southern  Churchtnan. 

DR.  JACOBUS'  NOTES. 

Genesis.     12mo 1.50         Luke  andJohn.     12mo 1.50 

Matthew  and  Mark.     12mo 1.50        Acts.     12mo 1.50 

Drs.  Hodge,  Green,  and  others  of  Princeton,  say:  "The  excellent  Commentaries  of  Dr. 
Jacobus  have  deservedly  attained  a  high  reputation,  and  their  wide  circulation  proves  how  well 
they  are  adapted  to  the  wants  of  both  ministers  and  laymen.  They  present,  in  a  brief  com- 
pass, the  results  of  extensive  erudition,  abound  in  judicious  exposition  and  pertinent  illustra- 
tion, and  are,  moreover,  distinguished  by  doctrinal  soundness,  evangelical  character,  and  an 
eminently  devout  spirit." 

THE  ARGUMENT  OF  THE  BOOK  OF  JOB  UNFOLDED. 

By  WiLLiAxM  Henry  Green,  D.D.     12mo 1.75 

"  That  ancient  composition,  so  marvelous  in  beauty,  and  so  rich  in  philosophy,  is  here  treated 
In  a  thoroughly  analytical  manner,  and  new  depths  and  grander  proportions  of  the  divine  origi- 
nal portrayed.     It  is  a  book  to  stimulate  re^ezxch..'' ^Methodist  Recorder. 

COMMENTARY  ON  LEVITICUS. 


By  Rev.  A.  A.  Bonar,  D.D.     l2mo 1.75 

*  Very  precious.  Mr.  Andrew  Bonar  has  a  keen  eye  for  a  typical  analogy,  but  he  always 
keeps  the  rein  upon  his  imagination,  and  is  therefore  safe  to  follow.  He  is  a  master  in  Israel." 
Spurgeon. 


DATE  DUE 


Demco,  Inc.  38-293 


